Academic literature on the topic 'Governments Lula and Dilma Rousseff'
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Journal articles on the topic "Governments Lula and Dilma Rousseff"
Galvão, Andréia, and Paula Marcelino. "The Brazilian Union Movement in the Twenty-first Century: The PT Governments, the Coup, and the Counterreforms." Latin American Perspectives 47, no. 2 (December 13, 2019): 84–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19887927.
Full textFilgueiras, Luiz. "The Governments of the Workers’ Party: Capitalist Development Pattern and Macroeconomic Policy Regimes." Latin American Perspectives 47, no. 1 (December 10, 2019): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19882010.
Full textDe Paula, Luiz Fernando, and Fernando Ferrari. "A Critical Analysis of the Macroeconomic Policies in Brazil from Lula da Silva to Dilma Rousseff (2003-2014)." Brazilian Keynesian Review 1, no. 2 (December 24, 2015): 218–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33834/bkr.v1i2.40.
Full textBoito, Armando, and Alfredo Saad-Filho. "State, State Institutions, and Political Power in Brazil." Latin American Perspectives 43, no. 2 (January 19, 2016): 190–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x15616120.
Full textCampos, Marcos Paulo. "Conciliação, disputa e residualidade: A reforma agrária no Brasil durante os governos do PT." Historia Agraria Revista de agricultura e historia rural, no. 84 (July 13, 2021): 239–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26882/histagrar.084e02c.
Full textPahnke, Anthony. "Social Movement Consolidation and Strategic Shifts: The Brazilian Landless Movement during the Lula and Dilma Administrations." Latin American Perspectives 47, no. 4 (June 12, 2020): 206–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x20918590.
Full textFonseca, Pedro Cezar Dutra, Marcelo Arend, and Glaison Augusto Guerrero. "Growth, Distribution, and Crisis: The Workers’ Party Administrations." Latin American Perspectives 47, no. 1 (December 24, 2019): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19886821.
Full textOliveira, Breynner Ricardo, Waleska Medeiros de Souza, and Leidelaine Sérgio Perucci. "Política de formação de professores nas últimas décadas no Brasil: avanços, desafios, possibilidades e retrocessos." Roteiro 43 (December 6, 2018): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.18593/r.v0i0.16491.
Full textOliveira, Breynner Ricardo, Waleska Medeiros de Souza, and Leidelaine Sérgio Perucci. "Política de formação de professores nas últimas décadas no Brasil: avanços, desafios, possibilidades e retrocessos." Roteiro 43 (December 6, 2018): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.18593/r.v43i0.16491.
Full textMarquetti, Adalmir Antonio, Cecilia Hoff, and Alessandro Miebach. "Profitability and Distribution: The Origin of the Brazilian Economic and Political Crisis." Latin American Perspectives 47, no. 1 (December 10, 2019): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19887751.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Governments Lula and Dilma Rousseff"
Cornetet, João Marcelo Conte. "As políticas externas de Lula da Silva e de Dilma Rousseff : uma análise comparativa." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/129994.
Full textAttempting to compare the foreign policy from the two past Brazilian presidencies, we develop the hypothesis that there has been a withdraw of efforts, caused by the profile of the current president, less willing to approach international affairs, and by the international context of economic crisis, that restrain the margin of action of Brazil. To verify these hypothesis, characteristics of the foreign policy of both governments are compared - through the evaluation of variables such as presidential travels and expansion of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs -, comparing collected data to already available perspectives of analysts from the area. To explain the changes we identify, we use the model of foreign policy analysis developed by Hermann, which considers the profile of leaders, the international conjuncture during each period and other variables capable of influencing the national foreign policy. The conclusion stresses the verification of the hypothesis and the importance of new researches on the theme.
Michelon, Edimor Antônio. "Política educacional no Brasil: proposições educacionais no plano plurianual dos governos Lula e Dilma Rousseff (2008-2011)." Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Parana, 2014. http://tede.unioeste.br:8080/tede/handle/tede/858.
