Academic literature on the topic 'Gran Poder Festival'

Objetivo: El artículo analiza el impacto del marketing experiencial, a través del patrocinio de festivales de música, como vía idónea para el fomento relaciones positivas para organizadores, marcas y asistentes. Diseño/metodología/enfoque: El presente estudio realiza, a través de una revisión bibliográfica, entrevistas en profundidad y estudio de casos, un recorrido sobre el valor de los festivales como impulsor de experiencias positivas entre las partes. Los casos objetos de estudio se aplica sobre dos festivales de música que asumen formatos diversos. Uno que se presta a los criterios estándares de los festivales de música (el Arena Sound) y, otro formato que se aleja de los formatos más comerciales y convencionales (el WOS Festival x Son Estrella). Resultados: El vínculo positivo en un evento elegido por la audiencia donde la participación activa del usuario es evidente, desde la espera para poder adquirir el producto hasta su disfrute, es un filón para la marca en un sentido publicitario. La atribución de esa presencia física o virtual, así como la relación como promotor de la existencia de ese festival quedarán asociadas en la mente de ese consumidor. La simbiosis marca-música-experiencia es altamente productiva para anunciantes, organizadores y espectadores. Al organizador le aporta notoriedad y publicity, a la marca afinidad e impacto en soportes y al público una experimentación de ocio que compartirá con gran probabilidad en sus redes generando contenido prescriptor entre sus pares. De partida todo indica que es una asociación win-win para todos los actores de la acción. Limitaciones/implicaciones: las limitaciones del artículo se circunscriben a la muestra abordada que, si bien no es generalizable al conjunto de festivales de música, permiten aproximarse a una realidad concreta desde una perspectiva cualitativa Originalidad/contribución: Este texto contribuye a un campo de estudio poco abordado en la literatura académica, los festivales de música como generador de marketing experiencial. Se aporta una clasificación propia sobre los efectos del patrocinio en este tipo de eventos sobre las marcas, asistentes y festivales. Clasificación JEL: M31

A festa do "Senhor Jesus do Gran Poder" é o maior evento folclórico da cidade de La Paz (Bolívia). A pesquisa desenvolvida, se ancora teoricamente no campo das práticas sociais e culturais, mais especificamente na teoria da folkcomunicação. Portanto, o objetivo deste trabalho é realizar uma análise folkcomunicacional e folkmidiática desta festa, contemporaneamente considerada como festival, investigando de que maneiras atua para a promoção da comunicação dos marginalizados e do folclore como prática sócio-cultural democratizante. A abordagem adotada é qualitativa, a metodologia parte do levantamento bibliográfico e posterior análise teórica e documental, de uma série de pesquisas ligadas ao campo folkcomunicacional, as principais ferramentas utilizadas são a observação e registro fotográfico das práticas, rituais festivos e, de maneira especial das danças apresentadas em seu decorrer. No entanto, também se lançou mão de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com alguns personagens atuantes na festa. O desafio reflexivo, deste texto, aponta para a inclusão da teoria da folkcomunicação, no campo acadêmico boliviano, pois que, pelo menos, até este momento e pelos levantamentos realizados, esta discussão têm sido ausente. Assim também se assemelha como resultado, a adição de outras categorias teóricas tais como: práticas sociais e culturais e resistência cultural, neste contexto. A pesquisa se justifica, na medida em que, abre um horizonte de visibilidade, a respeito da importância da análise deste evento folclórico, como também das questões relacionadas a comunicação dos marginalizados na Bolívia. Festa; Folclore; Folkcomunicação; Práticas socioculturais.

La fiesta es un acto social que tiene como eje central un acontecimiento importante. El momento de la fiesta representa algo extraordinario y está fuera de lo que día a día se hace en una comunidad o en una nación. Es un evento cargado de alegría, en el que usualmente hay música, bailes y comida que lo caracterizan. En Cartagena hay dos actividades festivas de gran significado para los ciudadanos: el 11 de noviembre, día en que se celebra la independencia, y la fiesta de la Virgen de la Candelaria, celebración con una larga tradición que hunde sus raíces en la colonia.

