To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Grand Council Treaty no.
Journal articles on the topic 'Grand Council Treaty no'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Grand Council Treaty no.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Connelly, Matthew. "RETHINKING THE COLD WAR AND DECOLONIZATION: THE GRAND STRATEGY OF THE ALGERIAN WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 221–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801002033.
Full textAbstract:
October and November 1960 were two of the coldest months of the Cold War. Continuing tensions over Berlin and the nuclear balance were exacerbated by crises in Laos, Congo, and—for the first time—France's rebellious départements in Algeria. During Nikita Khrushchev's table-pounding visit to the United Nations, he embraced Belkacem Krim, the foreign minister of the Gouvernement Provisoire de la République Algérienne (GPRA). After mugging for the cameras at the Soviet estate in Glen Cove, New York, Khrushchev confirmed that this constituted de facto recognition of the provisional government and pledged all possible aid. Meanwhile, in Beijing, President Ferhat Abbas delivered the GPRA's first formal request for Chinese “volunteers.” U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower asked his National Security Council “whether such intervention would not mean war.” The council agreed that if communist regulars infiltrated Algeria, the United States would be bound by the North Atlantic Treaty to come to the aid of French President Charles de Gaulle and his beleaguered government. After six years of insurgency, Algeria appeared to be on the brink of becoming a Cold War battleground.1
2
DeMallie, R. J. "White Man's Paper Trail: Grand Councils and Treaty-Making on the Central Plains." Journal of American History 94, no. 1 (June 1, 2007): 269–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25094838.
Full text
3
Hagan, William T., and Stan Hoig. "White Man's Paper Trail: Grand Councils and Treaty-Making on the Central Plains." Western Historical Quarterly 38, no. 4 (December 1, 2007): 519. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25443619.
Full text
4
Bamforth, Nicholas. "Grant v. South-West Trains: Some Comparative Observations." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 2 (1999): 125–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802815879.
Full textAbstract:
In Grant v. South-West Trains, the European Court of Justice ruled that an employer’s refusal to grant an employee concessionary travel for her samesex partner on the company’s trains—when such a concession was readily available to employees with opposite-sex partners—did not constitute sex discrimination contrary to Article 141 of the EC Treaty. From the standpoint of Community law, the Grant decision has been criticised from a number of angles: for example, it has been suggested that the decision contains an ungenerous approach to the Community law principles of respect for fundamental rights and equality, that it is inconsistent with the Court’s earlier decision in P v. S and Cornwall County Council, and that—given the weight attached by the Court of Justice to European Convention on Human Rights case law—it has been undermined by the later decision of the European Court of Human Rights in Smith v. United Kingdom.
5
Bamforth, Nicholas. "Grant v. South-West Trains: Some Comparative Observations." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 2 (1999): 125–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000003335.
Full textAbstract:
In Grant v. South-West Trains, the European Court of Justice ruled that an employer’s refusal to grant an employee concessionary travel for her samesex partner on the company’s trains—when such a concession was readily available to employees with opposite-sex partners—did not constitute sex discrimination contrary to Article 141 of the EC Treaty. From the standpoint of Community law, the Grant decision has been criticised from a number of angles: for example, it has been suggested that the decision contains an ungenerous approach to the Community law principles of respect for fundamental rights and equality, that it is inconsistent with the Court’s earlier decision in P v. S and Cornwall County Council, and that—given the weight attached by the Court of Justice to European Convention on Human Rights case law—it has been undermined by the later decision of the European Court of Human Rights in Smith v. United Kingdom.
6
Tate, Michael L. "White Man's Paper Trail: Grand Councils and Treaty-Making on the Central Plains, and: War Dance at Fort Marion: Plains Indian War Prisoners (review)." Southwestern Historical Quarterly 111, no. 1 (2007): 95–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/swh.2007.0081.
Full text
7
Koivurova, Timo, Kai Kokko, Sebastien Duyck, Nikolas Sellheim, and Adam Stepien. "The present and future competence of the European Union in the Arctic." Polar Record 48, no. 4 (July 8, 2011): 361–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247411000295.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThe European Union's (EU's) intention of becoming a permanent observer in the Arctic Council and the reluctance of Arctic actors to grant it that status have made the union's aspirations in the Arctic the subject of a continuing debate. The discussion appears to be dominated by geographical considerations and the EU's gradually emerging Arctic policy. This article puts forward a different view of the EU's presence in the region, one drawing on an analysis of relevant EU competences. As a complex international actor, the EU has acquired a broad array of decision-making powers from its member states, powers that partly extend to Iceland and Norway via the EEA Agreement. Moreover, the EU has in many cases become a relevant actor in international negotiations and treaty making processes the outcomes of which are of crucial importance for the governance of the Arctic. Our argument in the third and concluding section is that only by including the EU in Arctic governance can the international community provide better prospects for the union to sensitise its policies and discourses to the Arctic realities and for other Arctic actors to understand how the union functions. This argument is supported by an analysis of the EU's restrictions on the import of seal products and the ensuing litigation.
8
Strezhneva, M. "The Role of National Parliaments in Governing the European Union." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (2015): 52–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-1-52-62.
