Academic literature on the topic 'Government criticism'
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Journal articles on the topic "Government criticism"
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Wardaniah, Rani. "Kritik Terhadap Pelayanan Publik Pemerintah Daerah di Indonesia." Dialektika Publik : Jurnal Administrasi Negara Universitas Putera Batam 6, no. 1 (April 12, 2022): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.33884/dialektikapublik.v6i1.5491.
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This study aims to analyze the criticism of local government public services in Indonesia. Complex problems with public services that often occur in services at the local government level. This is because the local government is an extension of the central government to provide rights and obligations in meeting the needs of the community as citizens. This study uses descriptive qualitative research methods to analyze in depth related to criticism of public services in local governments. The data obtained through 25 local and national online news and 25 national journal articles. The results of the analysis of this study indicate that the causes of criticism of public services are; 1) Undeveloped Performance Culture; 2) Incompetent human resources for apparatus, 3) Overlapping tasks, 4) Rule-based or bureaucratic mindset, 5) lack of understanding of standards. This study aims to analyze criticisms of local government public services in Indonesia. Complex problems with public services that often occur in services at the local government level. This is because the local government is an extension of the central government to provide rights and obligations in meeting the needs of the community as citizens. This study uses descriptive qualitative research methods to analyze in depth related to criticism of public services in local governments. The data obtained through 25 local and national online news and 25 national journal articles. The results of the analysis of this study indicate that the causes of criticism of public services are; 1) Undeveloped Performance Culture; 2) incompetent human resources for apparatus, 3) overlapping tasks, 4) rule-based or bureaucratic mindset, 5) low understanding of public service standards.
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Muzakka, Moh. "Kritik Sosial dalam Lirik Lagu “Indonesia” Karya Rhoma Irama." Nusa: Jurnal Ilmu Bahasa dan Sastra 14, no. 2 (May 30, 2019): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/nusa.14.2.217-226.
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Rhoma Irama is a multi-talented artist who is very popular today. He has created many songs with many themes as well. One of the songs that voiced about nationalism, titled "Indonesia". However, in the lyrics of the song, he criticized the government because of social inequality that occurred in this rich and fertile country. Therefore, in this paper the author will uncover any social criticism that appears in the lyrics of the song "Indonesia" with the sociological approach to literature.The results showed that in the song lyrics, Rhoma Irama made three criticisms to the government, namely (1) criticism of social class disparities, (2) criticism of the rampant corruption in bureaucracy, and (3) criticism of unfair government policies.
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Chen, Dan. "“Supervision by Public Opinion” or by Government Officials? Media Criticism and Central-Local Government Relations in China." Modern China 43, no. 6 (May 6, 2017): 620–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700417706704.
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Despite the sophisticated control of media in China, criticism of the party-state is not uncommon. Why does the authoritarian regime allow criticism? This article offers an explanation based on political institutions. It examines central-local government relations and finds that criticism can help advance the interests of different political actors. Criticism of local government bureaus and officials can help the central government ensure local compliance and create favorable public opinion. Local leaders can also use criticism to establish political authority over their subordinates and impress superiors, thus enhancing their chances to advance their career. Despite formal institutional arrangements, both central and local leaders have used informal measures such as criticism to achieve their political objectives. This underscores the importance of informal measures in the operation of China’s authoritarian regime.
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Qizi, Nilufar Aliyeva Kochkar. "The Fourth Government." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 9, no. 11 (November 30, 2021): 786–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2021.38955.
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Annotation: As the influence of journalism as a "fourth power" expands, it becomes more and more criticized by various social forces. If the objections are really well-founded - the journalist's (publication, program) confession, the right attitude - is to accept, acknowledge, correct the criticism. It is one thing for a journalist (publication, program) to object to a course of action. Keywords: Journalism, principle, debate, authority, protest, criticism, publication, fact, position, objective, pure information audience, approach, etc.
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SZNAJDER, MARIO. "Italy's right-wing government: legitimacy and criticism." International Affairs 71, no. 1 (January 1995): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624011.
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Syaifuddin S, M., Djatmika, Diah Kristina, and Tri Wiratno. "SPEECH ACT OF CRITICIZING, PERSUADING THE AUDIENTS BELIEVES ON “WAR MACHINE” FILM: A PRAGMATIC MUTIMODAL PERSPECTIVE." JEELL (Journal of English Education, Linguistics and Literature) 5, no. 1 (February 12, 2018): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.32682/jeell.v5i1.952.
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This aims to reveal the ways of criticizing American government and wheedling the audients believe trough each speech act in movie. Pragmatic multimodal perspective is used to uncover both speech act and the cinematic aspect in order to know how the movie producer criticize and persuade audients to believe. This research is presented Qualitatively and the data taken from David Michôd (2016) work “War Machines”. It was found that the movie has three ways in criticizing the government and persuading the audien to believe. They are; 1. To contradict between speech and multimodality of cinematic to create an offensive criticism structure. 2. Use of mutually supportive between speech acts of and multimodality to create a common criticism structure (mutual affirmation of speech acts and multimodality). 3. The use of personification of institutions to direct criticism of policy holders.
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Arman Arman. "ANALISIS KINERJA PEGAWAI DI KELURAHAN RABANGODU SELATAN KECAMATAN RABA KOTA BIMA." JISPENDIORA : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial, Pendidikan Dan Humaniora 1, no. 1 (April 27, 2022): 01–07. http://dx.doi.org/10.56910/jispendiora.v1i1.51.
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In order to build an effective and efficient quality of government performance, time is needed to think about how to achieve unity of cooperation so as to increase public trust. For this reason, autonomy and freedom are needed in making decisions on allocating resources, making service guidelines, budgets, goals, and clear and measurable performance targets. Kelurahan as a government organization that is closest and directly related to the community is the spearhead of the success of urban development, especially regional autonomy, where the kelurahan will be directly involved in planning and restoring development and services. It is said to be the spearhead because the kelurahan deals directly with the community, therefore the kelurahan must be able to become a place for the community to be resolved. In the current reform era, the government's performance has received sharp attention from the public. With the freedom to express opinions (aspirations), there are many scathing criticisms of the government's performance, either directly (through official forums or even demonstrations) or indirectly (through writings or letters from readers in the mass media). The criticism is without exception from the central government to the lowest government, namely the village government
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Irmayani, Naim, and Andriani Andriani. "ANALISIS KRITIK SOSIAL KEPADA KONTRAKTOR DAN MASYARAKAT DALAM PUISI ESAI “ABORSI DI PALIPPIS” KARYA SYUMAN SAEHA." Pepatudzu : Media Pendidikan dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan 17, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.35329/fkip.v17i1.1791.