Full textThis study it analyzes the flexibilizações of the implemented educational politics from the educational proposals in the plurianual plan of the Lula governments and Dilma Rousseff, considering that in result of the tensions and pressures of classroom, delineated (2008-2011) and circumscribed educational politics emerge socially, in the context of the economic development considered and supported by the Brazilian State, in the axles norteadores, presented in the educational field for the Plan of Development of Educação (PDE), Plan of Goals Commitment All for Education and Plan of Articulated Actions (PAIR), and in the economic field for the Plurianual Plan Development with Social Inclusion and Education of Quality and the Plan of Acceleration of the Growth (the CAP I). The plans, programs and projects that emerge of the plurianual plan, constitute one educational politics of productive matrix, for the form as it articulates and it mobilizes diverse agencies and mechanisms of State. In this direction they are the programs of Digital Inclusion, Health in the School, More Education, Innovative Average Education, Support to the Pertaining to school Transport, Way of the School and Professionalized Brazil, among others. This category of intersetorial politics sets in motion mechanisms that dialogue between itself, in order to synthecize action that they at risk minimize the conflicts unchained for the population groups, for the insufficience of the ways, for the proper immediate social production. In this direction, the considered educational programs from the plurianual plan, represent in the flexibilizações of the social politics, the tensions and pressures that disclose the relations between classrooms in a similar way. Considering the educational politics in Brazil analyzed in this study, we can identify that they show as half specific of the economic-financial and politician-ideological production, arrangements and as mediações of the tensions and pressures between classrooms. The necessary historical conditions to the individuals cannot be disrespected in analyze of the fight of classrooms, considering that of the insufficience and incapacity of immediate social production, tensions and promotional pressures of conflicts emerge. The intersetorial and inter-ministerial joint is the expression and the representation of the State in the arrangement form and mediation of the conflicts between classrooms. The implementation of plurianuais plans constitutes one of these intergovernamentais forms of joint that are not indissociáveis of the politician-productive set and arcabouço economic-financial that flexibiliza and delineate the programs, plans and projects implemented for the State in the governments Lula and Dilma Rousseff (2008-2011) for the Brazilian education
Este estudo analisa as flexibilizações das políticas educacionais, considerando as proposições educacionais no plano plurianual dos governos Lula e Dilma Rousseff (2008-2011). Considerando que em decorrência das tensões e pressões de classe, emergem políticas educacionais socialmente delineadas e circunscritas, no contexto do desenvolvimento econômico, proposto e sustentadas pelo Estado brasileiro, nos eixos norteadores, apresentados no campo educacional pelo Plano de Desenvolvimento da Educação (PDE), Plano de Metas Compromisso Todos para Educação e Plano de Ações Articuladas (PAR), e no campo econômico pelo Plano Plurianual Desenvolvimento com Inclusão Social e Educação de Qualidade e o Plano de Aceleração do Crescimento (PAC I). Os planos, programas e projetos que emergem do plano plurianual, constituem uma política educacional de cunho produtivo, pela forma como articula e mobiliza diversos órgãos e mecanismos de Estado. Nessa direção estão os programas de Inclusão Digital, Saúde na Escola, Mais Educação, Ensino Médio Inovador, Apoio ao Transporte Escolar, Caminho da Escola e o Brasil Profissionalizado, entre outros. Essa categoria de política intersetorial aciona mecanismos, que dialogam entre si, a fim de sintetizar ações que minimizem os conflitos desencadeados, pelos grupos populacionais em risco, pela insuficiência dos meios, da própria produção social imediata. Nessa direção, os programas educacionais propostos a partir do plano plurianual, representam nas flexibilizações das políticas sociais, as tensões e pressões que revelam do mesmo modo, as relações entre classes. Considerando as políticas educacionais no Brasil analisadas nesse estudo, podemos identificar que se revelam como meios específicos da produção, arranjos econômico-financeiros e político-ideológicos e como mediações das tensões e pressões entre classes. As condições históricas necessárias aos indivíduos não podem ser desconsideradas na analise da luta de classes, considerando que da insuficiência e incapacidade de produção social imediata, emergem tensões e pressões promotoras de conflitos. A articulação intersetorial e interministerial é a expressão e a representação do Estado na forma de arranjo e mediação dos conflitos entre classes. A implementação de planos plurianuais constituem uma dessas formas de articulação intergovernamentais que não estão indissociáveis do conjunto político-produtivo e do arcabouço econômicofinanceiro que flexibiliza e delineia os programas, planos e projetos implementados pelos governos Lula e Dilma Rousseff (2008-2011) para a educação brasileira
Valdez, Robson Coelho Cardoch. "A consolidação do aparato de apoio estatal à internacionalização de empresas nacionais no Governo Lula (2003-10)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/158164.