Full textAbstract:
Institutional structures and decision-making processes, which have been established in the European Union, fall beyond the scope of national rules for the functioning of parliamentary government. National parliaments of the EU member states have not succeeded in acquiring solid positions in the multilevel constellation within the Union. Yet nowadays they are assigned an important mission in their efforts to overcome, alongside the European Parliament (EP), the growing democratic deficit at both the European and national levels. The article is meant to assess the potential of national parliaments in capitalizing on the Lisbon Treaty provisions and on new forms of their engagement with supranational institutions (the European Council, the European Commission and the EP in particular), aimed at enhancing their legitimizing influence. General paradigm for the analysis is determined by the multilevel governance concept (MLG). It allows for a picture of European decision-making, which is shared by actors placed at different levels of the governance structure. National parliaments are supposed to be provided with multiple access points to the political process in the European Union as well. But the MLG vision doesn't contradict the fact that the key role within the EU belongs to those who occupy the highest executive power positions at the national level. Three directions for the national parliaments to intensify their involvement are put into spotlight: parliamentary control over national executives; control of compliance with the subsidiarity principle in European legislative proposals and supranational decisions; political dialogue with the European Commission and interparliamentary cooperation. The analysis proves that conditions are ripe for more active stance of national parliaments in the EU affairs. The “system of early warning” of the subsidiarity principle violations, provided for in the Lisbon Treaty, seems most promising. But national parliaments themselves will still have to demonstrate more persistence when using new instruments. Acknowledgment. The article has been supported by a grant of the Russian Foundation for Humanities (RFH). Project № 14-07-00050.
9
Baronas, Darius. "Christians in Late Pagan, and Pagans in Early Christian Lithuania: The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries." Lithuanian Historical Studies 19, no. 1 (February 20, 2015): 51–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01901003.
Full textAbstract:
This paper deals with the issue of the presence of Christians and pagans in pagan (13th century to 1387) and early Christian Lithuania (from 1387 to the early 15th century). The author proposes to use a group-oriented approach to deal with the question of the political decision-making process of accepting or not accepting the Christian faith. It is his contention that the personal ‘life style’ preferences of individual dukes and their entourage were much more decisive than large-scale political calculations that have been given much attention by historians. This approach helps explain the incremental rise of Christianity within the ruling house, which carried the day when new rulers with a different mentality (Grand Duke Jogaila first) came to the helm of the state. The Christian presence was felt most in Vilnius, and to some degree also in Kernavė. Their arrival (from Livonia and Rus’) was encouraged by the pagan rulers of Lithuania to satisfy their need for a skilled workforce. The settlers certainly contributed to the final conversion of Lithuania initiated in 1387, by making the Christian influence a permanent factor and an attractive option. Pagans in Lithuania did not form a coherent religious group; that is why there was no opposition from them when the grand-ducal decision and the council of the boyars became the new rule of the land. Pagans could be encountered in Žemaitija in the early 15th century. Technically, they should be understood as non-baptised people. To treat as “pagan” those people who practised folk ways is problematic, as the excursus on the experiences of Jerome of Prague (c. 1369–c. 1440) shows. The general situation, even very close in the wake of the conversion, might be conceived as one of syncretism, which was the order of the day for people from the lower strata and living far away from churches for many centuries to come.
10
Dashwood, Alan. "Decision-Making at the Summit." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 3 (2000): 79–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802859033.
Full textAbstract:
Various provisions of the Treaty on European Union (“TEU”) and of the EC Treaty specifically require action to be taken, at the definitive stage or at some preparatory or intermediate stage of decision-making, by the European Council, or by the Council of the European Union meeting in the composition of Heads of State or Government (“the HSG Council”); and there is one instance of an appointing power exercisable by an intergovernmental conference at the level of Heads of State or Government (“an HSG Conference”). Reserving a role for the political leaders of the Union in the adoption of particular decisions was an innovation of the TEU, more especially in the Title of the EC Treaty on economic and monetary policy, and further instances have been added by the Treaty of Amsterdam (“TA”) and the Treaty of Nice (“TN”).
11
Dashwood, Alan. "Decision-Making at the Summit." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 3 (2000): 79–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000003748.
Full textAbstract:
Various provisions of the Treaty on European Union (“TEU”) and of the EC Treaty specifically require action to be taken, at the definitive stage or at some preparatory or intermediate stage of decision-making, by the European Council, or by the Council of the European Union meeting in the composition of Heads of State or Government (“the HSG Council”); and there is one instance of an appointing power exercisable by an intergovernmental conference at the level of Heads of State or Government (“an HSG Conference”). Reserving a role for the political leaders of the Union in the adoption of particular decisions was an innovation of the TEU, more especially in the Title of the EC Treaty on economic and monetary policy, and further instances have been added by the Treaty of Amsterdam (“TA”) and the Treaty of Nice (“TN”).
12
Bubnova, N. "Russian Factor in Barack Obama’s Military-Political Strategy." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2015): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-6-5-17.
Full textAbstract:
Upon becoming president of the United States, Barack Obama formulated the policy of reset in the U.S.-Russia relations – as part of his grand project of improving international relations on a more equitable basis, with a bigger role for diplomacy and international alliances and less reliance on unilateral actions and the use of force. As part of resetting their relationship in the military-political field, the United States and Russia were able, in the first and part of the second tenure of Obama’s presidency, to claim some major achievements in the military-political field, such as signing the New START Treaty, working on further nuclear disarmament measures, and developing bilateral anti-terrorist activities. U.S.-Russia cooperation also resulted in Russia’s agreement to open up its air space and railways for NATO transports which helped the International Coalition to conduct operation in Afghanistan in its “surge” phase and then to successfully withdraw combat units from that country. U.S.-Russia relations were also instrumental in bridging the positions of the two countries with regard to Iran’s and North Korea’s nuclear problem, with Russia and China voting alongside with the United States on UN Security Council resolutions for sanctions against North Korea and Iran to make them comply with the nuclear safeguards. Yet in various regions of the world, Obama’s policy – initially announced as an innovative breakthrough strategy proved instead to be reactive, aimed not at future perspective, but at dealing with the emerging crises on a case by case basis: in Lybia, Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, and then finally in Ukraine. The “pivot” to the Asia-Pacific, also announced by Obama’s administration, was formulated without consideration of Russia’s interests in the region, while at the same time causing turbulence in relations with China, and was finally overshadowed by the Ukrainian crisis and then the ISIS offensive in the Middle East. The reset fell prey to the contradictions in U.S.-Russia relations which particularly exacerbated after the events in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine and led to freezing of arms control negotiations and bilateral U.S.-Russia cooperation in the military-political field. The Ukrainian crisis is likely to have long-term negative consequences, and in particular will increase hawkish tendencies in U.S. politics. Yet this does not preclude and to the contrary increases the importance of seeking ways to strengthen stability, searching for possible measures for nuclear weapons limitations which would become applicable after bilateral relations improve. U.S.-Russia cooperation remains essential for resolving key international challenges as well as major regional problems.