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This research is motivated by how the social criticism contained in the poetry essay "Abortion in Palippis" by Syuman Saeha. The purpose of this research is to find out the social criticism in Syuman Saeha's essay "Abortion in Palippis". The method used in this study is a qualitative descriptive method to describe data in the form of mental elements and social criticism in the poem essay "Abortion di Palippis". Shuman Saeha's work. The research technique used is document analysis, namely the poetry essay "Abortion di Palippis" by Syuman Saeha and interviewing the resource person, Syuman Saeha, as the poet of the essay "Abortion di Palippis".The research results obtained were the inner elements of the essay poetry "Abortion di Palippis" consisting of theme, taste, tone of atmosphere and message. The social criticism obtained is in the form of criticism against the government, contractors and the community. Social criticism of the government has 4 points, against contractors 3 points and against society 3 points. Of the three targets of criticism, the government is seen as the party most responsible for creating social problems as is the social criticism obtained in the poem Shuman Saeha's "Abortion di Palippis" essay.
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Annisa Novianti and Siti Mila Anggraeni. "ANALISIS UNSUR INSTRINSIK DAN NILAI MORAL CERPEN “KEMARAU” KARYA ANDREA HIRATA." Populer: Jurnal Penelitian Mahasiswa 1, no. 4 (December 8, 2022): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.58192/populer.v1i4.282.
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This article discusses social criticism in a short story entitled "Kemarau" by Andrea Hirata. This article will focus on mimetic approach research on things or events in short stories related to social criticism in the short story entitled "Kemarau", namely: (1) criticism of political issues, when people feel disappointed about government promises that are not implemented (2) ) criticism of the economy, where when a group of people who live on the outskirts cannot feel the development and progress of infrastructure like in big cities (3) criticism of the negligence factor of the government when it has occupied its position. The government seems to have forgotten the promises it made before taking up its post. From the short story, it can be understood that literary works do not only display positive impressions or messages but can contain absolute things such as criticizing or satirizing.
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Stamatov, Aleksandar. "The Laozi’s criticism of government and society and a daoist criticism of the modern state." Asian Philosophy 27, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09552367.2017.1319782.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Government criticism"
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Henderson, Jennifer. "Conducting selves, race and government in Canadian settler women's narratives." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ56234.pdf.
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Nordman, Kristoffer. "A Rhetorical Criticism of Google´s European Identification Strategies." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Avdelningen för retorik, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-226865.
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This thesis examines Google’s Executive Chairman Eric E. Schmidt’s speech at the European Innovation Convention 2011 from the perspectives of Kenneth Burke’s dramatism and identification theories. In the wider context it aims to contribute to the analyses of human progress traced through the history of our technologies and inventions. These breakthroughs do not happen or spread without beneficial influences from societal institutions in spheres like culture, philosophy, politics and law. Language is the creator and carrier of these institutions. A complicated “ecosystem” of culture, science, financing, laws and regulations, affects the possibilities for economic growth through innovation. Perhaps due to the contested legitimacy of corporations in the democratic process, the study of the messages of corporate entities in the political arena seems to be a fairly unexplored dimension of traditional rhetorical analysis of politics. Through rhetorical criticism the author seeks to better understand Google’s communication in this area, and to gain further insights into the communication strategies that companies may use to influence such complex fields of politics as Innovation Policy.
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Davies, Evan. "Mandatory detention for asylum seekers in Australia : an evaluation of liberal criticism." University of Western Australia. Political Science and International Relations Discipline Group, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0202.
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This thesis evaluates the policy of mandatory detention for asylum seekers maintained by successive Australian governments against several core liberal principles. These principles are derived from various accounts of liberal political thought and the major themes and criticisms inherent in the public debate over the policy. The justifications of the policy given by the Australian government and the criticisms enunciated by scholars, refugee advocates and non-government organisations with respect to the policy strongly correspond with the core liberal principles of fairness, protecting the rights of the individual, accountability and proportionality. The claims of the critics converge on a central point of contention: that the mandatory detention of asylum seekers violates core liberal principles. To ascertain the extent to which the claims of the critics can be supported, the thesis selectively draws on liberal political theory to provide a framework for the analysis of the policy against these liberal principles, a basis for inquiry largely neglected by contributors to the literature. This thesis argues that, on balance, the mandatory detention policy employed by successive Australian governments violates core liberal principles. The claims of the critics are weakened, but by no means discredited, by the importance of the government's maintenance of strong border control. In the main, however, criticisms made by opponents of the policy can be supported. This thesis contributes to the substantial body of literature on the mandatory detention policy by shedding light on how liberal principles may be applicable to the mandatory detention policy. Further, it aims to contribute to an enriched understanding of the Australian government's competence to detain asylum seekers.
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Erickson, Benjamin M. "A Rhetorical Criticism: Bill Clinton's A Man from Hope; Bringing Together Myth, Identification and Civic Engagement." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2006. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/EricksonBM2006.pdf.
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Bianchi, Alessandro. "Their swords were brushes : instances of political satire in eighteenth-century Japan." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709168.
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Hickey, Sean. "The Vichy regime and its National Revolution in the political writings of Robert Brasillach, Marcel Déat, Jacques Doriot, and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61117.
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This thesis examines the campaign waged against Vichy's National Revolution by Robert Brasillach, Marcel Deat, Jacques Doriot, and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle. It explores the particular issues of contention separating Vichy and the Paris ultras as well as shedding light on the final evolution of a representative segment of the fascist phenomenon in France.
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Williams, Jenna Elizabeth. "A changing didacticism : the development of South African young adult fiction from 1985 to 2006." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004293.
