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1
Flatz, Vera. "The Beginnings of an Empire. The Transformation of the Ottoman State into an Empire, demonstrated at the example of Grand Vizier Mahmud Pasha’s life and accomplishments." historia.scribere, no. 13 (June 22, 2021): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.13.623.
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The Beginnings of an Empire. The Transformation of the Ottoman State into an Empire, demonstrated at the example of Grand Vizier Mahmud Pasha’s life and accomplishmentsThe following seminar paper deals with Grand Vizier Mahmud Pasha’s life and the processes that turned an Ottoman principality into the Ottoman Empire. Starting with Sultan Mehmed’s II appointment in 1444, important practices such as the nomination of a grand vizier changed significantly. Moreover, Mehmed II built a new palace which reflected the new imperial self-perception, a new code of law was installed, and the empire was centralised. All these developments become especially visible in the life of Grand Vizier Mahmud Pasha Angelovic. The paper examines secondary literature as well as contemporary sources of Kritobolous and Ibn Khaldun. Sources on Mahmud Pasha’s life are rare and need to be analysed with caution as his posthumous legend influenced the production of literature about his life.
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Matthee, Rudi. "Administrative Stability and Change in Late-17th-Century Iran: The Case of Shaykh ʿAli Khan Zanganah (1669–89)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, no. 1 (February 1994): 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800059778.
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In June 1669 the Safavid ruler Shah Sulayman dismissed his grand vizier Mirza Muhammad Mahdi and appointed Shaykh ʿAli Khan Zanganah as his successor. Shaykh ʿAli Khan served in the exalted function of grand vizier or iʿtimad aldawla for a full twenty years and in this period grew into perhaps the most remarkable administrator of Safavid times.
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Bekar, Cumhur. "The Rise of the Köprülü Household: The Transformation of Patronage in the Ottoman Empire in the Seventeenth Century." Turkish Historical Review 11, no. 2-3 (June 29, 2021): 229–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10016.
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Abstract This article documents the formation of a powerful political network stretching from the central bureaucracy to the provinces under the aegis of the Köprülü household, the most influential vizierial household in the seventeenth-century Ottoman Empire. Starting with the appointment of Köprülü Mehmed Pasha as a grand vizier in 1656, the members of the Köprülü household occupied in the years that followed the most important positions in the Ottoman administrative and military system. Thanks to their long-lasting incumbency, the Köprülü grand viziers managed to establish the most efficient political network in the Ottoman state during the seventeenth century. By exploring the roles of the kethüdas, ağas and scribes in the Köprülü household and by examining those of its clients and family members in the military and administrative system, this article sheds light on the transformation of the recruitment system and patronage patterns in the Ottoman Empire during the seventeenth century.
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Ellis, Chris. "The Grand Vizier and the new African model of medical practice." South African Family Practice 54, no. 5 (September 2012): 464. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20786204.2012.10874274.
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Dördüncü, Muharrem. "Grand Vizier Ibrahim Hakki Pasha’s Life and His Travel to Europe." Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi 17, no. 1 (June 17, 2015): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5578/jss.8428.
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Bhadra, Anindita. "Ernst Walter Mayr—The grand vizier of evolutionary biology (1904–2005)." Resonance 10, no. 7 (July 2005): 2–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02867102.
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Abu-Manneh, Butrus. "The Sultan and the Bureaucracy: The Anti-Tanzimat Concepts of Garnd Vizier Mahmud Nedim Paşa." International Journal of Middle East Studies 22, no. 3 (August 1990): 257–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800034061.
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Mahmud Nedim Paşa was appointed grand vizier of the Ottoman Empire for the first time in September 1871 following the death of his predecessor in that office, Mehmed Amin Ali Paşa. His first tenure lasted until the end of July 1872. His rise to power represented the rise of a current in Ottoman politics that had been suppressed in the 1860s, when Ali and Fuad dominated the Porte.
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Matthee, Rudi. "The career of Mohammad Beg, grand vizier of Shah ‘Abbas II (r. 1642–1666)." Iranian Studies 24, no. 1-4 (January 1991): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210869108701755.
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FLOOR, W. "The Rise and Fall of Mirza Taqi, The Eunuch Grand Vizier (1043-55/1633-45)." Studia Iranica 26, no. 2 (September 1, 1997): 237–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/si.26.2.2003944.