13
Paul, Edward, Danya Fortess Fullerton, Ellen Cohen, Ellen Lawton, Anne Ryan, and Megan Sandel. "Medical-Legal Partnerships: Addressing Competency Needs Through Lawyers." Journal of Graduate Medical Education 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2009): 304–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4300/jgme-d-09-00016.1.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Background Many low- and moderate-income individuals and families have at least one unmet legal need (for example, unsafe housing conditions, lack of access to food and/or income support, lack of access to health care), which, if left unaddressed, can have harmful consequences on health. Eighty unique medical-legal partnership programs, serving over 180 clinics and hospitals nationwide, seek to combine the strengths of medical and legal professionals to address patients' legal needs before they become crises. Each partnership is adapted to serve the specific needs of its own patient base. Intervention This article describes innovative, residency-based medical-legal partnership educational experiences in pediatrics, internal medicine, and family medicine at 3 different sites (Boston, Massachusetts; Newark, New Jersey; and Tucson, Arizona). This article addresses how these 3 programs have been designed to meet the Accreditation Council for Graduate Medical Education's 6 competencies, along with suggested methods for evaluating the effectiveness of these programs. Training is a core component of medical-legal partnership, and most medical-legal partnerships have developed curricula for resident education in a variety of formats, including noon conferences, grand rounds, poverty simulations and day-long special sessions. Discussion Medical-legal partnerships combine the skill sets of medical professionals and lawyers to teach social determinants of health by training residents and attending physicians to identify and help address unmet legal needs. Medical-legal partnership doctors and lawyers treat health disparities and improve patient health and well-being by ensuring that public programs, regulations, and laws created to benefit health and improve access to health care are implemented and enforced.
14
Gold, Michael. "Social Policy: the UK and Maastricht." National Institute Economic Review 139 (February 1992): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795019213900108.
Full textAbstract:
On 7 February 1992, European Community Foreign and Finance Ministers signed the Treaty on European Union which contains only the second set of constitutional amendments to the EEC Treaty since 1957. This new Treaty merged into one text the Treaty on Economic and Monetary Union and the Treaty on Political Union which had been agreed at the European Council in Maastricht two months previously.
15
Moberg, Axel. "The Nice Treaty and Voting Rules in the Council." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 40, no. 2 (June 2002): 259–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00354.
Full text
16
Benz, Arthur. "The European Union’s Trap of Constitutional Politics: From the Convention Towards the Failure of the Treaty of Lisbon." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 17, no. 1, 2 & 3 (July 11, 2011): 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c92h3w.
Full textAbstract:
In a national referendum held on 12 June 2008, 53.4 percent of Irish citizens voted “no” to the Treaty of Lisbon. As its provisions require ratification by all member states, the Irish vote marks a further setback for attempts at consti- tutional reform of the European Union (EU). The Lisbon reform treaty, officially entitled the Treaty of Lisbon amending the Treaty on Euro- pean Union and the Treaty establishing the Eu- ropean Community,1 was signed by the prime ministers and presidents of EU member states in December 2007. It was the result of a pro- cess set in motion by the European Council in a meeting held in Laeken, Belgium in December 2001. Intended to make the “ever closer union” more democratic, and to facilitate the adjust- ment of European institutions to the new po- litical situation brought on by the accession to the EU of Central and Eastern European states, the “Laeken Council” issued a declaration trig- gering efforts to constitutionalize the European Union. To this end, a reform process was ini- tiated involving a body called the Convention on the Future of Europe (Convention), made up of European and member state government representatives and parliamentarians.2 This re- form process resulted in the recommendation in 2003 of a draft Treaty Establishing a Constitu- tion for Europe (Constitutional Treaty),3 which was subsequently approved by the Intergovern- mental Conference and the European Council in Rome in October 2004. Despite several mem- ber states ratifying the Constitutional Treaty, it was rejected by popular referenda in France and the Netherlands in the spring of 2005. At that time, and in view of the obvious risks to ratifi- cation in some other member states, the process of constitutionalization ground to a halt.
17
Bello, Judith Hippler, Juliane Kokott, and Frank Hoffmeister. "European Union—accession of the Community to the European Convention on Human Rights— competence of the Community under Article 235 of the Treaty Establishing the European Community—need to amend the Treaty." American Journal of International Law 90, no. 4 (October 1996): 664–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203995.
Full textAbstract:
Opinion 2/94, Accession of the Community to the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. 17 Hum. Rts. L.J. 51 (1996).European Court of Justice, March 28, 1996.On April 26, 1995, die Council of the European Union requested an opinion on whether accession of the European Community to the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) was compatible with the Treaty Establishing the European Community (Treaty). In its request, the Council of the European Union stated that no decision on opening negotiations could be taken before the Court pronounced on die compatibility of accession with the Treaty. The Council argued that, even though a text of the envisaged agreement did not yet exist, the legal issues regarding accession were sufficientiy clear for the Court to provide an advisory opinion. The Council made clear that accession should not have any effect on the reservations entered by member states, which would “continue to apply in the areas falling within national jurisdiction.” It also explained that the “Community would agree to submit to the machinery for individual petitions and inter-State applications; actions between the Community and its Member States would, however, have to be excluded in recognition of the monopoly conferred in such matters by Art. 219 of the EC Treaty on the Court of Justice.”
18
Peers, Steve. "The Stability Treaty: Permanent Austerity or Gesture Politics?" European Constitutional Law Review 8, no. 3 (October 2012): 404–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019612000272.