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This thesis endeavours to establish how political transformation in South Africa has impacted on the didactic function of locally produced young adult fiction between the years of 1985 and 2006. To this end, a selection of young adult novels and short stories are examined in relation to the time period during which they were written or are set, namely the final years of apartheid (from 1985 to the early 1990s), the period of transition from apartheid to democracy (approximately 1991 to 1997), and the early years of the twenty-first century (2000 to 2006). Chapter One provides a brief overview of publishing for the juvenile market in South Africa over the last century, noting how significant historical and political events affected both the publishing industry itself and the content of children's and young adult literature. This chapter also adumbrates the theoretical foundations of the study. The second chapter examines a selection of texts either written or set during the final years of the apartheid regime. This chapter establishes how authors during this period challenged notions of racial inequality and undermined the policies of the apartheid government, with varying degrees of success. The authors' methods in encouraging their (predominantly white) readers to question apartheid ideology are also interrogated. Those novels written after, but set during, the apartheid era are examined with the aim of determining their authors' didactic objectives in revisiting this period in their novels. Chapter Three explores how authors writing during the transition period aimed to encourage readers to participate in the building of a 'rainbow nation,' by portraying idealised modes of relating to the racial 'other.' While some of the authors examined in this chapter are optimistic, and even naïve, in their celebration of a newly established democracy, others are more cautious in suggesting that decades of oppression and separation can so easily be overcome. Chapter Four demonstrates how the freedoms afforded by a democratic society have prompted young adult authors to explore the possibilities of adapting the sub-genre of the teenage problem novel to suit a distinctly South African context. While some of these texts are not overtly didactic in nature, they confront the unique issues faced by a generation of South African teenagers raised in a democratic society, and in some cases challenge readers to reconsider their approach to such issues.
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Martindale, Linda Shirley. "Racism, criticism or, inept reporting? : racism in the media, the relationship between the state and the press, and the standard of journalism in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53025.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The furor around racism in the media was brought to the surface in 1999 when the Black Lawyers Association and the Association of Black Accountants of South Africa appealed to the South African Human Rights Commission to investigate the South African media. This request was based on the presumption that the South African media was rife with racism and urgently required attention. The subsequent enquiry was the source of much controversy and accusation. Almost three years since the enquiries inception, the issue of racism in the South African media has not disappeared despite decreasing media coverage in recent months. When the South African Human Rights Commission launched the enquiry into racism, prominent media leaders including key editors and newspaper representatives were summoned to appear before the controversial Commission. Some media leaders felt the Commission was a direct attack on the freedom of the Press. Others felt the enquiry was long overdue or slammed it as an all-time flop. Furthermore, pure and simple criticism of the government is still perceived as racism when it is the Press fulfilling its role as the 'watchdog of democracy' . Various Press theories, for example Developmental or Libertarian, impact on the perceived role of the Press in a democratic nation. The standard of journalism in a country can also impact on the way in which the press is perceived. For example, there are times when inept reporting is misunderstood as racist reporting. This assignment is a broad overview of the enquiry into racism in the media and the concerns around this issue as well as the response to it. It takes a closer look at the role of the media and the relationship between the media and the state. In particular, it focuses on how criticism of the government can be misread as racism, as well as investigating how the standard of journalism impacts on the way in which the media serve the public. The South African National Editors Forum launched a skills audit in 2002 and the results were surprisingly negative. The general standard of journalism in South Africa was assessed as "low". This assignment looks at the findings of the audit in the light of the above questions surrounding the standard of journalism as it pertains to reporting on race and accuracy, understanding and objectivity. The last section of the assignment takes a brief look at several examples of how to report on race in South Africa and what to be aware of when considering sensitivity to race issues. The questions as to whether it is racism, healthy criticism misconstrued as racism, or simply inept reporting, are explored. Although an expansive topic by nature, this paper provides an overview of the key issues pertaining to media ethics as it pertains to racism in the South African media.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die skandaaloor rasisme in die media was te vore gebring in 1999 toe die Black Lawyers' Association en die Association of Black Accountants die Suid Afrikaanse Menslike Regtes Kommissie gevra het om die Suid Afrikaanse media te ondersoek. Die versoek was gebaseer op die gedagte dat die Suid Afrikaanse media rasisties is en dringend aandag nodig het. Die ondersoek was baie kontroverseel en het na baie beskuldiging gelei. Omtrent drie jaar nadat die ondersoek begin het, is die kwessie van rasisme in die Suid Afrikaanse media nog lewendig alhoewel daar minder daaroor geskryf is in die land se publikasies. Toe die Suid Afrikaanse Menslike Regtes Kommissie die ondersoek op rasisme begin het, is belangrike media leiers - redakteurs en koerant verteenwoordiges - voor die Kommissie geroep. Sommige van die media leiers het gevoel dat die kommissie 'n direkte aanval op Vryheid van die Pers was; ander het gevoel dat die Ondersoek belangrik was en nog ander dit as 'n mislukking bestempel het. Eenvoudige kritiek van die regering deur die Pers is ook as rasisme gesien alhoewel hulle die rol van 'bewaarder van demokrasie' vervul. Daar is verskeie Pers teories, byvoorbeeld "Developmental" of "Libertarian" wat die persepsie van die rol van die pers beindruk het. Die standaard van joernalistiek in 'n land bepaal deur hoe die Pers gesien is. Byvoorbeeld, somtyds is slegte verslaggewering as rasisties bestempel. Hierdie opdrag is 'n wye oorsig van die ondersoek op rasisme in die media, die bekommernis oor die kwessie en die reaksie daaroor. Dit kyk nader na die rol van die media en die verhouding tussen die media en die staat. Dit fokus op hoe kritiek van die regering as rasisme misgelees kan word en gee ondersoek aan hoe die standard van journalistiek na beskuldiging van rasisme kan lei. Die "South African National Editors' Forum" het 'n Vaardighede oudit in 2002 opgedoen en die uitslae was negatief. Die standaard van joernalisme in Suid Afrika was as "laag" assesseer. Hierdie opdrag kyk na die oudit se vindings in die lig van die bogenoemde vrae oor die standard van joernalistiek: verslaggewing oor rase en akuraatheid, en objectiviteit. Die laaste deel van die opdrag kyk na verskeie voorbeelde van hoe om oor rase verslag te gee en waaroor te dink as jy sensitief teenoor rase kwessies wil wees. Die volgende vrae is na gekyk: Is dit rasisme; gesonde kritiek wat as rasisme bestempel word, of eenvoudig, slegte verslaggewing? Hierdie opdrag gee 'n wye oorsig oor die belangrike kwessies van media etiek in verhouding met rasisme in die Suid Afrikaanse media.