Full textThe governmental support for the expansion of national economic conglomerates abroad is not new in industrialized countries. However, only in recent decades this issue has become a reality for developing countries like Brazil. In Brazil, despite the fact that some national companies had already started their internationalization processes long before the time frame of this study, the novelty lies in the state’s role as a promoter of a strategy to support the internationalization of Brazilian companies. The reasons for undertaking a study on the links between segments of society and the state in the government’s strategy to support the internationalization of national companies are based on the importance and the notoriety of this policy during Lula’s administration and that of his successor, President Dilma Rousseff. In addition, the creation of government financing instruments for the internationalization of Brazilian companies is part of the consolidation process of an institutional framework to promote Brazilian foreign trade that had been partly structured in previous governments. In the context of this strategy, the National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES) served as a central actor in orchestrating the interests of the country’s foreign policy and those of private national business groups. Thus, this doctoral dissertation aims to analyze the contexts and the reasons that led the government of President Lula to adopt a state support strategy towards the internationalization of national companies during the period of his administration (2003-2010).
Moreira, Larissa Cristina Dal Piva. "Análise do processo de internacionalização universitária entre países emergentes : estudo de caso do Brasil com os demais países membros dos BRICS durante os Governos Lula e Dilma." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/182390.
Full textThe general theme of this thesis is the process of university internationalization in emerging countries, more specifically in Brazil. University internationalization is known as policies geared towards the areas of scientific and technological knowledge established between countries and institutions of higher education. The university internationalization can also be recognized as a strategy of insertion in the international scenario and configuration of a multipolar order. The general objective of this thesis was to analyze and compare the university internationalization of Brazil with the other BRICS countries - Russia, India, China and South Africa - during the period of government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). Was there a difference in policy orientation between the two governments in relation to the issue? What were the specific characteristics of each, and what are the reasons for university internationalization in these countries? To answer such questions, a comparative and qualitative approach was used, based on the analysis of content and speeches of official statements by presidents, documents, speeches and government programs and interviews with exponents of the area both in Brazil and in BRICS´ member countries. We analyzed i) the politics and actions of university internationalization of Brazil with historical retrospective and in the periods of the governments of Lula and Dilma; ii) the actions developed with BRICS member countries both in Lula's government and in Dilma's government; iii) the Lula and Dilma governments and their university internationalization policy and actions towards BRICS member countries. As results we identified 1) discrepancies between visions and actions of university internationalization despite the party sequence in government, confirming the research hypothesis "the policy of internationalization of higher education was different in the Lula government and the Dilma government" in relation to the countries members of BRICS; 2) differentiation between the two governments as to the type of relationship whether or not reciprocity with such countries; 3) distinction between the two governments on the initiative to create a unified policy of internationalization of higher education with BRICS member countries. The conclusion of the thesis points to the differences between the two governments of the same party in relation to the topic of university internationalization, indicating that the presence of the same party in the government for the creation of state policy is not enough. In order to solve the dilemma between a state and government policy and to insert itself strategically on the international scene, Brazil would need its political elite to transcend conjunctural rivalries and choose education and the level of knowledge creation as non-interchangeable currencies.