Full text
19
Serwin, Kazimierz. "Percepcja traktatu triańskiego/trianońskiego w węgierskiej kulturze." Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.003.13331.
Full textAbstract:
Perception of the Treaty of Trianon in Hungarian culture The „Trianon” is perhaps the most famous historical term in Hungary. 100 years ago, on June 4, 1920, restrictive peace conditions were imposed on Hungary at the Grand Trianon Palace in Versailles. Apart of the loss of territory, 3,5 million Hungarians remained abroad. In Hungarian historical awareness, the Treaty of Trianon is a symbol of catastrophe and national humiliation. The change of „Greater Hungary” into „small” Hungary. To this day, the effects of the treaty have had an impact on Hungary’s politics, economy and culture.
20
Böttner, Robert. "The Commission’s initiative on the passerelle clauses – Exploring the unused potential of the Lisbon Treaty." Zeitschrift für europarechtliche Studien 23, no. 3 (2020): 489–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1435-439x-2020-3-489.
Full textAbstract:
The Treaty of Lisbon introduced general and special passerelle or bridging clauses into primary law. They can be used to alter voting arrangements from unanimity to qualified majority in the Council or from a special to the ordinary legislative procedure. This is to enable a shift to more supranational decision-making without the need for a full-fledged treaty revision. The European Parliament called on the European Council and the Council to make use of the passerelle clauses, also to involve Parliament as a co-legislator under the ordinary legislative procedure. The former Commission had started a discussion on the use of the passerelle clauses in four policy areas and it appears that the incumbent Commission President has endorsed this ambitious project. This article aims to explore the potential and the shortcomings of the bridging clauses as part of the unused potential of the Lisbon Treaty and discusses the enhanced cooperation procedure as a possible alternative.
21
Mastan Narimanzade, Gulu. "BROAD LEGAL ANALYSIS OF THE ARTICLE 50 OF THE TREATY ON EUROPEAN UNION." SCIENTIFIC WORK 53, no. 04 (February 28, 2020): 125–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/aem/2007-2020/53/125-130.
Full text
22
Power, Susan. "Pringle v. Ireland (E.C.J.)." International Legal Materials 52, no. 3 (June 2013): 803–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.52.3.0803.
Full textAbstract:
On November 27, 2012, the Court of Justice of the European Union (ECJ) issued a landmark decision on the question of the compatibility of the European Stability Mechanism Treaty with European Union law. The Court ruled on the following issues related to the permanent bailout fund: the validity of Decision 2011/199/EU adopted by the European Council to amend Article 136 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TEFU) in accordance with the simplified revision procedures; whether the European Council exceeded its competence by using the simplified revision procedure under Article 48(6) of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) to establish the stability mechanism in violation of the treaties; the compatibility of the Treaty Establishing the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) with the treaties founding the European Union; and whether Decision 2011/199/EU encroached on the competence of the Union to coordinate economic and monetary policies of the Member States.
23
Adinolfi, Goffredo. "The Fascist elites, government and the Grand Council." Portugese Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2009): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/pjss.8.1.7_1.
Full text
24
Noël, Emile. "Reflections on the Maastricht Treaty." Government and Opposition 27, no. 2 (April 1, 1992): 148–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1992.tb00593.x.
Full textAbstract:
The Conclusions Reached at the meeting of the European Council in Maastricht, on 9 — 10 December 1991, on economic and monetary union and also on political union, form an impressive and complex whole, in which undertakings of major importance coexist with other more timid ones. A detailed analysis would overstep the limits of an article. Moreover, there are still some problems to be cleared up before the final drafts are agreed, even if the principal political decisions have already been taken. The remarks which I would like to submit here will therefore deal more with general questions, and I will limit myself to the more significant provisions of the Maastricht agreements.
25
Mastan Narimanzada, Gulu. "RELATIONS AMONG EUROPEAN INSTITUTIONS REGARDING THE WITHDRAWAL FROM EU." SCIENTIFIC WORK 55, no. 06 (July 5, 2020): 84–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/aem/2007-2020/55/84-90.
Full text
26
Pharand, Donat. "The Case for an Arctic Region Council and a Treaty Proposal." Revue générale de droit 23, no. 2 (March 12, 2019): 163–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1057469ar.
Full textAbstract:
In the first part of this study, the author brings out the need for an Arctic Region Council by examining what would be its main purposes. These would be to facilitate cooperation generally among its members and, in particular, with respect to the following matters: protection of the environment, coordination of scientific research, conservation of living resources, economic development, health and well-being of the Arctic inhabitants, and peaceful uses of the Arctic. The second part outlines the main reasons for the establishment of a Council by the conclusion of a treaty and presents the basic draft provisions of such treaty. These would cover: the geographical area of the Council's activities, the purposes of the Council, the conditions of membership, the main organs of the Council and their respective powers and mode of operation, the holding of meetings, the sharing of expenses, the settlement of disputes, the manner of entry into force, and the procedure of amendments and review. The founding Members of the Council would be the eight States whose territory projects north of the Arctic Circle: Canada, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Russia, Sweden and the United States. Membership would be open to non-Arctic States having demonstrated a sufficient interest in Arctic issues, as well as to certain non-State entities such as the Northwest Territories and Greenland, and non-governmental organizations such as the Arctic Aboriginal Conference.
27
Sap, John W. "THE EU CONSTITUTION IS DEAD, LONG LIVE THE REFORM TREATY: No early funeral for the institutional innovations in the Constitutional Treaty after being rejected in France and the Netherlands." Philosophia Reformata 72, no. 2 (November 29, 2007): 151–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117-90000416.