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Wax, Kevin P. "Political ideology : perspectives from the Bible." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53004.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Modern society is plagued by an intense conflict of political ideologies. These conflicts in many instances reflect very serious religious overtones. Each person or group claims the right to react to socio-political issues on the basis of their own worldviews that are shaped by their cultural backgrounds, religious belief systems and political ideals. Human diversity serve to complicate matters even more and has in many instances found expression in political and religious intolerance, a fact testified to by the large-scale abuse of human rights that took place with increased intensity in the 20th century. Many Christians have failed to challenge the injustices that have resulted from these political ideologies and have instead opted to become 'apolitical' or simply hiding behind the argument that politics and religion does not mix. The author through a careful study of biblical political structures in the ancient Near East attempts to demonstrate the extent to which political ideologies of communities were influenced by the cultural milieu within which they existed. The feelings of ambivalence we experience in our faith are a direct result of these influences. An understanding of political ideology from a biblical perspective is essential to understand current world conflicts especially those that relate to the Middle East region. The author also argues for a reconciliation of politics and religion in the collective psyche of Christians. This would enhance a sense of sociopolitical responsibility in terms of the biblical mandate. The responsibility of government structures in terms of this mandate is also important and needs to be emphasised. The primary responsibility of any government is the welfare of its citizens and the management of public resources in an orderly, moral and efficient manner. A large percentage of government officials find it extremely difficult to face up to the challenge. The perspectives presented not only gives one insight into the historical development of biblical political worldviews. but presents us with challenges to pursue opportunities for peace and justice that would recognise and advance human dignity, human equality and human responsibility.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die moderne samelewing is oorweldig deur konflikte van politieke ideologies. Hierdie konflikte is in baie gevalle 'n weerspieëling van baie ernstige godsdienstige motiewe. Elke persoon of groep behou hom die reg voor om te reageer op socio-politiese aangeleenthede op grond van 'n eie wêreldsiening wat geskep word deur kulturele agtergronde, godsdienstige geloofsstelsels en politieke ideale. Menslike verskeidenheid maak hierdie aangeleenthede meer ingewikkeld en het in baie gevalle gelei na politieke en godsdienstige onverdraagsaamheid. Dit het verder aanleiding gegee tot die grootskaalse menseregte skendings wat plaasgevind het met groter intensiteit gedurende die 20ste eeu. Vele Christene het nie daarin geslaag om die uitdagings van ongeregtighede, wat voortspruit uit hierdie politieke ideologieë, die hoof te bied nie en het verkies om of hulself as 'apolities' te verklaar of om te argumenteer dat politiek en die godsdiens nie bymekaar hoort nie. Die skrywer, deur 'n indringende studie van bybelse politieke strukture van die ou Nabye Ooste te onderneem, poog om te demonstreer dat politiek ideologies gekleur was deur die kulturele samestelling van die gemeenskap. Gevoelens van ambivalensie wat ons ervaar in ons geloof is regstreeks as gevolg van hierdie omstandighede. Politieke ideologie vanuit 'n bybelse perspektief gee vir ons die geleentheid om huidige wêreldkonflikte beter te verstaan veral dit wat betrekking het op die Midde Ooste streek. Die skrywer stel ook voor die versoening van politiek en die godsdiens in die kollektiewe psige van Christene. As gevolg hiervan word die socio-politiese verantwoordelikheid van die Christen verhef in lyn met die bybelse mandaat. Die verantwoordelikheid van regerings strukture in terme van hierdie mandaat is ook belangrik en behoort beklemtoon word. Die primêre doel van enige regering is die welvaart van sy burgers sowel as die bestuur van sy openbare hulpbronne op 'n ordelike, sedelike en doeltreffende manier. 'n Groot aantal regeringsbeamptes vind dit moeilik om hierdie uitdaging die hoof te bied. Hierdie perspektiewe, wat hier aangebied word, gee nie net vir ons insig tot die historiese ontwikkeling van bybelse politieke wêreldsieninge nie, maar daag ons uit om geleenthede vir vrede en geregtigheid wat menslike waardigheid, menslike gelykheid en menslike verantwoordelikheid erken, na te jag.
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Browne, Eleanor. "Cato the Censor and the creation of a paternal paradigm." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:91509829-2305-4a3c-96fb-31cecd71f394.
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This thesis analyses the relationship between Marcus Porcius Cato Censorius and his eldest son, Marcus Porcius Cato Licinianus, considering its importance for Cato's public image and political career, investigating its place within some of the central cultural debates of the 2nd century BC, and looking at the impact which this relationship had upon received impressions of Cato the Censor as presented by later Latin authors. This is done primarily through the examination of the written works which Cato addressed to Licinianus, the extant fragments of which are presented here, with a translation and commentary, in the first modern edition to treat these texts as a unified project. The subsequent sections of this thesis set the works which Cato addressed to his son within the context of the general cultural debate and individual political competition which engaged Rome's ruling elite during this period; Cato's adoption of a paternal persona within these works is related to the character's popular appeal in the military sphere and on the comic stage; and the didactic pose and agricultural instruction featured in these texts is used to illuminate some of the challenges posed to Cato's successful performance of his duties as censor. A final section considers the reappropriation of Cato's relationship with his son as found in the De officiis of Cicero, the Institutio oratoria of Quintilian, and the anonymous Disticha Catonis. This thesis suggests that the Censor's relationship with his son, and the works which he addressed to the young man, played a more significant part in Cato's public image and political career than has hitherto been acknowledged. These texts illuminate some of the finer points of Cato's clever political strategy and they offer fresh insight into the popular culture and elite competition of the period in which he lived. The relative importance of this relationship within Cato's public life helps to explain the popularity of later images of the Censor as a paternal and educational figure and offers us a better understanding of modern conceptions of Cato.