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Hathaway, Jane. "The Grand Vizier and the False Messiah: The Sabbatai Sevi Controversy and the Ottoman Reform in Egypt." Journal of the American Oriental Society 117, no. 4 (October 1997): 665. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606448.
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Khoon, Y. "The Narhringib and the Sadr-i Alhringzam: An unpublished letter from Muhammad Amin to the Grand Vizier." Journal of Islamic Studies 24, no. 1 (October 31, 2012): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/ets084.
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Kozub, Ekaterina. "Diplomatic Ceremonial of the 18th Century in the Ottoman Empire throught the Eyes of Russian Diplomats." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840014838-0.
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The article is devoted to the peculiarities of diplomatic ceremonial in the Ottoman Empire in the 18th century. Special attention is paid to such elements of the protocol as the meeting of foreign representatives, the presentation of gifts, the meal, the location of officials during the reception, and some other features. The authors analyze the notes and reports of Russian diplomats who visited the receptions of the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire and the Grand Vizier. Thanks to these sources, it was possible to learn the details of the ceremony and note the fact that Russian diplomats tried to describe what was happening at the receptions in such a way as to emphasize a special attitude towards themselves. In confirmation of this, the authors provide excerpts from preserved sources. In addition, the article draws attention to the fact that many elements of the protocol depended on the status of foreign representatives. In the Ottoman Empire, hierarchy played a significant role. The envoy could not be treated with the same dishware as the ambassador, and the ambassador, in turn, could not be treated with the same dishware as the Grand Vizier. The conclusion drawn in this article is that some elements of the diplomatic ceremonial could change depending on the representatives of which state came to the audience in the Ottoman Empire. Russian ambassadors and envoys were treated more hospitably than representatives of other states because of the Russian Empire's victories in the two Russo-Turkish wars. At receptions with Russian diplomats, there were changes in the protocol by decree of the Ottoman Sultan, in order to demonstrate respect not only for Russian officials, but also for the state as a whole.
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Erdem, Ayten, and Özcan Gürsel. "A Symbolic Wooden Building in Istanbul: The Amcazade Hüseyin Pasha Reception Hall/Divanhane." Advanced Materials Research 778 (September 2013): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.778.34.
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The Amcazade Hüseyin Paşa or Köprülü Reception Room / Divanhane is one of the old, important examples of Ottoman house architecture. This building on the shore of the Bosphorus in Istanbul was constructed to house the Austrian ambassador after the Treaty of Karlowitz (1699). Divanhane is the only surviving part of the summer palace complex built by Grand Vizier Amcazade Hüseyin Paşa. It was repaired in 1870, 1947, 1954, 1971 and 1978 to strengthen. However, because of these repairs the building lost some of its characteristics and was partially changed. Today, Divanhane is became a symbol both of Istanbul and the traditional buildings faced with the danger of being destroyed. In this study, the special details of this building that is faced with the danger of rotting because of its age will be researched and documented.
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Shokoohy, Mehrdad, and Natalie H. Shokoohy. "The Dark Gate, the Dungeons, the royal escape route and more: survey of Tughluqabad, second interim report." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 62, no. 3 (October 1999): 423–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00018528.
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Tughluqabad, situated 18 kilometres south-east of New Delhi, is the oldest surviving sultanate town in India. It was built by Sultan Ghiyāth al-dīn Tughluq between 1320 and 1323, and its well preserved walls, its street layout and the remains of its buildings provide us with the earliest existing example of Indo-Muslim urban planning and its architectural components. The town was designed by Ahmad b. Ayāz, an Anatolian architect and a nobleman of the Tughluq court, who was responsible for the design of many of the early Tughluq buildings1 and who was later raised to the rank of Grand Vizier at the time of Muhammad b. Tughluq (1325–51), but was put to death by Fīrūz Shāh Tughluq (1351–88) in the early days of his reign.
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Citino, Nathan J. "THE OTTOMAN LEGACY IN COLD WAR MODERNIZATION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 4 (November 2008): 579–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808081506.
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On 19 March 1877, the first Ottoman parliament opened at Dolmabahçe Palace when Sultan Abdülhamit II crossed a velvet carpet to stand beside a golden throne. Seen later as the finale of the Tanzimat reform era, the parliament appeared to diplomatic observers as the strategy of former grand vizier Midhat Paşa. Midhat's constitutionalism was a plan for “reform, revival, and indeed survival” that included seeking allies against Russia and containing Russian influence in the Balkans. Abdülhamit listened as his secretary charged the new body: “The progress effected by civilised states, the security and wealth they enjoy, are the fruit of the participation of all in the enactment of laws and in the administration of public affairs.” Among the most urgent priorities was “the development of agriculture and industry, and the progress of civilisation and of public wealth.” Parliament later responded with a pledge to deliver the empire from its malaise, to “eliminate the last traces of abuses, the heritage of the regime of despotism.”