Full textAbstract:
At its meeting on 16 June 2005, the European Council decided to postpone its introduction of the European Constitution, originally planned to come into force on 1 November 2006. As the Treaty establishing a European Constitution could in principle only take effect if all the Member States agree, following the clear rejections in the French referendum on 29 May 2005 (55% against) and the Dutch referendum on 1 June 2005 (61.5% against), the Member States needed a period of reflection, a search for explanations and debate. The European Council did not feel that the date initially planned for a report on the ratification of the treaty was still tenable, since those countries which had not yet ratified the treaty would be unable to provide a clear reply before mid- 2007. But the process of ratification by the Member States was not abandoned. The timetable was adjusted to reflect the circumstances in the countries which had not yet ratified the treaty. This period was intended to regain the trust of the general public (see Defargues 2005, 97).
28
Peers, Steve. "The Constitutional Implications of the EU Patent." European Constitutional Law Review 7, no. 2 (June 2011): 229–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019611200051.
Full textAbstract:
Council Decision of March 2011 to authorize enhanced co-operation as regards unitary patent protection – Proposed Regulations implementing enhanced co-operation in this area – Proposed treaty concerning patent litigation – Challenges to the validity of the decision authorizing enhanced co-operation – Incompatibility of the patent litigation treaty with EU law – EU external competence concerning intellectual property and civil jurisdiction issues
29
Gajda, Anastazja. "Przystąpienie Unii Europejskiej do Europejskiej Konwencji o ochronie praw człowieka i podstawowych wolności." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (December 5, 2013): 11–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2013.1.1.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this text is to analyze the regulations adopted in the Lisbon Treaty regarding the EU accession to the European Convention on Human Rights. The Treaty made the accession obligatory. Shortly after the Treaty was ratified the EU opened the negotiations with the Council of Europe on accession treaty. The project of accession treaty was drafted in July 2011 and was the starting point for next round of negotiations. This text lists the legal basis for the EU accession to the Convention. Detailed problems were presented in the formal aspect (form, scope and procedure of accession), institutional aspect (the question of EU representation in the Convention bodies) and material aspect (the question of EU liabilities resulting from the Convention in the context of its work).
30
Bozhko, Volodymyr, Inna Kulchii, and Volodymyr Zadorozhnyy. "Comparative legal analysis of the Directive 2019/1152 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 20 June 2019 on transparent and predictable working conditions in the European Union with the current labour law of all its Member States." SHS Web of Conferences 85 (2020): 01005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20208501005.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the comparative legal research of the current labour legislation of each of the 28 EU member states with the Directive 2019/1152 of 20 June 2019 on transparent and predictable working conditions in the European Union. The relevance of the research topic is because after the adoption of Council Directive 91/533/EEC in the EU, a number of acts of primary and secondary legislation were adopted that significantly change the content and scope of labour rights of workers. These are, in particular, The Maastricht Treaty, The Treaty of Amsterdam, The Treaty of Nice and the Treaty of Lisbon. Furthermore, on December 7, 2000, the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union was signed, and on December 17, 2017, The European Parliament, the Council and the Commission solemnly proclaimed the European Pillar of Social Rights. As a result, collisions arose between the above Acts and Directive 91/533/EEC, which required the adoption of a new Directive 2019/1152 and a comparative legal analysis of this Directive with the current labour legislation of each of the 28 EU member states.
31
Herrmann, Christoph W. "Pringle V. Ireland. Case C-370/12." American Journal of International Law 107, no. 2 (April 2013): 410–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.107.2.0410.
Full textAbstract:
In the judgment Pringle v. Ireland, the full Court of Justice of the European Union (Court or ECJ) upheld the validity of the decision of the European Council enabling the simplified amendment of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union(TFEU). In its Decision 2011/199/EU, the Council had provided for the establishment of a permanent European Stability Mechanism (ESM) by those member states of the European Union (Union or EU) that had adopted the euroas their common currency and legal tender. The Court also found in this judgment that those member states had not violated EU law by negotiating and concluding the Treaty Establishing the European Stability Mechanism (ESM Treaty). The Court based the latter finding on the long-awaited clarification of the scope and content of the TFEU’s “no-bailout clause” (Art. 125(1)), which had been the subject of intense controversies among legal scholars, in particular in Germany.
32
Vogiatzis, Nikos. "Exploring the European Council's Legal Accountability: Court of Justice and European Ombudsman." German Law Journal 14, no. 9 (September 1, 2013): 1661–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200002467.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this article is to explore the avenues for legal accountability vis-à-vis the European Council after the Treaty of Lisbon. This will be achieved through an assessment of the jurisdictional realms of, on the one hand, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), and on the other hand, the European Ombudsman, always in relation to the European Council. Legal accountability may be understood in this respect as the supervision of the observance of the European Union (EU) rule of law. The European Ombudsman is an EU body established by the Treaty of Maastricht; by virtue of Art. 228 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), he or she has the power to investigate complaints of maladministration “in the activities of the Union institutions, bodies, offices or agencies, with the exception of the Court of Justice of the European Union acting in its judicial role.”
33
Geoghegan, Patrick. "Guardian of the Treaty: the privy council appeal and Irish Sovereignty." Comparative Legal History 5, no. 2 (July 3, 2017): 311–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2049677x.2017.1401803.
Full text
34
Madden, Gerard. "Guardian of the treaty: the Privy Council appeal and Irish sovereignty." Irish Studies Review 27, no. 4 (September 10, 2019): 589–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2019.1664016.
Full text
35
Müller, Felix. "The New Council Regulation (EC) No. 1/2003 on the Implementation of the Rules on Competition." German Law Journal 5, no. 6 (June 1, 2004): 721–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200012815.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe new Council Regulation (EC) No. 1/2003 on the implementation of the rules on competition laid down in Article 81 and 82 of the EC-Treaty, which came into force on 1 May 2004, brings fundamental changes in the application of European competition law. It replaces the Antitrust-Regulation No. 17 which has been in force for more than 40 years. Regulation No. 1/2003 establishes a system of direct applicability of Article 81(3) EC-Treaty, which abandons the requirement of notification as a key element of the old system under Regulation No. 17. Under the new scheme set up by Regulation No. 1/2003 Article 81(3) will be directly applicable. This enables national competition authorities and national courts to apply Article 81 and 82 of the EC-Treaty in their entirety, including paragraph 3 of Article 81. Although the new regulation is to be considered as an important step in strengthening and reinforcing European competition policy, in particular in view of the enlargement of the European Union, the numerous changes involve uncertainties which call for adjustment. The following article gives an overview of the new enforcement system for Articles 81 and 82 of the EC-Treaty, set up by Regulation No. 1/2003.