Books on the topic "Government criticism"
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Chatterjee, Partha. A possible India: Essays in political criticism. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997.
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Chatterjee, Partha. A possible India: Essays in political criticism. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997.
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Criticism and public rationality: Professional rigidity and the search for caring government. London: Routledge, 1991.
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Chatterjee, Partha. The present history of West Bengal: Essays in political criticism. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997.
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Jefferson, Thomas. The selected writings of Thomas Jefferson: Authoritative texts, contexts, criticism. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 2010.
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Ali, Khan Shafique. The Lahore resolution: Arguments for and against : history and criticism. Karachi, Pakistan: Royal Book Co., 1988.
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Xu, Ben. Disenchanted democracy: Chinese criticism after 1989. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Government criticism"
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Shattock, Joanne, Joanne Wilkes, Katherine Newey, and Valerie Sanders. "W. T. Stead, Government by Journalism." In Literary and Cultural Criticism from the Nineteenth Century, 278–86. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003199915-56.
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Dørum, Knut. "Criticism of government in Norway c. 1770–1814." In Bringing the People Back In, 309–26. First edition. | New York : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge research in early modern history: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003138662-18.
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Walkland, S. A. "Government Control of the Stages of Parliamentary Scrutiny and Criticism." In The Legislative Process in Great Britain, 68–90. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003227274-7.
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Nyanzi, Stella. "Personal Narrative: Bloody Precarious Activism in Uganda." In The Palgrave Handbook of Critical Menstruation Studies, 551–59. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-0614-7_42.
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Abstract In her essay, Stella Nyanzi describes and analyzes her dissident activism against the president’s unfulfilled promise of providing sanitary pads to schoolgirls in resource-poor communities in Uganda. Named #Pads4GirlsUg, the campaign enabled local and global citizens to contribute toward the distribution of menstrual products and provide critical menstrual health education. Stella Nyanzi powerfully examines the strategies she used for popularizing the campaign, mobilizing citizen participation, and smashing the silence and taboo around menstruation. Above all, she dissects the countertactics employed by the government to discredit and criminalize the campaign. Stella Nyanzi demonstrates that menstruation and women’s bodies are political and politicized—to the extent that her activism and criticism has led to her imprisonment.
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Durmuş, Elif. "How Human Rights Cross-Pollinate and Take Root: Local Governments and Refugees in Turkey." In Myth or Lived Reality, 123–57. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-447-1_6.
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AbstractThe human rights regime—as law, institutions and practice—has been facing criticism for decades regarding its effectiveness, particularly in terms of unsatisfactory overall implementation and the failure to protect the most vulnerable who do not enjoy the protection of their States: refugees. Turkey is the country hosting the largest refugee population, with around four million at the end of May 2020 (https://www.unhcr.org/tr/wp-content/uploads/sites/14/2020/06/UNHCR-Turkey-Operational-Update-May-2020.pdf). As an administratively centralised country, Turkey’s migration policy is implemented by central government agencies, but this has not proved sufficient to guarantee the human rights of refugees on the ground. Meanwhile, in connection with urbanisation, decentralisation and globalisation, local governments around the world are receiving increasing attention from migration studies, political science, law, sociology and anthropology. In human rights scholarship, the localisation of human rights and the potential role of local governments have been presented as ways to counter the shortcomings in the effectiveness of the human rights regime and discourse. While local governments may have much untapped potential, a thorough analysis of the inequalities between local governments in terms of access to resources and opportunities is essential. The Turkish local governments which form the basis of this research, operate in a context of legal ambiguity concerning their competences and obligations in the area of migration. They also have to deal with large differences when it comes to resources and workload. In practice, therefore, there is extreme divergence amongst municipalities in the extent to which they engage with refugee policies. This chapter seeks to answer the question why and how certain local governments in Turkey come to proactively engage in policy-making that improves the realisation of refugees’ rights. Exploratory grounded field research among Turkish local governments reveals four main factors that enable and facilitate the engagement of local governments in refugee policies: (1) the capacity of and institutionalisation in local governments; (2) the dissemination of practices and norms surrounding good local migration and rights-based governance through networks; (3) the availability of cooperation and coordination with other actors in the field, and (4) political will. Collectively, these factors illustrate how a new norm—the norm that local governments can and ought to engage in policy-making improving the rights of refugees—is cross-pollinating and taking root among Turkish local governments. This understanding will provide valuable insights into how norms are developed, travel and are institutionalised within social and institutional networks, and how differences in access, capacity, political and cooperative opportunities may facilitate and obscure the path to policies improving human rights on the ground.
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During, Simon. "Post-Foucauldian Criticism: Government, Death, Mimesis." In Foucault and Literature, 186–207. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003071464-9.
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"POST-FOUCAULDIAN CRITICISM: GOVERNMENT, DEATH, MIMESIS." In Foucault and Literature, 187–208. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203358917-15.
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Grand, Julian Le, and Bill New. "The Nanny State: The Challenge from Autonomy." In Government Paternalism. Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691164373.003.0006.
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This chapter examines the argument that government paternalism harms or inappropriately restricts individual autonomy. More specifically, it considers the criticism that the paternalist government is actually a “nanny state”: the state is seen to treat its citizens as a nanny treats her charges, instead of as autonomous adults. After elaborating on the notion of autonomy, the chapter explores the relationship between paternalism, autonomy, and motivation. It then assesses the claim, associated with soft paternalism, that the individuals affected in fact have little autonomy to be violated. This position is based on the so-called autonomy failure—that is, the justification for paternalism depends in large part on a prior diminution of the individual's capacity for autonomous decision making, so that autonomy is therefore not offended by the intervention. The chapter describes the various circumstances in which this autonomy failure takes place and concludes by analyzing hard paternalism.
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Zick, Timothy. "Sedition." In The First Amendment in the Trump Era, 27–48. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190073992.003.0002.
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This chapter examines the concept of “sedition” and efforts to suppress dissent and disloyalty. President Adams used the Sedition Act of 1798 to prosecute and jail his critics and political opponents. That episode ultimately revealed the “central meaning of the First Amendment”—that Americans must be free to criticize their public officials, even if that criticism is often caustic and unpleasant. Federal and state officials have not proposed reviving the crime of seditious libel. However, several critics of the Trump administration have come under fire and suffered tangible consequences for openly criticizing the president and the Trump administration. As in prior eras, recent efforts to punish sedition and disloyalty pose serious threats to democratic self-government and political discourse.