França, Leonardo Bueno. "Os limites do lulismo: liderança política e racionalidade governam." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/19208.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
This paper brings together arguments and statistics data collected about the limits of the stated governability pattern reaffirmed by the government management of Lula and Dilma Rousseff. Guided by reference to the term "lulism" embracing its content through a historical and institutional perspective, it draws the conclusion that the political leadership profile forged by a symbiotic process between the Workers' Party (PT) and the State resized the odds of influence on the political system, the governance practices and its selectivity strategies. Understanding lulism as a governability pattern producer of governance capacity in order to reconcile the class-conflicts within the public administration, in addition to the PT institutionalization process and the consequent redesign of its leadership profile and support base, the pattern proved itself unsustainable with the addition of some variables. Stands out: the macroeconomic shrinking; the growing party fragmentation; the leadership deficit, the rapid growth of the most conservative bloc in the legislature since 1964 and the dysfunctions and internal differences of the two main coalition parties, PT and PMDB
Esta dissertação reúne argumentos e dados estatísticos sobre os limites do modelo de governabilidade reafirmado durante os governos de Lula e Dilma Rousseff. A discussão é guiada por referência ao termo "lulismo" compreendendo seu conteúdo por meio de uma perspectiva histórica e institucional. Conclui-se que o perfil de liderança política forjado pelo processo simbiótico entre PT e Estado redimensionou as probabilidades de influência sobre o sistema político, as práticas de governo e suas estratégias de seletividade. Somado ao processo de institucionalização do partido e da consequente remodelação de seu perfil de liderança e de sua base de apoio, nota-se que o lulismo, entendido como sendo um modelo de governabilidade produtor de capacidade governativa e, portanto, orientado à conciliação dos conflitos classistas no interior e no exterior da máquina pública, provou-se insustentável com a emergência de algumas variáveis. Destaca-se: a macroeconomia em retração; a crescente fragmentação partidária; o déficit de liderança; o rápido crescimento do maior bloco conservador no poder legislativo desde 1964 e as disfunções e divergências internas nos dois principais partidos da coalizão, PT e PMDB
Reis, Nadson Santana. "Políticas de esporte educacional nos governos Lula e Dilma : avanços, limites e anacronismos." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2015. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/19243.
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A presente dissertação teve como objeto de estudo o conjunto de políticas de esporte educacional, organizadas a partir de 2003, pelo Governo Federal. Assim, seu objetivo estava circunscrito à necessidade de analisar a configuração e a articulação dessas iniciativas no contexto da política esportiva brasileira. Por isso, tal investigação se insere no conjunto de pesquisas sociais de caráter explicativo, cujo delineamento metodológico está assentado na proposta de análise de políticas públicas desenvolvida por Boschetti (2009). No entanto, conforme as especificidades [objetivos] da pesquisa, tal modelo de análise foi adaptado, enfatizando, desse modo, o indicador que responde pela ―concepção da política‖. A coleta de dados e a formatação do arcabouço teórico-conceitual implicaram em procedimentos que reúnem pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. As discussões e problematizações daí decorrentes foram desenvolvidas segundo a técnica de análise de conteúdo. Nessa direção, ao primeiro capítulo coube a apresentação panorâmica da atual agenda da política esportiva brasileira. Já no segundo, como uma ―volta ao passado‖, priorizou-se o resgate histórico que busca entender a participação das políticas de educação, de Educação Física e de esporte no processo de modernização do Estado e da economia brasileira. No terceiro capítulo, por sua vez, foi desenvolvida a análise do conjunto de políticas de esporte educacional, que se traduz no Programa Segundo Tempo; no Programa Forças no Esporte; na Ação Descoberta do Talento Esportivo e no Projeto Esporte Brasil; no Programa Esporte da Escola; no Programa Atleta na Escola; e nos Jogos Escolares Brasileiros. As análises demonstram descompassos e incongruências entre o modelo lógico-conceitual e técnico-operacional. Com rebatimentos importantes na materialização do direito ao esporte. E aponta [ainda] a falta de uma definição [clara] quanto à linha de ação governamental – que pode ser observada a partir da grande variabilidade de sentidos e significados assumidos pelas políticas de esporte educacional. Fatos que supõem a necessidade de construção/operacionalização de uma forma educacional do esporte que implique em reconhecê-lo como um direito social e um bem cultural indispensável à experiência humana. ______________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