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Ben-Bassat, Yuval. "The Ottoman institution of petitioning when the sultan no longer reigned: a view from post-1908 Ottoman Palestine." New Perspectives on Turkey 56 (April 21, 2017): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2017.6.
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AbstractThe Young Turk Revolution of 1908 helped transform the time-honored Ottoman petitioning system. The reinstatement of parliamentary life, the reintroduction of the suspended constitution of 1876, and the lifting of the ban on the press and political action all generated profound political and social changes. Subjects’ petitions reflected these changes vividly and in often surprising detail. As the sultan became a figurehead with little actual power, petitions which hitherto had been addressed to the sultan either directly or through the grand vizier and had requested his benevolence and mercy, while also granting him much needed legitimacy, now began to be sent instead to the Council of State (Şura-yı Devlet), the parliament, and various government ministries. Their content changed as well, as will be shown in this article through an analysis of dozens of petitions from Ottoman Palestine. Petitions now sought to obtain political rights and ensure civil equity and constitutional rights. In focusing on rights, the rule of law, and the deficiencies of the former system, the petitions echoed changes in popular discourse and mirrored the transformation from justice as a sultanic prerogative to constitutional and civil law.
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Isom-Verhaaren, Christine. "Süleyman and Mihrimah: The Favorite’s Daughter." Journal of Persianate Studies 4, no. 1 (2011): 64–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471611x568294.
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AbstractDue to the fact that an Ottoman princess never succeeded to the throne, princesses are usually dismissed as political ciphers lacking power or influence. Mihrimah (Mehr-o-māh), the only daughter of Süleyman (Solaymān) and his concubine (later wife) Hurrem (Khorram), wielded more power during her father’s reign than did her brothers. Together with her mother, and her grand vizier husband, Rüstem (Rostam) Pasha, she belonged to the most powerful faction of her father’s reign. Rare among Süleyman’s favorites, these three never lost his regard leading to loss of status and/or life. By examining Mihrimah’s architectural patronage, her correspondence with her father, her amassment of great wealth, and her involvement in administrative appointments and decisions regarding military expeditions, this article analyzes the particular quality and origin of Mihrimah’s influence and power. It argues that because Mihrimah was female and ineligible to succeed to the sultanate, she was able to develop a closer relationship with her father than could his sons who were candidates for the throne, and thus potentially could revolt against him. This closeness continued even after death, for Mihrimah was the only one of Süleyman’s children to be buried with him in his tomb.
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APALI, Ali, Özlem Nilüfer KARATAŞ, and İsmail BEKCİ. "Lale Devrinde Sadrazam Ve Harem Dairesine Ait Muhasebe Müfredat Defterlerinin Çözümlemesi - Analysis Of The Accounting Inventory Of Grand Vizier And Harem At Tulip Age." Mehmet Akif Ersoy Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi 8, no. 14 (April 7, 2016): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.20875/sb.23236.
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Bazarova, Tatyana. "Two Missions of Major Hieronymus Natalie to Istanbul: Diplomatic Contacts Between Russia and the Ottoman Empire in 1715-1718." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2019): 84–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.1.7.
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Introduction. Diplomatic contacts between Russia and the Ottoman Empire between Adrianople (1713) and Constantinople (1720) treaties are explored. For Posolsky prikaz (Ambassadorial office), the main task was to keep peaceful relations between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, which gave the possibility to the tsar to concentrate on military operations in Pomerania. Methods. The study is based on the analysis of unpublished materials of the Posolsky prikaz and their comparison with notes of contemporaries and with other historical sources. Analysis and results. The absence of Russian diplomatic resident in Istanbul did not promptly allow to solve the problems caused by violations of the conditions of the Adrianople treaty: border conflicts and the entry of the tsarist army into Poland. After the Treaty of Passarowitz (1718), which ended the war of the Ottoman Empire with Venice and Austria, a new danger arose for the beginning of the Russo-Turkish war. In 1715 and 1718, the Ragusin on the Russian service Hieronymus Natali was twice sent to the Sublime Porte with the charters of Peter I. Along with handing the tsar’s charters to the Grand Vizier about border conflicts, Natalie had secret assignments connected with the prevention of a military conflict with the Ottoman Empire.