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"Why is neoliberalism dangerous? Criticism, alternative perspectives, and government policy implications." In The US Economy and Neoliberalism, 31–51. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203071939-10.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Government criticism"
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Teixeira, Carlos Roberto G., Gabriela Kurtz, Lorenzo P. Leuck, Roberto Tietzmann, Daniele R. de Souza, JoÃo Marcelo F. Lerina, Isabel H. Manssour, and Milene S. Silveira. "Humor, support and criticism." In dg.o '18: 19th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3209281.3209330.
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Bayaga, Anass, Michael Kyobe, and Jacques Ophoff. "Criticism of the role of trust in e-government services." In 2020 Conference on Information Communications Technology and Society (ICTAS). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ictas47918.2020.233973.
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Asnawi, Muhammad Iqbal, Bismar Nasution, Ningrum Natasya Sirait, and Sunarmi. "The Presence of Government in Managing SOEs: A Criticism from the Perspective of Law." In International Conference on Law, Governance and Islamic Society (ICOLGIS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200306.194.
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Rezaeian, N., L. Tang, and M. Hardie. "PSYCHOSOCIAL HAZARDS AND RISKS IN THE CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY IN NEW SOUTH WALES, AUSTRALIA." In The 9th World Construction Symposium 2021. The Ceylon Institute of Builders - Sri Lanka, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31705/wcs.2021.42.
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The construction industry faces many challenges, one of which is the difficult to define psychosocial influences. The construction sector has highly demanding employment conditions, long working hours and sometimes unfeasible terms of project execution. Psychosocial influences represent emotional as well as physiological characteristics which impact the immediate environment. Some construction personnel face psychosocial problems that can lead to depression or suicide. The research conducted in this paper focuses on the psychosocial status of personnel working in construction companies, in New South Wales (NSW), Australia. A questionnaire survey was conducted to investigate the psychosocial hazards observed in the construction industry in NSW. Practitioners in two private construction companies and one government department having construction project management experience in NSW were involved in the survey. The data analysis indicates that most workers experienced being pressured to stay back and work long hours. This led to workers being ‘very frequently’ tired. Regarding bullying, Respondents reported that the frequency of they experienced ‘exclusion or isolation from workplace activities’ was ‘monthly’. Being ‘Subjects of gossip or false, malicious rumours’ was reported as happening ‘weekly’ and ‘Humiliation through gestures, sarcasm, criticism or insults’ was said to happen ‘almost daily’. This study's findings indicate that construction projects could have unaddressed psychosocial hazards and risks, each of which may be a potential factor for accidents and occupational and psychological injuries. The data displayed from this research could help understand psychosocial hazards. Spreading awareness on the issue can hopefully be a step towards improving the mental health of construction workers while decreasing the overall suicide rate.
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Lisboa, Flávio Gomes da Silva, and Marilene Zazula Beatriz. "The Use of Free Software by Brazilian Government between 2018 and 2020." In Congresso Latino-Americano de Software Livre e Tecnologias Abertas. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/latinoware.2020.18606.
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This article presents a quantitative and qualitative exploratory research on the use of free software in the Brazilian government. The data collected refers to the period between 2018 and 2020. The motivation for the research was the lack of data on the use of free software on the government portal for this topic. Initially, the free software scenario is presented within the government's strategy since 2002 and the criticisms about the effectiveness of policies to promote free software. After explaining the methodology used for data collection, the results are presented. 87 entities were questioned, including ministries, state-owned enterprises, universities, the Federal Chamber, the Federal Senate and the Federal Supreme Court. In addition to the amount of software used, software licenses and software categories were counted, which were defined according to user rankings. State entities were also questioned about the production of free software and the results showed that, in addition to using free software, the Brazilian government also produced free software. Finally, entities were questioned about their acquisition software policies.
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Janay, Abdullahi Ibrahim, and Bülent Kılıç. "The World Bank and its Roles toward Health: Common Criticisms." In 6th International Students Science Congress. Izmir International Guest Student Association, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52460/issc.2022.053.
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The World Bank (WB) was established in 1944 for the purpose of issuing long-term loans to governments for reconstruction and economic development following the Second World War (1). Over the time perspectives on development have changed dramatically. In particular, the WB’s focus began to shift to investments in health, energy, telecommunication, transport and infrastructure to earn more profit. In the field of health, the WB has focused on three areas, especially in developing countries: health, nutrition, and population. WB now has a more sophisticated view of well-being, living standards, and poverty and is committing more than 1 billion USD annually for new health projects. (2). The WB’s roles include financing, provision of information, surveillance, technical assistance and training and policy advice (3). The WB has achieved some gains in the fight against poverty. Reducing poverty focuses in part encompassing policies to promote equality but inequalities are still increasing all over the World, especially in the developing countries (4). However, the WB has faced a lot of critiques related to health. Some critiques related to health sector polices and say the bank's conditions on borrowing countries emphasize privatization and public sector contraction. This involved reducing government expenditures (in some cases for health) which have deleterious health effects (2). Other critiques related to the way of raising funds called a user charge for using public sector health services and point to evidence showing that user charges result in a decline in the uptake of services, especially among the people who are most socioeconomically deprived. The bank is also criticized for introducing DALYs to global health assessments. Critics point out that the introduction of DALYs was not based on sound methodology and that the underlying assumptions for their usefulness are weak (2, 5). Finally, the WB is also accused of bribing or conniving top government officials in the developing countries where it projects (6). There is a need for strengthening across the WB in several areas. A critical area is for the WB to strengthen its ability to work on multi-stakeholder solutions through engagement with the public sector, private sector, and citizens, and support primarily the public sector for health services. Similarly, about half of low-income countries are classified as fragile and conflict-affected, posing particular challenges. Furthermore, progress in fighting against poverty and sharing prosperity is accompanied by rising inequality in many countries. So, the WB should increase its efforts to address these issues (4). Introducing evidence into policy making is also a key issue to be strengthened for the future (5). It is also needed to strengthen the monitoring and evaluation methods in the countries.