36
Scott, G. M., and T. N. Mdluli. "The Minamata Treaty / Protocol: Potential Implications for South Africa." Clean Air Journal 22, no. 2 (December 3, 2012): 17–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/caj/2012/22/2.7077.
Full textAbstract:
In 2009 the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) was mandated by its Governing Council to develop a global legally binding instrument for mercury. An Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee (INC) was established to prepare the instrument before the 27th UNEP Governing Council Meeting in February 2013. This instrument will have significant and far-reaching effects for South Africa, due to our economy's reliance on fossil fuels, in particular coal fired power generation. South Africa is currently rated as the 6th largest emitter of mercury in the world with annual emissions estimated at around 50 tons. This paper will look at the draft text of the instrument after the 4th round of negotiations and highlight some of the potential implications for South Africa. It must be highlighted that the text of the instrument is still under negotiations and the observations and remarks made in this paper are not the official position of the Government of South Africa.
37
Bodansky, Daniel, and Cesare P. R. Romano. "Commission of the European Communities v. Ireland. Case C-459/03. Judgment." American Journal of International Law 101, no. 1 (January 2007): 171–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000029638.
Full textAbstract:
Commission of the European Communities v. Ireland. Case C-459/03. Jud gment. At <http://eur-lex.europa.eu>.Court of Justice of the European Communities (Grand Chamber), May 30, 2006.On May 30,2006, the Court of Justice of the European Communities (ECJ) ruled on Case C-459/03, Commission v. Ireland, brought by the European Commission (Commission) and alleging Ireland's failure to fulfill obligations under the Treaty Establishing the European Community (EC Treaty). In 2001, Ireland had initiated proceedings against the United Kingdom before an ad hoc Arbitral Tribunal pursuant to the Annex VII dispute settlement procedures of the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (LOS Convention). In the present case, the Commission alleged, first, that Ireland breached Article 292 of the EC Treaty and Article 193 of the EURATOM Treaty (EA Treaty) because, by submitting the dispute to Annex VII arbitration, Ireland failed to respect the ECJ's exclusive jurisdiction on the interpretation and application of EC law. Second, the Commission claimed that Ireland had violated Article 10 of the EC Treaty and Article 192 of the EA Treaty because, by not consulting with the Commission before initiating arbitral proceedings, Ireland had hindered the achievement of the EC's tasks and jeopardized the attainment of the objectives of the EC Treaty. The Court upheld all complaints.
38
Huang, Pei. "The Grand Council of the Ch'ing dynasty: a historiographical study." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 48, no. 3 (October 1985): 502–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00038465.
Full textAbstract:
The Grand Council (Chün-chi ch'u ) of the Ch'ing dynasty was an efficient, autocratic institution. It operated under direct imperial supervision, outside the regular administrative channels, performing its function in swift and confidential ways. Its operations enabled the Ch'ing rulers to expand their powers, strengthen their control and, most important, perpetuate their autocratic rules. Because of its versatile performance, the Grand Council enjoyed the monarch's trust, and a long existance.
39
Verstiuk, Vladyslav. "Central Council of Ukraine: Introduction to Foreign Policy Activity." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-1.
Full textAbstract:
The article describes the time when after the fall of autocracy in the Russian Empire, the power was taken by the Central Council of Ukraine emerged in Kyiv. The fall of autocracy gave a chance for change, the newly formed Provisional Government declared its inclination to renewal and democratization processes. Ukrainians enthusiastically met the revolution. The Central Council of Ukraine emerged in Kyiv to head the national liberation movement. It based the political strategy on the slogan of gaining national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine in the Federal Democratic Republic of Russia. The strength of the federalist-autonomous model was that in the First World War it made it possible to legitimately put the “Ukrainian question” to the Provisional Government and the Russian political elite without being accused of separatism. Signing of the Brest Peace Treaty testified to the success of young non-professional Ukrainian diplomacy. This was the first earnest act of the UPR on the international scene. However, given the circumstances Ukraine experienced, it had small effect. The difference could have been made only by a third-party military aid from countries of the Fourth Alliance, which later resulted in the occupation of Ukrainian lands. Unfortunately, it turned into the occupation of Ukrainian lands. The weakest side of the Central Council was its Foreign policy. It was started with a considerable delay, it was a late reaction to the actions of the Bolsheviks. As a result, the Central Council failed to achieve recognition among the Entente countries, and a peace treaty with the Fourth Alliance in the long run, after the end of the World War, compromised Ukrainian statehood in the eyes of the victors. The author emphasizes that wartime occupations acquire take the form of colonial exploitation and subordination regimes, which is clearly illustrated by the Central Powers’ presence in Ukraine in 1918. It is also concluded that the Central Council, willing to rescue Ukraine from one disaster, brought it new challenges. Keywords: Central Council, General Secretariat, Ukraine, occupation, international scene, Brest Peace Treaty, Fourth Alliance.
40
Mallory, Conall. "I. EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS AL-SKEINI AND OTHERS V UNITED KINGDOM (APPLICATION NO 55721/07) JUDGMENT OF 7 JULY 2011." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 61, no. 1 (January 2012): 301–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002058931100073x.
Full textAbstract:
The long anticipated judgment of the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Al-Skeini and Others v United Kingdom1 provided a conclusion to years of academic debate regarding the application of the European Convention on Human Rights to United Kingdom military operations in Iraq.2 In question was the extent to which, if any, United Kingdom forces owed Convention obligations to Iraqi citizens when conducting security operations. For the Grand Chamber the case provided an opportunity to re-address the jurisdiction of the treaty under article 1.