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Esra Bölükbaşı Ertürk, A., Dursun Zafer Şeker, and İzzet Öztürk. "Ottoman period water structures and water-related architecture: examples in Safranbolu, Turkey." Water Supply 13, no. 3 (May 1, 2013): 743–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/ws.2013.107.
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Safranbolu is known for the abundance of its water resources. The city is a unique and historic settlement that hosts very beautiful examples of traditional Turkish architecture. The city attracts both national and international tourists. In this paper, firstly the Ottoman period water supply structures of Safranbolu are described. Incekaya Aqueduct and water transmission system, also known as the Pasha Water Supply System or Spring System are discussed. The Incekaya Aqueduct delivers drinking water from the spring at Danaköy Village to Safranbolu enabling the transfer over the Tokatlı Canyon via gravity. This aqueduct, a very historic and aesthetically pleasing water structure, was commissioned as a city asset by Ottoman Grand Vizier Izzet Mehmet Pasha in the period of 1794–98. The paper secondly discusses the pool rooms that serve as an example of the spatial usage of water features in traditional residential architecture of the Ottoman period in Safranbolu. The pool rooms were constructed either within or separate from the traditional Safranbolu mansions. Asmazlar Mansion in Safranbolu and Deligözler House in the Bağlar District have been evaluated as examples of pool rooms within the house, and two garden pools in the Bağlar and central districts are assessed as examples of outside pools, known as pavilion mansions with a garden pool.
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Ben-Bassat, Yuval. "Regional cooperation among the rural population of Palestine's southern coast as reflected in joint petitions to İstanbul at the end of the nineteenth century." New Perspectives on Turkey 46 (2012): 213–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001564.
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AbstractThe issue of regional connections and cooperation among the rural population in different parts of Palestine at the end of the nineteenth century has thus far not received adequate attention. This article presents case-studies of several villages in the sub-district of Gaza, which submitted joint petitions about common concerns to the Grand Vizier in İstanbul. It examines the significance of these petitions and discusses their characteristics, uniqueness, and historical context. It then moves on to discuss other forms of regional cooperation and nuclei of regional identification among the rural population, which in part had previous roots, and explores their repercussions for the development of regional identity alongside more commonly known identities concomitantly held by Palestine's population at the time. The submission of joint petitions to İstanbul, it is argued, was one of the key manifestations of a tendency toward greater regionalism in some regions of Palestine at the end of the nineteenth century, an occurrence which was less likely to happen prior to theTanzimatreforms. While the literature has primarily focused on the activity of the urban educated circles in the process of regionalization, this article presents a unique bottom-up perspective that underscores the everyday experiences, practices and mechanisms of cooperation in a rural region which is rarely investigated.
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Moumni, Ridha. "Archaeology and Cultural Policy in Ottoman Tunisia Part I: Muhammad Khaznadar (1865–70)." Muqarnas Online 37, no. 1 (October 2, 2020): 265–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-00371p10.
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Abstract During the period of the “Great Reforms” (1837–81), the Ottoman province of Tunisia underwent major changes in its political, military, and economic arenas. This was also the case in the field of archaeology, where the history of excavations in Tunisia had been characterized by competition among foreign archaeologists seeking to enrich their national museums as a reflection of European imperialism. This dynamic would soon change thanks to Muhammad Khaznadar, the elder son of the grand vizier Mustafa Khaznadar. Through a unique trajectory that led him to study with the French historian Ernest Desjardin in Paris from 1863 to 1865, Muhammad Khaznadar developed a passion for antiquities that he would later apply by being the first Tunisian to excavate Carthage. The young dignitary rapidly gathered an important collection of antiquities that he displayed at the World’s Fair in Paris and acquired an international reputation as a modern man. Soon, he secured a “monopoly over antiquities,” which prevented the export of archaeological artifacts from Tunisia. Based on unpublished archives, this inquiry focuses on the rise of Muhammad Khaznadar as a collector and his role in the major cultural reforms that led Tunisians to claim the material remains of their pre-Islamic heritage.