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Soņeca, Viktorija. "Tehnoloģiju milžu ietekme uz suverēnu." In The 8th International Scientific Conference of the Faculty of Law of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/iscflul.8.1.18.
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In the last two decades, we have seen the rise of companies providing digital services. Big Tech firms have become all-pervasive, playing critical roles in our social interactions, in the way we access information, and in the way we consume. These firms not only strive to be dominant players in one market, but with their giant monopoly power and domination of online ecosystems, they want to become the market itself. They are gaining not just economic, but also political power. This can be illustrated by Donald Trump’s campaigns, in which he attempted to influence the sovereign will, as the sovereign power is vested in the people. The Trump campaigns' use of Facebook's advertising tools contributed to Trump's win at the 2016 presidential election. After criticism of that election, Facebook stated that it would implement a series of measures to prevent future abuse. For example, no political ads will be accepted in the week before an election. Another example of how Big Tech firms can effect the sovereign is by national legislator. For example, Australia had a dispute with digital platforms such as Facebook and Google. That was because Australia began to develop a News Media and Digital Platforms Mandatory Code. To persuade the Australian legislature to abandon the idea of this code, Facebook prevented Australian press publishers, news media and users from sharing/viewing Australian as well as international news content, including blocking information from government agencies. Such action demonstrated how large digital platforms can affect the flow of information to encourage the state and its legislature to change their position. Because of such pressure, Australia eventually made adjustments to the code in order to find a compromise with the digital platform. Also, when we are referring to political power, it should include lobbying and the European Union legislator. Tech giants are lobbying their interests to influence the European Union’s digital policy, which has the most direct effect on member states, given that the member states are bound by European Union law.
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Setiawan, Ikwan, and Andang Subaharianto. "Neo-Exoticism as Indonesian Regional Government’s Formula for Developing Ethnic Arts: Concept, Practice, and Criticism." In 4th International Conference on Arts Language and Culture (ICALC 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200323.020.
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Varecha, Lukáš, and Katarína Melichová. "Local Development Actors Classification in the Context of the Slovak Least Developed District Policy." In XXV. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0068-2022-27.
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At the end of 2015, a policy of support for the least developed districts was introduced in the conditions of the Slovak Republic. It was conceived as a place-based policy with an emphasis on the involvement of local actors in the processes of its preparation and implementation in the districts. The aim of the paper is to categorize local actors involved in LDD policy on the basis of their attitudes towards selected aspects of the preparation and implementation of LDD policy Action plans in the districts. The local development actors were classified into four clusters, reflecting the polarization of actors to "those whose needs have been met" and critics of LDD policy processes. The attitudes identified in the clusters are mostly not linked to the sectoral affiliation nor the district in which the actor was located. However, they are linked to the status of the actor as a member of the Development board - they are strongly represented in two specific clusters: Satisfied actors and Critics of central level institutions. Most actors have been classified as critics of various aspects of the LDD policy. Specifically, those are overall critics of the LDD policy, critics of the policy reform and critics of the central government level.
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de Sousa, Andre Mediote, and Karin Becker. "Pro/Anti-vaxxers in Brazil: a temporal analysis of COVID vaccination stance in Twitter." In Symposium on Knowledge Discovery, Mining and Learning. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/kdmile.2021.17467.
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Collective imunization is critical to combat COVID, but a large portion of the population in many countries refuses to be vaccinated despite the availability of vaccines. We developed a temporal analysis of pro/against stances towards COVID vaccination in Brazil using Twitter. We summarized the main topics expressed by pro/anti-vaxxers using BERTopic, a dynamic topic modeling technique, and related them to events in the national scenario. The anti-vaxxers were prevalent throughout 2020, expressing concerns about mandatory vaccination with a strong political bias. The pro-vaxxer movement significantly increased by late 2020 with the begging of immunization and became prevalent in 2021. This group expresses joy and anxiety to get vaccinated and criticisms towards the Federal Government.
Reports on the topic "Government criticism"
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Barrera-Osorio, Felipe, Samuel Berlinski, and Matías Busso. Effective Evidence-Informed Policy: A Partnership among Government, Implementers, and Researchers. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-ri_2021/035.
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Evidence matters for the effectiveness of public policies,but important informational frictions—that is, resistanceto obtaining or using information on the subject at hand—sometimes prevent it from shaping policy decisions.Hjort et al. (2021) showed that reducing those frictionscan change not only political leaders’ beliefs but alsothe policies they implement. One-way information, fromresearch to policy, may sometimes be insufficient, though.Policymakers may be agnostic about the effectiveness ofan intervention, or they may not know which of its featuresrequire adjustment. A process of policy experimentationmay be needed (Duflo 2017), in which policies arerigorously evaluated at a small scale, the findings of those evaluations inform the policy design, and a new evaluation determines the effectiveness of a fine-tuned version of the intervention, with the assessment continuing until the program is ready to be scaled up. This process requires very close collaboration among government, implementers, and researchers. The means by which evidence is produced is also important. A frequent criticism of researcher-designed interventions is that results may not be relevant. One reason is that pilot programme’s participants or circumstances may be atypical, with the result that the experimental treatment, even if implemented with fidelity, may not achieve similar outcomes in other settings (Al Ubaydli et al. 2017; Vivalt 2017). A second reason is that governments may lack the capability to implement with fidelity interventions tested in randomized control trials. A partnership between policymakers and researchers can help attenuate these concerns. A recent experience in Colombia provides a good example of such a partnership at work. “Let’s All Learn to Read” is an ambitious programme to improve literacy skills among elementary schoolchildren (Grades K–5). Spearheaded by the Luker Foundation, a local nongovernmental organisation, in collaboration with the Secretary of Education of Manizales (Colombia), the programme began with a systematic data collection effort in the municipality’s public primary schools to understand why students were failing to acquire the most basic academic skills. This led to several interventions over many years during which multidisciplinary teams of researchers working in close collaboration with local stakeholders and policymakers designed and evaluated different features of the programme.
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Elnour Abdelkarim, Zeinab. Assessing Sudan's Electoral Legal Framework. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2022.18.