Este artículo propone explorar la compleja interrelación entre Felipe III y el duque de Lerma, su valido, a través de un prisma poco utilizado por la historiografía: la danza cortesana. En la muy ambiciosa política festiva del valido, la danza ocupa un papel especial que responde al gusto específico del monarca por este arte y que no tendrá equivalentes en la posteridad bajo los Austrias. En este contexto, la danza cortesana es uno de los soportes de la representación alegórica de la monarquía que opera en las fiestas reales. Partiendo de estas premisas, el artículo se pregunta cómo la danza afecta a este sistema de representación cuando está en manos del valido, es decir, no solo un partícipe cualquiera de las danzas, sino aquel que baila al lado del rey y, sobre todo, aquel que termina teniendo suficiente poder como para costear saraos o máscaras capaces de emular la magnificencia real.

Abstract The city reflects a politics of possession, upon which pieces of land ultimately get encircled by walls for exploitation. Walls—the entities that frame up the city—are territory ma(r)kers, yet this architectural gesture, far from being innocent, symbolizes a lurking desire at owning territories in the ma(r)king. This paper brings this idea home by examining the other meanings of the wall in contemporary Morocco, by closely studying the poetics and politics of the wall in the context of the Jidar street art festival of Rabat, situated, as it were, in the intersection of concepts (such as festival, paint, street art, wall, patronage, cooptation, resistance, local and global). We argue that the JSAF presents, among other things, a venue for local artists to perform and translate their thoughts and artistic visions into murals of a grand scale. Yet under the gaze of power, their performances accentuate the existentialist yet ambivalent position of city walls not only as embodiments of visual escape, but also as terrains of artistic/economic opportunities, incompatible social emotions, and contentious politics.

Life in the eighteenth century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was signified by active interference of the Russian Empire in the politics of the state. Imperial army was continuously summoned to reinforce Russian interests and to support internal feuds of the Commonwealth. Lithuanian and Polish society was forced to reconcile with the presence of foreign army in the country, whereas Russian officers sought to utilize their presence in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in enhancing useful personal relationships and for the purposes of propaganda. The article explores the relationship between the society of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Russian officers in daily life, how both sides built this coexistence, and how it was changing depending on circumstances. Analysis of sources on everyday life of Vilnius showed that daily life of its citizens was burdened by the obligation of housing and feeding the army, although in ordinarily they tried not to confront this menacing power. People wanted to earn favour of the Russian army leadership and be relieved of this duty through gifts, salutations and other signs of respect. On the other side, Russian officers depended not only on their power, they also tried to form good relationships with the high society and communities, e. g. officers visited monasteries and pass greetings during church celebrations. A pretext to assemble the nobility was a celebration dedicated to honour the rulers of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Russia. Russian officers also demonstrated signs of respect to the loyal high standing officials of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. They also tried to earn favour of the wider public through events of mass entertainment, e. g. the carnivals were made open to the citizens from various strata. The public could be rallied to watch show exercises of the Russian army, which was a spectacle for the curious citizens from lower social strata, and for the higher level citizens it was an opportunity to strengthen ties that could ensure their future privileges. Multiple festivities organized by the Russian officers were implemented with propaganda objectives in mind. Through such spectacular and luxury events they tried to demonstrate power and their decorations usually repeated motifs of the glorification of the Court of Catherine II. Celebrations, their decorations, occasional literature were some of the tools aimed at supporting the patronage of Russia. Existing sources on everyday life do not permit speaking about the moral side of the relationship with the Russian officers. Most likely, the start of the Four-Year Sejm, when the aim to strengthen the statehood was expressed in clearer terms, collaboration with the foreign power was not considered treason and condemned. Keywords: Vilnius, Russian army, everyday life, festivities, spectacles.

Se presentan 4 máscaras precolombinas, tres de las cuales son ecuatorianas y una colombiana. Las primeras son de cerámica y se adscriben a la cultura Jama-Coaque y la tercera de concha Spondylus prínceps no tiene adscripción a ninguna en particular del Ecuador prehispánico, por no existir un estudio sistemático en Ecuador sobre la relación de esas máscaras con sus culturas costeras, la colombiana es de cobre. La primera de cerámica ecuatoriana por su tamaño, peso y elementos agregados – un material blanco que simula los dientes, tres piedras verdes que parecen los ojos y una incrustación sublabial, un bezote – hacen pensar en una máscara mortuoria de un personaje de poder y alto estatus social; la segunda de cerámica por presentar dieciséis nódulos faciales remite al observador a la llamada verruga peruana o bartonelosis, la tercera ecuatoriana fue elaborada posiblemente como un elemento votivo o de ofrenda para exhibir poder o invocar fuerza o protección dado el carácter de gran valor simbólico de esa concha roja. La máscara de cobre del Cauca medio o Quimbaya, en razón a su material, peso y color, con bastante probabilidad fue usada como adorno colocado sobre el pecho del personaje poderoso o de elevado estatus. Se compara la máscara con bartonelosis con otras dos que el autor ya había documentado, la de concha con otra del mismo tipo de material, la máscara de cobre con una pequeña de piedra jadeíta se referencia con una calavera enmascarada que el autor tuvo la oportunidad de estudiar hace varios años. Se concluye sugiriendo los usos tradicionalmente asignados a las máscaras: festivos, mortuorios y como adornos corporales para resaltar el poder de quien las exhibe. Las máscaras con la erupción tipo nódulos debieron jugar un papel similar a las estatuillas en cerámica y piedra que representan patologías con tanto realismo en el arte prehispánico, pudiendo ser una forma de enseñar, dentro de un pensamiento médico empírico analógico, como lo son los moldes en cera, las fotografías, los dibujos y pinturas en la medicina moderna basada en un pensamiento empírico analítico.