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Finlay, Robert. "Prophecy and Politics in Istanbul: Charles V, Sultan Suleyman, and the Habsburg Embassy of 1533-1534." Journal of Early Modern History 2, no. 1 (1998): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006598x00072.
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AbstractThree prophecies current in Istanbul in the summer of 1533 pointed toward the imminent destruction of the Ottoman empire by Christian powers. One of the predictions stated that Alvise Gritti, the bastard son of the doge of Venice, would bring about the ruin of the Ottomans. A confidant of Sultan Srlcyman and the grand vizier, Gritti was deeply involved in the war of the Ottomans against Charles V of the Spanish-Habsburg empire, as a commander of Ottoman troops, advisor on Western affairs, and governor-general of the Hungarian kingdom. Widely detested by Ottoman officials, however, Gritti felt that his power was waning in 1534. In response, he perhaps was inspired to play out his prophetic role, for he told an ambassador of Charles V that he would help the emperor's forces capture Istanbul while Sultan Süleyman was away at war. Millenarian speculation was widespread in the early sixteenth century, but sometimes it had direct consequences inasmuch as it came to figure in the calculations of political actors. Examination of the prophecies of 1533 within the context of the time nicely illustrates how prophecy and politics could have a reciprocal relationship, with the former being tailored to the occasion and the latter responding to apocalyptic foreboding.
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Konrad, Felix. "Coping with “the Riff-Raff and Mob”: Representations of Order and Disorder in the Patrona Halil Rebellion (1730)." Die Welt des Islams 54, no. 3-4 (December 2, 2014): 363–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05434p04.
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In 1730, the so-called ‘Patrona Halil rebellion’ resulted in the abdication of Sultan Aḥmed III (r. 1703–1730) and in the execution of his long-serving Grand Vizier Nevşehirli Dāmād İbrāhīm Paşa (r. 1718–1730). This article addresses the question of how contemporary Ottoman chroniclers came to terms with this unusual situation of political and social tension and, in particular, how they coped with lower-strata individuals and groups involved in the rebellion. It is argued that the chroniclers had considerable problems in explaining that lower-strata people whom they perceived as “the riff-raff and mob” possessed an agency of their own, even if they might be a useful instrument in intra-elite quarrels. Despite nuances of judgement, the chroniclers represent the lower strata in a highly negative fashion by rendering their political activities as unruly violations of norms. The chroniclers employed discoursive strategies based on the elite concepts of morality, purity, honour and order, which they used both, for delegitimising the social and political behaviour of the urban lower strata, and for criticising İbrāhīm Paşa and his government. When the new regime of Maḥmūd I (r. 1730–1754) resorted to violence in order suppress the rebels, this was unanimously welcomed by the chroniclers as the re-establishment of order. Thus, their representations of the rebellion clearly reaffirm elite notions of social and political order.
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Healy, Maureen. "1883 Vienna in the Turkish Mirror." Austrian History Yearbook 40 (April 2009): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237809000095.
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In his 1883 playDie Türken vor Wien, Richard von Kralik, the Catholic writer and later doyen of Christian Socialism, recounts the story of the 1683 siege of Vienna. Habsburg military heroes, ordinary Viennese Bürger, and the Ottoman grand vizier Kara Mustafa appear on stage in Kralik's retelling of what had become a foundational moment in Austrian historiography. The defeat of the Turks at Vienna in 1683 has been hailed as Austria's finest hour, the Habsburgs' greatest service to Europe, and as the moment when Austria defended all of Western civilization from, among other things, the East, Asian barbarism, and Muslim infidels. Kralik may be the playwright here; but in a preface to the play, he introduces the two figures who are the true sources for his tale of 1683: Lady History and Lady Legend. They work together, each playing her part. Lady History and Lady Legend, he explains, sing in beautiful duet, “both accurate and truthful, neither lying nor inventing.” Kralik's juxtaposition of history and legend was astute. Any historian looking back to the events of 1683 and the stories that have since accumulated about Austria's “saving the occident” encounters a multi-century work in progress, a story under revision, a tale in which “legends” about coffee (said to be introduced to Europe by Turks fleeing Vienna) and croissants (a bun shaped, suspiciously, like a crescent) persist alongside themes more properly in the domain of “history”: class tensions, national conflict, and church-state relations.
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Sang Hun, Kim. "The character of Mehmed-paša Sokolović in Ivo Andrić’s works." Zeitschrift für Slawistik 63, no. 1 (March 22, 2018): 30–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/slaw-2018-0002.