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Assessing Sudanʼs Electoral Legal Framework provides an in-depth insight and analysis of Sudanʼs current legal framework for elections. It measures Sudanʼs legal electoral framework against a common international understanding of the principles, norms and obligations that define credible and democratic elections. The objective of this analysis is not to criticize or pass judgement on the countryʼs existing electoral processes; instead, it offers an unbiased assessment of how Sudanʼs existing electoral laws and country context create an enabling or disabling environment for free and fair elections. It provides comprehensive and constructive recommendations to strengthen existing legislation and improve fairness, uniformity, reliability, consistency and professionalism in Sudanʼs future elections. This Report also assesses the status of core democratic principles and freedoms that provide the foundation for credible elections and highlights any restrictions on these fundamental rights and liberties that could interfere with the countryʼs upcoming elections or delay its political transition. It calls upon the transitional government to protect citizensʼ rights and liberties and prevent abuses that may influence public trust, fairness, and openness of electoral and other transitional processes. Lastly, this Report discusses political, socio-economic, and legal issues impacting Sudanʼs roadmap to democratic transition before the October 2021 military coup.
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Crossan, Mary, Gerard Seijts, Jeffrey Gandz, and Carol Stephenson. Leadership on Trial : A Manifesto for Leadership Development. Richard Ivey School of Business, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/iveypub.44.2010.
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Recent books and articles have analyzed the causes of the global financial and economic crisis of 2007-09. Yet little attention has been paid to the quality of leadership in organizations that were at the epicentre of the storm, were victims of it, avoided it or even prospered from it. In the summer of 2009 a multi-disciplinary group of Ivey faculty decided to look at the leadership dimensions of the recent financial and economic crisis. We started by writing a working paper that laid out our preliminary views. We then engaged more than 300 business, public sector and not-for-profit leaders in small and large groups, as individuals and collectives, to get their reaction to this paper and, more generally, to discuss te role that organizational leadership played before, during and after the crisis. We examined leadership not just in the financial sector but also in many other public and private sector organizations that were affected by the crisis. In a sense, we were putting leadership on trial. Our aim in doing this was not to identify and assign blame. Rather, we examined leadership during this critical period in recent history to learn what we could, and use the learning to improve practice in leadership today and the development of next generation leaders. As we analyzed the role of leadership in this crisis we were faced with one major question: "Would better leadership have made a difference?" Our answer is unequivocal: "Yes!" We recognize that many people could argue it is unfair to criticize leaders whose decisions were based on their knowledge of the situation at the time and which only eventually, with the aid of 20/20 hindsight proved bad. We respect this view but we disagree with it. Some business and public sector leaders predicted better than others the bursting of the housing bubble and financial markets turmoil, positioned their organizations to avoid problems, and coped with them skillfully. Their organizations were not badly damaged by the crisis and some even prospered. Some governments and regulatory agencies' control and monitoring systems were superior to those in the U.S., the U.K., Ireland, Spain, Iceland and other countries that had to bail out their banks and other industries. Our evidence supports the conclusion that these companies, these agencies, these governments and these countries had better leadership. Good leadership mattered then and good leadership will matter in the future. We are presenting our conclusions about what good leadership involves in the form of a public statement of principles - a manifesto that addresses what good leaders do, who they are, and how they can be developed in organizations.
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Olsson, Olle. Industrial decarbonization done right: identifying success factors for well-functioning permitting processes. Stockholm Environment Institute, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2021.034.
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1 Introduction 1.1 The urgency of industrial decarbonization The last few years have seen several of the world’s largest carbon dioxide-emitting countries and leading heavy industry companies committing to mid-century net-zero targets (Buckley 2021; Denyer and Kashiwagi 2020; McCurry 2020; Myers 2020). Consequently, the discussion on economy-wide transition to net-zero is accelerating, with focus shifting from “if” to “when” and “how”, even for heavy industry sectors like steel, cement and chemicals. This makes it increasingly urgent to analyse not just whether it is technologically feasible to decarbonize heavy industry, but also investigate issues more directly related to practical implementation. This includes site-specific planning, infrastructure availability, and consultation with local authorities and other stakeholders. Many of the latter considerations are formalized as part of the permitting processes that are an essential vehicle to ensure that industrial interests are balanced against interests of society at large. However, doing this balancing act can turn out to be very complicated and associated with uncertainties as to their outcome, as well as being demanding in resources and time. At the same time, to ensure broad buy-in and support from society, the investments needed must be implemented in a way that takes a broad spectrum of sustainability concerns into account, not just climate change mitigation. A key question is if and how permitting processes can run more smoothly and efficiently while still ensuring inclusive consultations, fair procedures and adherence to legal certainty. This policy brief discusses this question from the starting point of Swedish conditions, but many of the points raised will be relevant for a broader international discussion on taking industrial decarbonization to implementation. 1.2 Industrial transition and permitting processes in Sweden Decarbonization of the industrial sector in Sweden essentially entails a relatively small number of investment projects in the cement, steel, petrochemical and refinery sectors, where the vast majority of carbon emissions are concentrated (Karltorp et al. 2019; Nykvist et al. 2020). However, while few in number, the size of these investments means that their implementation will by necessity become relevant to many other parts of society. In connection with the increasing focus on how to implement industrial decarbonization in Sweden, discussions about permitting processes have been brought higher up on the agenda. While there has been an active discussion on permitting processes in Sweden for quite some time, it has primarily been focused on aspects related to mining and wind power (Larsen et al. 2017; Raitio et al. 2020). The last few years have, however, focused increasingly on industrial projects, in particular related to a proposed – though eventually cancelled – expansion of an oil refinery in the southwestern part of the country (Blad 2020). In terms of political discussions, both the governmental initiative Fossil-free Sweden (2020) and the Swedish Climate Policy Council (2020) emphasize that permitting processes need to become faster in order for Sweden’s industrial transition to be implemented in line with the time plan set by the 2017 Swedish Climate Act. Business representatives and organizations are also voicing concerns about the slow speed of permitting (Balanskommissionen 2019; Jacke 2018). At the same time, criticism has been raised that much of the environmental damage done in Sweden comes from activities conducted within limits set by environmental permits, which could be a flaw in the system (Malmaeus and Lindblom 2019). Finally, recent public inquiries have also discussed permitting processes.