Abstract Across the Arab world, increasing digitization, spiking young demographics, expanding media education programs and rising cultural liberalism seem to be inducing greater visualization in the virtual sphere. This perception of the image as a key facet of online communications has been especially noted in the Arabian Gulf, where grand cultural and media projects embracing media cities, virtual museums, knowledge parks, online video platforms and film festivals are seen as critically supporting the region by telling its story to the world. But in order for the Arab world to sustain this visual momentum in the virtual public sphere, it must address certain challenges arising from its postcolonial visual media policies, historically-entrenched oral communication legacies, state authoritarianism and narrow Islamic views of the image as taboo. In a global communications environment, Arabs have much to gain by harnessing the power of the image in virtual space to enhance their international engagement. The Gulf region has already made some breakthroughs in this regard by fostering more open cultural policies, supporting online visual content creation, embracing creative young talent, maintaining world-class telecommunications infrastructures and solidifying visual media education programs. But more has yet to be done to realize the full visual potential of the virtual sphere.

In June 1945, the 220th anniversary of the USSR Academy of Sciences was celebrated on a grand scale. An academic anniversary is a polysyllabic commemorative action that can be described in diverse contexts. The authors focused directly on the holiday scenario in the corporate-ritual dimension, as well as its communicative potentialities. The source of the research was published and unpublished clerical materials of the USSR Academy of Sciences, periodicals and popular science publications, ego-sources of participants in the science festival. The methodological optics of the article consisted of developments in the field of intellectual history, the social history of science, and the history of memory. In the festive scenario, the authors identified the following components: 1) actually scientific, 2) ritual and welcoming, 3) concert and entertainment, and 4) banquet. During the study, it was concluded that the scenario for celebrating the 220th anniversary of the USSR Academy of Sciences is multilayered and at the same time integral and indivisible. It organically combined heterogeneous social entities - power sharpened by rigid forms of social engineering and repressive regulation, scientists trying to remove themselves from excommunication from pre-revolutionary and world science, foreign guests who became their own for a short historical moment. The scenario of the anniversary correlates with the contextual background of the anniversary celebrations, which was distinguished by a special atmosphere of expectation of a new life after the Great Patriotic War. In the communicative plan, jubilee celebrations are considered as practices of intensive communication. The conclusion is made that the idea of a unified world science will be revived for a short moment.