This work had as study object the set of educational sports policies, organized since 2003 by the Federal Government. So its goal was confined to the need to analyze the configuration and the articulation of these initiatives in the context of Brazilian sports policy. Therefore, such an investigation is within the range of social research explanatory character, whose methodological design sits in the analysis of proposed public policies developed by Boschetti (2009). However, as the specifics [goals] research, this analysis model was adapted, emphasizing thus the indicator which accounts for the "conception of politics." Data collection and formatting of the theoretical and conceptual framework resulted in procedures that bring together bibliographic and documentary research. Discussions and problematizations ensuing were developed according to the technique of content analysis. In this direction, to the first chapter fit the panoramic presentation of the current agenda of Brazilian sports policy. In the second, as a "return to the past", the historical review was prioritized that seeks to understand the participation of education policy, Physical Education and sport in the state modernization process and the Brazilian economy. In the third chapter, in turn, the analysis of the set of educational sports policies, which translates into the Second Half Program was developed; the program Forces in Sport; Discovery of the Action Sports Talent and Project Sport Brazil; in the School Sports Program; Athlete in the School Program; and the Brazilian School Games. The analysis shows mismatches and inconsistencies between the logical and conceptual, technical and operational model. With repercussions important in realization of the right to sport. And it points [still] the lack of a [clear] setting on the government course of action - which can be seen from the large variety of senses and meanings assumed by the educational sports policies. Facts that assume the need for construction/operation of an educational form of the sport that implies recognize it as a social right and a cultural indispensable to human experience.
RIZZO, ALINE DUARTE DA GRACA. "BETWEEN DEVELOPMENT AND SECURITY: SOUTH-SOUTH COOPERATION BETWEEN BRAZIL AND LIBYA IN LULA AND DILMA GOVERNMENTS." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2015. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=25730@1.
Full textCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
Nas últimas décadas a Cooperação Sul-Sul tem se intensificado substancialmente acompanhando o processo de crescente atuação das potências emergentes no cenário internacional pós Guerra Fria. Tal intensificação tem gerado debates na disciplina das Relações Internacionais acerca do papel desses atores com importante destaque à observância dos desafios pertinentes às agendas de desenvolvimento e segurança cada vez mais convergentes. Nesse sentido, esta dissertação tem por objetivo central analisar a Cooperação Sul-Sul entre o Brasil e a Líbia durante os governos Lula e Dilma estabelecendo assim o recorte temporal que se inicia em 2003 e que se estende até 2014. Este recorte será dividido em dois momentos tendo como marco de inflexão fundamental o ano de 2011 quando ocorreu a Primavera Árabe e a subsequente intervenção da OTAN na Líbia bem como a transição de governos entre Lula e Dilma no Brasil. Esse momento é marcado pelos debates acerca da Responsabilidade de Proteger (R2P), princípio implementado pela primeira vez no caso da Líbia, e a crítica brasileira seguida da proposta de formulação da Responsabilidade ao Proteger (RwP). Portanto, será dado destaque à observação da política externa brasileira e os esforços do Brasil de inserção no cenário internacional enquanto potência regional e poder global emergente compreendendo este movimento sob a perspectiva da interseção entre políticas de desenvolvimento e segurança. Esta pesquisa insere-se no marco teórico do recente debate no campo das Relações Internacionais denominado security-development nexus debate esse motivado pelos desdobramentos do evento de 11 de setembro e da subsequente Guerra ao Terror e que mobiliza discussões acerca da convergência dos campos da segurança e do desenvolvimento no atual cenário internacional. Desse modo, argumenta-se que há uma dinâmica conflitiva e crescente na política externa brasileira que alterna contestação do e inserção no sistema internacional. Essa dinâmica permeia as relações do Brasil com a Líbia bem como o posicionamento brasileiro no que tange às agendas de desenvolvimento e segurança.