41
Niedobitek, Matthias. "The Lisbon Case of 30 June 2009 - A Comment from the European Law Perspective." German Law Journal 10, no. 8 (August 1, 2009): 1267–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200001607.
Full textAbstract:
In its 30 June 2009 judgment on the Treaty of Lisbon, the German Federal Constitutional Court stated that “there are no decisive constitutional objections to the Act Approving the Treaty of Lisbon,” but only as long as “the provisos that are specified in the grounds” are taken into account. Thus, in conformity with the terms of the judgment, the Court has made the constitutionality of the Act Approving the Lisbon Treaty dependent on an amendment of the Act Extending and Strengthening the Rights of the Bundestag (German Federal Parliament) and the Bundesrat (German Federal Council of States) in European Union Matters. One could also put it another way: The Act Approving the Lisbon Treaty is unconstitutional as long as the constitutional concerns specified in the judgment are not met.
42
Boyron, Sophie. "Maastricht and the Codecision Procedure: A Success Story." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 45, no. 2 (April 1996): 293–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300059005.
Full textAbstract:
The Maastricht Treaty aimed partly to close the democratic deficit that exists in the European decision-making process. Accordingly, the role and the powers of the European Parliament were increased: a right of initiative was created, 1 committees of inquiry were reinforced, 2 the right of petition3 was recognised, an Ombudsman was created4 and a new legislative procedure, 5 which attempted to put the Parliament on an equal footing with the Council, was also included in the Treaty.
43
Corell, Hans. "UN Security Council Reform—The Council Must Lead by Example." Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 22, no. 1 (October 7, 2019): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757413_022001002.
Full textAbstract:
The point of departure in the present article is that the UN Security Council must be reformed. But this reform should not focus on extending the membership of the Council, which seems to be the main issue in the discussion at present. It is imperative that the Council is maintained as an executive organ since this is a precondition for its effective functioning. Too many members would destroy this requirement completely, in particular if additional members are granted veto power. Already 15 members may be past the limit for an executive organ. Additional members will endanger the Council’s ability to fulfil its obligations under Art. 24 of the UN Charter: the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Instead, the reform should focus on resolving the real problem with the Council, namely the manner in which the permanent members sometimes behave. The exercise of the veto power must be in conformity with the UN Charter, which now must be viewed against the background of the development of international law since the UN was established more than 70 years ago. The manner in which some permanent members exercise their veto power is simply not in conformity with the Charter. Against this background it is absolutely necessary that the five permanent members engage in a profound discussion about their performance and the manner in which the veto power is exercised. Here, there is need for statesmanship. The members of the Security Council, and in particular the permanent members, must lead by example. What the Council must focus on is conflict prevention. This requires determination and consequence. The focus must be on the challenges that humankind is facing and will face ever more in the future and the threats to international peace and security that these challenges are causing. The need for the rule of law and protection of human rights are obvious elements in this analysis. Furthermore, the growth of the world population in combination with climate change simply must be addressed in an effective manner. The Council must focus attentively on these ‘conflict multipliers’. The discussion must also focus on peacekeeping and responsibility to protect. With respect to responsibility to protect there is great need for improvement. We cannot accept in the 21st century that fundamental human rights are violated and that crimes against international humanitarian law are being committed on a large scale without consequences. Another important element in this context is empowerment of women. In addressing these questions there is need for close cooperation with regional organizations. This cooperation already exists, but the question is how it can be developed and what lessons can be learnt from the past. Since the five permanent members are also recognized as nuclear-weapon States under the 1968 Non-Proliferation Treaty, they must confirm their obligations under this treaty and make serious their obligation to work for a nuclear-weapon free world. A reform along the lines discussed in the present article can be made without amending the UN Charter.
44
O'Driscoll, Eoin. "The Treaty of Lisbon and International Intervention." Potentia: Journal of International Affairs 6 (October 1, 2015): 16–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v6i0.4414.
Full textAbstract:
The Treaty of Lisbon was designed to significantly strengthen the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union (EU). This paper assesses the impact of the Treaty’s innovations on the conduct of European foreign policy with respect to international intervention. It seeks to do so through case study analysis of two international crises where the Treaty’s effects in this regard could be seen: the civil wars in Libya and Mali. This study focuses on the coordination of European states within the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). It looks primarily at three major factors affecting the conduct of an effective EU foreign policy: the formation of a cohesive policy; effective institutional implementation; and the tensions between national and collective interests within the EU.
45
Rojewska, Marta. "Geneza Europejskiej Służby Działań Zewnętrznych – główne koncepcje i debata od uchwalenia traktatu z Lizbony do zakończenia procesu prawodawczego (listopad 2010 r.)." Przegląd Europejski, no. 2-2014 (September 28, 2014): 50–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.2.14.3.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the genesis of the European External Action Service (EEAS) between 2007 and 2010. The idea of the creation of the EU diplomacy appeared during the works of the European Convention in 2002. However, the process of creation of the EEAS had been suspended for more than two years as a result of the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty. In 2007, the debate was re-opened because of the Treaty of Lisbon adoption. This article analyses the most important documents and events between the adoption of the Treaty and 2010 when the secondary legislation establishing the organisation and functioning of the European External Action Service was adopted by the Council.
46
Molo, Beata. "Regulacje na rzecz bezpieczeństwa dostaw i w sytuacjach kryzysowych przed i po wejściu w życie traktatu z Lizbony na przykładzie zaopatrzenia w gaz ziemny." Politeja 15, no. 54 (February 10, 2019): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.54.04.