As John Adamson outlined in his voluminous comparative analysis of European court culture, „in the period between 1500 and 1750 a „Versailles model” of a court as a self-sufficient, situated in a free space, architectonically harmonious city-residency remote from the capital city, where the king’s household and administration was located, was an exception.” The Versailles conception and „model” both architectonically and in terms of practical functioning of the court was spread and secured in the 18th century, developing into a model of absolutism which was imitated to different extents. The spectrum of the adoption of the court of Louis XIV by material and intellectual culture reached from the grand ensembles of palaces of Carskoye Selo in Peterhof, Russia, Drottningholm in Sweden and Sanssouci in Germany to several small residences of the German princes’ realms in Weimar, Hanover, and elsewhere in Europe. Analyzing the works of several researchers about the transformation of the French aristocracy into court society, a common conclusion is the assurance of the symbolic autocratic power by Louis XIV to the detriment of the economic and political independence of the aristocracy. In this context, A. de Tocqueville points at the forfeiture of the power of the French aristocracy and its influence and a simultaneous self-isolation of the group, which he defines as a „caste with ideas, habits and barriers that they created in the nation.” Modern research, when revisiting the methods of the resarch on the aristocracy and when expanding the choice of sources, is still occupied with the problem defined in the beginning of the 19th century by A. de Tocqueville: The aristocracy lost its power and influence, and by the end of the 18th century also its economic basis for its dominance in French society. John Levron defines courtiers as functional mediators between the governor and society, calling them a „screen”.1 In turn, Ellery Schalk stated that in the time of Louis XIV the aristocracy was going through an elite identity crisis, when alongside the old aristocracy involved in military professions (noblesse d’épée), the governor allowed a new, so-called administrative aristocracy (noblesse de robe) to hold major positions and titles of honour. Along with the transformation of the traditional aristocratic hierarchy formed in the early Middle Ages, which John Lough described as an anachronism already back in the 17th century, also the status of governor and its symbolic place in the aristocratic hierarchy changed. It shall be noted that it is the question of a governor’s role in the political culture of absolutism by which the ideas of many researches can be distinguished. Norbert Elias thinks that an absolute monarch was a head of a family, which included the whole state and thereby turned into a governor’s „household”. Timothy Blanning, on the other hand, thinks that the court culture of Louis XIV was the expression of the governor’s insecurity and fears. This is a view which the researcher seems to derive from the traumatic experience of the Fronde (the aristocrats’ uprising against the mother of Louis XIV, regent Anna of Austria), which the culturologist K. Hofmane interpreted from a psychoanalytical point of view and defined Louis XIV as a conqueror of chaos and a despotic governor. In the wide spectrum of opinions, it is not the governor’s political principles which are postulated as a unifying element, but scenarios of the representation of power, their aims and various tools that are combined in the concept of court culture. N. Elias names symbolic activities in the court etiquette as the manifestation of power relations, whereas M. Yampolsky identifies a symbolic withdrawal of a governor’s body from the „circulation in society”, when a governor starts to represent himself, thereby alienating himself from society. George Gooch in this way reprimanded Louis XV as he thought this development would deprive the royal representation from the sacred. In turn, Jonathan Dewald in his famous work „European Aristocracy” noted that Louis XIV was not the first to use the phenomenon of the court for securing the personal authority of a governor, and refers to the courts during the late period of the Italian Renaissance as predecessors of French court culture. What role did the monarch’s closest „viewers” – the courtiers – play in this? K. Hofmane by means of comparison with the ancient Greek mythical monster Gorgon comes to conclusion that the court had to provide prey for the Gorgon (the king), who is both scared and fascinated by the terrific sight (of power and glory). The perception of the court as a collective observer implies the presence of the observed and worshiped object, the king. The public life of Louis XIV, which was subjected to the complicated etiquette, provided for the hierarchical access to the king’s public body. Let’s remember the „Memoirs” of Duc de Saint-Simon that gives a detailed description of the symbolic privileges granted to the courtiers, which along the material gifts (pensions, concessions and land plots) were tools for the formation of the identity and the status of a new aristocrat/courtier – along with the right to touch the king’s belongings, his attire, etc. The basis for securing the structure of the court’s hierarchy was provided by the governor’s body along the lines mentioned above, which according to the understanding of representation by M. Yampolsky was withdrawn from society and placed within the borders of the ensemble of the Versailles palace. There, by means of several tools, including dramatic works of art, the governor’s body was separated from its symbolic content and hidden behind the algorithms of ritualized activities. Blanning also speaks about a practice of hiding from the surrounding environment, thereby defining court culture as a hiding-place that a governor created around himself. It was possible to look at a governor and thereby be observed by him not only on particular festivals, when a governor was available mostly for court society, but also in different works of visual art, for example, on triumphal archs, in engravings, or during horse-racings.

La fiesta, para entenderla hay que vivirla y gozarla, de lo contrario únicamente tendremos una visión muy corta y restringida de este evento. La fiesta al ser un tiempo extraordinario que rompe con la rutina y las actividades diarias tiene una dimensión transversal en las acciones de los seres humanos, de manera activa o latente, explícita o implícita que se refleja en la realidad social y cultural. En nuestro país y en especial en la ciudad de La Paz, tenemos la posibilidad de ser parte de una diversidad de fiestas a lo largo del año. Entre ellas tenemos, por ejemplo, la fiesta de carnavales, las fiestas patronales y las fiestas cívicas. Cada una de éstas con elementos socio-culturales, económicos, políticos e históricos que hacen de ellas eventos singulares. El elemento vinculador de estas expresiones es la participación de diversos grupos sociales que desfilan o hacen su “entrada” por las principales calles de la ciudad durante el tiempo festivo.