In the last decades, the South South Cooperation has intensifying substancially following the process of increase role of the emerging powers on the international scene after Cold War. This intensification has improve the debate in International Relations discipline about the role of this players with focus on the challenges of development and security agenda convergence. In this sense, this dissertation has main goal to analyse the South-South Cooperation between Brazil and Libya in the Lula and Dilma governments setting the time frame that begins in 2003 and extends until 2014. This period will be divided in two moments with fundamental inflection point in 2011when happened the Arab Spring and the subsequente NATO intervention in Libya as well as the transition between Lula and Dilma government. This moment is marked for Responsability to Protect (R2P) debates in International Relations discipline, a principle implemented for the first time in the Libya case, and the Brazilian critics following for the Responsability while Protecting (RwP) proposal. Therefore, emphasis will be placed on Brazilian foreign policy and the Brazil efforts to insertion on international scene as a regional power and emerging global power understending this movement under the development and security policies intersection perspective. This research is based on recently theorical framework of International Relations field called security-develoment nexus. This debate was motiveted for 9/11 events and the Terror War as well as to mobilize the discussion about security and development fields convertion. In this sense, it will be argued that there is a conflitive and increase dynamics in Brazilian foreign policies that alternates contestations of and insertion on international sistem. This dynamics permeates the relations between Brazil na Libya as well as the brazilian position about development and security agendas.
Riediger, Bruna Figueiredo. "Política externa brasileira para o mundo árabe : uma análise dos governos Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff (2003-2013)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/96694.
Full textIn 2003, with the inauguration in office of President Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, it started in Brazil a foreign policy that had in the diversification of partners one of its main lines. Therefore, the Arab World returned to the Brazilian diplomatic agenda and in Lula’s years received plenty of visits of Brazilian authorities, including the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Celso Amorim, and President Lula himself. Besides that, new embassies were opened, a Summit of South America with the region was created, and Brazil attempted to participate in the Israeli-Palestinian peace talks. In 2011, however, with the beginning of Dilma Rousseff’s presidency in Brazil and the protests in the Arab World – that led to important changes in rulers of some countries – the continuity of this policy has been compromised. Foreign Policy Change has in the leadership profile and in the international context two of its main sources of changes. In the Brazilian case, we noticed the continuity of the major lines of Brazilian foreign policy and the defense of traditional principles. At the same time, we have however a retreat in the country activism not only in the region, but internationally, in general. We conclude that the “Arab Spring” did not cause a change in the Brazilian strategy to the Arab World; the President’s profile, on the other hand, led to a decrease in the intensity that this policy was pursued.
Lopes, Monalisa Soares. "Narrativas simbólicas do lulismo: uma análise das campanhas eleitorais de Dilma Rousseff (2010 e 2014)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFC, 2016. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/22408.
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This research aims to understand how the symbolic narrative of lulismo was structured in the 2010 and 2014 presidential campaigns. The paper strengthens the interpretation which says the governments led by Lula and Dilma configures a policy cycle, because they instituted a temporality of policies marked by a continuation of governamental actions and symbolic brands. The election campaigns are here understood as a privileged space to observe symbolic aspects which build strategies interested in accession to ensure groups in power. In this sense, the analyses here developed takes the Free Political Electoral Time (HGPE) as a lócus of visibility of narratives which configure one candidate/group or policy cycle. The understanding of interpretative framing (PORTO, 2002) was mobilized to understand speeches (textual and visual) that compose the narratives presented in HGPE. The córpus of analyses is made of 40 electoral programmes, 20 from each campaign, it means 10 per round. Beside those information, analyses of party programmes of PT in the periods pre-electoral (2009, 2010, 2013 and 2014) were also included. The analyses identifed the fact which says the symbolic narratives from lulismo were built thru a inerpretative framing of a legacy which configures itself through a new brazilian historical moment startup. This new era was shown up by an execution of a political project that promoted the social inclusion as “never before in the country history”. The symbolic narrative delimits, therefore, a definition of temporality, the lulism versus the past, defined in existence function or not of social rights and citizenship to broad parts of population.