Full textAbstract:
Regulations for Supply Security and in Emergency Situations Before and After the Lisbon Treaty Entry into Force Exemplified by Supply with Natural GasThe text presents selected aspects of the issue of the provision of energy supplies security in the European Union illustrated by the example gas supply before and after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. The legal frameworks oriented toward provision of gas supplies security as well as proper functioning of internal market gas in case of disruptions in gas supplies in the European Community/European Union has been discussed in the text. Among the legal acts described in the text are: Council Directive 2004/67/EC of 26 April 2004, Regulation (EU) No 994/2010 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 20 October 2010, Regulation (EU) 2017/1938 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 25 October 2017. In order to provide energy supplies security in case of disruptions in supplies the secondary legislation enhances capabilities of transport, storage and reacting.
47
Reichel, David, Maarten Vink, and Jonas Grimheden. "Regional diffusion, EU conditionality and Council of Europe treaty ratification 1949–2016." Journal of European Public Policy 27, no. 10 (October 14, 2019): 1565–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2019.1674905.
Full text
48
Sidharta, Noor. "Laws of Ratification of an International Treaty in Indonesian Laws Hierarchy." Constitutional Review 3, no. 2 (August 21, 2018): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/consrev322.
Full textAbstract:
This journal article discusses the laws of ratification of an international treaty in Indonesian laws hierarchy. This journal uses a normative research approach where a draft agreement and laws are used as primary data apart from the laws and international treaties. There are some issues that still unsettled related to the legal status of the laws of ratification of an international treaty that have impacts in the implementation of the treaty. The laws of ratification of an international treaty now is still classified as general laws whose the content of the norm has been discussed by the People’s Representatives Council, therefore the laws of ratification of an international treaty automatically become the object of Judicial Review at the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia. The cancellation of the laws of ratification of an international treaty impacts the cancellation of the deal on the treaty and it has failed the pacta sunt servanda principle, which becomes the basis of a treaty. To solve problems related to the cancellation of laws of ratification of an international treaty at the Constitutional Court, there are several efforts on state administration by classifying the laws which differ the general laws from the laws whose contents are related to the international treaty. Furthermore, a progressive new method on the state administration is needed by giving a Judicial Preview right to the Constitutional Court to conduct a review on the bill of the ratification of an international treaty based on its suitability to the constitution.
49
Namias, Nicholas, Antonio C. Marttos, Fernanda M. Kuchkarian, Daniel F. Rojas, Francisco S. Collet-Silva, Cleinaldo de Almeida Costa, George D. Garcia, and Carl I. Schulman. "Global Connections: Telemedicine as a Tool to extend Trauma Education." Panamerican Journal of Trauma, Critical Care & Emergency Surgery 2, no. 1 (2013): 62–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5005/jp-journals-10030-1060.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT Introduction Telemedicine is revolutionizing the delivery of trauma care and education. The International Trauma Tele- Grand Rounds is a series that unites institutions worldwide to discuss complex clinical cases and advanced trauma and critical care topics. Materials and methods Multiple remote institutions connect simultaneously to discuss the management of a trauma patient from the prehospital phase to discharge. Weekly, a case is presented in English by one institution on a rotating basis. Key points include mechanism of injury, resuscitation, laboratory and imaging diagnostics, surgical interventions, postoperative patient care, evaluation of treatment decisions and review of the literature. The highly interactive format allows participants to evaluate differences in trauma care across international health systems. Results During 2010 to 2011, 68 sessions were documented. Cases include blunt (42.6%), penetrating (48.5%), blast (7.4%) and crushing (1.5%) traumas. Gunshot wounds were the most frequent (25%). A holistic range of injuries were represented including injuries to major arteries, veins, lungs, heart, pericardium, esophagus, diaphragm, abdominal wall, stomach, intestines, liver, kidneys, pelvis, and the extremities. A variety of surgical and nonsurgical interventions were explored. To date, there have been 42 participating institutions from the United States, Brazil, Colombia, Bahamas, Canada, Mexico, Venezuela, Argentina, Panama, Puerto Rico, Dominican Republic, British Virgin Islands, Spain, Thailand, Turkey and Iraq; ranging from academic medical centers military hospitals, community hospitals, and rural hospitals. In 2011, the series received accreditation by the Accreditation Council for Continuing Medical Education. Conclusion Telemedicine offers a solution to address the disparities in access to trauma care and education. The diversity of institutional settings allows participants to learn from others on how to best treat trauma patients, despite differences in resources and expertise. In addition to serving as an educational tool, the series provides a mechanism for physicians to network and collaborate on future endeavors. How to cite this article Marttos AC, Kuchkarian FM, Rojas DF, Fraga GP, Collet-Silva FS, de Almeida Costa C, Garcia GD, Ginzburg E, Schulman CI, Namias N. Global Connections: Telemedicine as a Tool to extend Trauma Education. Panam J Trauma Critical Care Emerg Surg 2013;2(1):62-66.
50
Kapotas, Panos. "Greek Council of State." European Constitutional Law Review 10, no. 1 (April 15, 2014): 162–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019614001102.
Full textAbstract:
Ever since the days of Van Gend en Loos and Costa, national attitudes to the unilaterally proclaimed supremacy of EU law have invariably captured a great deal of academic and political attention. Since the mid-1990s most national constitutional courts have converged to the interpretative orthodoxy of a qualified acceptance of primacy, couched in a pluralist vision of the relationship between the EU and its Member States. As things stand at the moment, and especially against the backdrop of Declaration 17 of the Lisbon Treaty, primacy is expected to be the constitutionally recognised conflict resolution norm that national courts shall turn to in almost all circumstances.The Greek Council of State in its Judgment 3470/2011 does not break this pattern, even in the face of a politically sensitive issue. When considering whether an irrebuttable presumption of incompatibility between tenderers for public works contracts and owners or main shareholders of media corporations is permissible under EU law, the Greek court unequivocally accepts the relevant ECJ preliminary ruling in Michaniki and recalibrates its interpretation of the national constitution accordingly. In doing so, however, the Council of State reads an obligation for consistent interpretation into the constitution itself, thus turning the doctrine of indirect effect into a pragmatic tool for constitutional pluralism in action.