Fundamental in making the myth of civilization meaningful in Indian culture was the performance of the Navarātra, the festival of the Nine Nights, which was intertwined with Durgā's cult. This final chapter deals with how the cult functioned in creating the spectacle of ‘public religion’ through a reconstruction of this ritual in which the goddess was worshipped by a ruler in the month of Āśvina. A detailed exposition of the modus operandi of the Nine Nights shows us how the religion of the goddess was spectacularly brought to life in an event of grand theatre and solemnized before its participants, the king and the entire community. The development of the Nine Nights from a fringe, Vaiṣṇava ceremony in the month of Kṛṣṇa's birth under the Guptas, to a ritual supplanting the established autumnal Brahmanical ceremonies of kingship and finally into a crucial rite in Indian culture for consolidating royal power, formed a crucial motivation for the expansion of Durgā's cult. The chapter isolates and analyzes in depth the principal early traditions of the Navarātra in East India and in the Deccan by an assessment of the available ritual descriptions and prescriptions in Sanskrit and eye-witness sources from a later period, used to fill in the gaps in the earlier sources. The most elaborate description of a court-sponsored rite emerges from the Kārṇāṭa and Oinwar courts of Mithilā, which embody what appears to be a ritual that had matured a good few centuries earlier before it was recorded in official literature. Among these the account of the Oinwars by the Maithila paṇḍita Vidyāpati is the most extensive treatment of the goddess's autumnal worship by a king, and attained great renown among the learned at the time as an authoritative source. His description portrays a spectacular court ceremony, involving pomp and pageantry, in which horses and weapons were worshipped, the king was anointed, and the goddess propitiated as the central symbol of royal power in various substrates over the course of the Nine Nights. Vidyapati's work also reveals the marked impact of Tantricism on the character of the rite, which employed Śākta mantras and propitiated autonomous, ferocious forms of the goddess associated with the occult, particularly on the penultimate days. Maturing in eastern India, the goddess's Navarātra ceremony was proselytized by the smartas further to the west and percolated into the Deccan, where, from around the 12th century, it attained an independent southern character. Whereas the eastern rite focused on the goddess as the central object of devotion, the southern rite focused on the symbolism of the king, attaining its most distinctive and lavish manifestation in the kingdom of Vijayanagara. Throughout this development, the Navarātra remained intimately associated with the theme of dispelling calamities, thereby augmenting secular power in the world, sustaining the power of the ruler and granting political might and health to a community. It remained from its ancient core a ritual of dealing with and averting crises performed collectively by a polis. Such remains its character even today.

This chapter assesses how Durgā replaced Skanda as a symbol of imperialism as she began to represent local goddesses thought to control land, something Skanda could not. Śaiva mythology employed narrative devices and concepts used to integrate Skanda into its fold to incorporate Durgā and to grant her a critical place within the Śaiva pantheon. This period coincided with the end of the Gupta empire, during which other lineages asserted themselves on the political map. The goddess, now a cohesive deity, began to appear as a political metaphor in their propaganda, replacing Skanda. The Cālukya emperors, for example, begin to prioritize her over their other favoured lineage god, Skanda. Assessing Cālukya era inscriptions, early Śaiva and epic sources, and later liturgies and mythologies of Durgā, this chapter shows how Skanda's decline provided a cultural vacuum after the end of the Gupta period that was filled by Durgā. Symbols of imperialism, such as the restoration of Dharma from the destabilizing effects of adharma, once formerly associated with Skanda in his imperial, demon-slaying form, began to be transplanted to the goddess. Among these symbols, her increased association with the protective goddesses called the Mātṛs, who are portrayed in early literature and material remains as Skanda's family members, had a political effect in increasing the relevance of her autumnal worship in combating communal crises. Safeguarding a community from death-giving dangers such as drought, cataclysms, earthquakes and the onslaught of harmful demons involved worshipping Durgā in the centre of the Mātṛs whose apotropaic function was well established in the religious literature of the day. The ritual sequence of the festival of Navarātra began to be dominated by the worship of these goddesses during the sacred days of Mahāṣṭamī and Mahānavamī. The result is that while Durgā's power in her earlier Gupta conception as Nidrā was connected with nature, particularly the sky, rainfall, stars and clouds, it is gradually represented through a more official array of symbols connected with military kingship, many initially imagined with Skanda, when the transition into Śaivism occurs. While under the Guptas she had been a liminal symbol, her entrance into Śaivism marked her gradual elevation into the centre, a transition that was firmly cemented when this transplantation onto the bedrock of Skanda's cultural conception occurred.