Esta pesquisa objetiva compreender como se estruturou uma narrativa simbólica do lulismo nas disputas eleitorais de 2010 e 2014 para o executivo federal. O trabalho fortalece a interpretação de que os governos liderados por Lula e Dilma configuram um ciclo político, posto que instituem uma temporalidade política marcada pela continuidade de ações governativas e marcas simbólicas. As campanhas eleitorais são aqui tomadas como espaços privilegiados para a observação de aspectos simbólicos que constituem estratégias de busca por adesão em prol da permanência de grupos no poder. Desse modo, a análise aqui desenvolvida toma o Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) como o lócus de visibilidade das narrativas caracterizadoras de um candidato/grupo ou ciclo político. A metodologia da pesquisa seguiu os percursos que permeiam os estudos no âmbito interdisciplinar da comunicação política. A noção de enquadramento interpretativo (PORTO, 2002) foi mobilizada com vistas a compreender as discursividades (textuais e visuais) que compõem as narrativas apresentadas no HGPE. O córpus de análise constituiu-se de 40 programas eleitorais, 20 de cada campanha, sendo 10 de cada turno. Além destes foram inclusos também na análise os programas partidários do PT nos períodos pré-eleitorais (2009, 2010, 2013 e 2014). A análise empreendida identificou que a narrativa simbólica do lulismo foi construída através do enquadramento interpretativo de um legado que se caracterizaria pela instiuição de um novo momento da história política do país. Esse novo tempo se evidenciaria pela execução de um projeto político que promoveu a inclusão social como “nunca antes na história do país”. A narrativa simbólica delimita, portanto, uma definição de temporalidades, o lulismo versus o passado, definidas em função da existência ou não de direitos sociais e cidadania para amplas parcelas da população.
Pereira, Claudia Catarino. "As empresas estatais e o financiamento do esporte nos governos Lula e Dilma." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2017. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/25300.
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq).
O objetivo deste estudo foi analisar o papel desempenhado pelas empresas estatais no financiamento público do esporte e problematizar suas implicações no setor esportivo brasileiro. A pesquisa se desenvolveu a partir de uma abordagem qualitativa-quantitativa, baseada em três grandes partes: i) pesquisa bibliográfica, construída com base na discussão sobre Estado e fundo público, neoliberalismo, políticas sociais e de esporte, empresas estatais e empresas cidadãs; ii) pesquisa documental, a partir dos principais parâmetros legais que regem a política de esporte no Brasil e seu financiamento, dos documentos e dados das empresas estatais coletados no E-Sic, Portal do Acesso à Informação e site do Ministério do Esporte, e das próprias empresas estatais; iii) discussão e análise dos dados coletados, segundo os indicadores de magnitude e direcionamento do gasto, possibilitando averiguar a continuidade, crescimento e redução dos recursos pagos e quais os programas, projetos e serviços foram priorizados pelas ações de patrocínio. O período analisado foi de 2004 a 2015, o que nos permitiu compreender o ativismo estatal dos governos Lula e Dilma a partir das empresas estatais. Os principais resultados foram: a priorização do gasto com a categoria EAR, ou seja, a preparação de atletas como importante elemento para que os megaeventos esportivos acontecessem; a forte relação de patrocínio estabelecida entre as empresas estatais e as confederações de esportes olímpicos; os altos gastos com a modalidade futebol, principalmente pela CEF, Petrobras e Eletrobrás; a contradição das empresas estatais ao desenvolverem ações ligadas à política de responsabilidade social que mascaram os reais interesses mercadológicos atrás destas; a centralidade das empresas estatais no desenvolvimento do ativismo estatal, também verificado no desempenho das funções de integração e garantia das condições gerais de reprodução a partir do esporte. Conclui-se que as empresas estatais realizaram importante investimento financeiro no esporte de alto rendimento, complementando as ações governamentais para execução dos megaeventos esportivos no Brasil.
The purpose of this study was to analyze the role played by state enterprises in the public financing of sport and to problematize its implications in the Brazilian sports sector. The research developed from a qualitative-quantitative approach, based on three main parts: i) bibliographic research, based on the discussion of State and public fund, neoliberalism, social and sports policies, state enterprises and citizen companies; ii) documentary research, based on the main legal parameters governing sport policy in Brazil and its financing, and the documents and data of state companies collected in the E-Sic, Access to Information Portal and website of the Ministry of Sports and the companies themselves State; and iii) discussion and analysis of the data collected, according to the indicators of magnitude and direction of expenditure, making it possible to ascertain the continuity, growth and reduction of the resources paid and which programs, projects and services were prioritized by sponsorship actions. The period analyzed was from 2004 to 2015, which allowed us to understand the state activism of the Lula and Dilma governments from the state-owned enterprises. The main results were: the prioritization of spending with the EAR category, that is, the preparation of athletes as an important element for sports mega events to happen; The strong sponsorship relationship established between stateowned enterprises and Olympic sports confederations; The high expenses with the soccer modality, mainly by CEF, Petrobras and Eletrobrás; the contradiction of state-owned enterprises by developing actions linked to social responsibility policy that mask the real market interests behind them; the centrality of state enterprises in the development of state activism, also verified in the performance of the functions of integration and guarantee of the general conditions of reproduction from the sport. It is concluded that state-owned enterprises make a significant financial investment in high-performance sports, complementing government actions to execute sport mega-events in Brazil.
Books on the topic "Governments Lula and Dilma Rousseff"
Carmo, Evan do. Dilma Rousseff: A mulher a quem Lula deu o Brasil. Brasília: Clube de Autores, 2014.
Find full text1946-, Espinosa Antônio Roberto, ed. O cofre do Adhemar: A iniciação política de Dilma Rousseff e outros segredos da luta armada. São Paulo: Jaboticaba, 2011.
Find full textO cofre do Dr. Rui: Como a Var-Palmares de Dilma Rousseff realizou o maior assalto da luta armada brasileira. Rio de Janeiro, RJ: Civilização Brasileira, 2011.
Find full textArnaudo, Dan. Brazil. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190931407.003.0007.
Full textBook chapters on the topic "Governments Lula and Dilma Rousseff"
Roett, Riordan. "Dilma Rousseff." In Brazil. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190224523.003.0007.
Full textFreitas Couto, Euclides de, and Alan Castellano Valente. "The World Cup Is Ours!" In Soccer Diplomacy, 198–220. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179513.003.0011.
Full textAlston, Lee J., Marcus André Melo, Bernardo Mueller, and Carlos Pereira. "A Conceptual Dynamic for Understanding Development." In Brazil in Transition. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691162911.003.0002.
Full textGonçalves Gresse, Eduardo, Daniel Peters, and Fernando Preusser de Mattos. "A Brazilian Perspective on Development and R2P: Analysing the Linkages between Domestic and Foreign Policies under Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff." In Southern Democracies and the Responsibility to Protect, 101–48. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845285672-101.
Full textCarvalho, Patrícia Nasser de, and Fernanda Cristina Nanci Izidro Gonçalves. "O BRASIL COMO POTÊNCIA REGIONAL NA AMÉRICA DO SUL: UMA ANÁLISE DA LIDERANÇA BRASILEIRA DURANTE OS GOVERNOS LULA DA SILVA E DILMA ROUSSEFF." In Teoria e prática da ciência política, 126–44. Antonella Carvalho de Oliveira, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.22533/at.ed.2301828128.
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