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SummaryIvo Andrić was searching and finding material for his stories and novels in the past, especially in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which represents the central topos in his literary output. As noted in the explanation of the Nobel Committee, Andrić received in 1961 the Nobel Prize in Literature “for the epic force with which he has traced themes and depicted human destinies drawn from the history of his country”. The protagonists of Andrić’s stories and novels rarely include important historical personalities, and the most significant among them as a literary subject was Mehmed-paša Sokolović, the 16th century Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire. The way in which Andrić portrayed the character of Mehmed-paša Sokolović in the novel ‘The Bridge on the Drina’ (Na Drini ćuprija) reflects some of the fundamental premises of his approach to narration, including his profoundly humanist intentions. Andrić held that oral (and written) stories and legends contained the true history of the humanity, and that one could grasp from them the real meaning of that history. Accordingly, in portraying Sokolović’s character, being confronted with historical documents on the one hand, and folkloric material on the other, Andrić gave primacy to the latter, even at the cost of disagreement between historical fact and oral tradition. Moreover, Andrić did not seek “the meaning of history” of Mehmed-paša Sokolović and his bridge in the historical data from Sokolović’s impressive political career accomplished in the Ottoman Empire, but in the bridge which outlived him and started the legend about him. With the novel ‘The Bridge on the Drina’ he created a “literary history” about the creation and meaning of the Višegrad bridge on these grounds – a unique literary “legacy for Mehmed-paša’s legacy”, widening and deepening the legend of Mehmed-paša Sokolović.
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الهياجنة, إيمان عبد الرحمن. "الصدر الأعظم إبراهيم باشا : دراسة في دوره السياسي 898 هـ / 1492 م - 942 هـ / 1535 م = The Grand Vizier Ibrahim Pasha : Study in His Political Role 898 AH / 1520 AD - 942 AH / 1536 AD." Dirasat Human and Social Sciences 42, no. 2 (June 2015): 475–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0019866.
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Hunyady, Orsolya. "Herr Professor and His “Grand Vizir”." Contemporary Psychoanalysis 48, no. 2 (April 2012): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00107530.2012.10746496.
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Baer, Marc David. "The GREAT FIRE OF 1660 AND THE ISLAMIZATION OF CHRISTIAN AND JEWISH SPACE IN ISTANBUL." International Journal of Middle East Studies 36, no. 2 (May 2004): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380436201x.
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On 24 July 1660, a great conflagration broke out in Istanbul. An Ottoman writer conveys the horror of the event: “[t]housands of homes and households burned with fire. And in accordance with God's eternal will, God changed the distinguishing marks of night and day by making the very dark night luminous with flames bearing sparks, and darkening the light-filled day with black smoke and soot.” The fire began in a store that sold straw products outside the appropriately named Firewood Gate (Odun kapısı) west of Eminönü, and it devastated densely crowded neighborhoods consisting of wooden homes. The strong winds of Istanbul caused the fire to spread violently in all directions, despite the efforts of the deputy grand vizier (kaimmakam) and others who attempted the impossible task of holding it back with hooks, axes, and water carriers. Sultan Mehmed IV's boon companion and chronicler, Abdi Paşa, notes that the fire marched across the city like an invading army: the flames “split into divisions, and every single division, by the decree of God, spread to a different district.” The fire spread north, west, and to Unkapanı. According to Mehmed Halife, in Süleymaniye the spires of the four minarets of the great mosque burned like candles. The blaze reached Bayezid and then moved south and west to Davud Paşa, Kumkapı, and even as far west as Samatya. The flames did not spare the Hippodrome (At Meydanı) in the east or Mahmud Paşa and the markets at the center of the peninsula, either. Abdi Paşa estimated that the fire reduced 280,000 households to ashes as the city burned for exactly forty-nine hours. Two-thirds of Istanbul was destroyed in the conflagration, and as many as 40,000 people lost their lives. Although fire was a frequent occurrence in 17th-century Istanbul, this was the worst the city had ever experienced. Thousands died in the plague that followed the fire as rats feasted on unburied corpses and spread disease. Because three months prior to this fire a conflagration had broken out in the heart of the district of Galata, across the Golden Horn from Eminönü, much of the city lay in ruins in the summer of 1660.
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Yılmaz, Yasir. "Grand vizieral authority revisited: Köprülüs’ legacy and Kara Mustafa Paşa." Mediterranean Historical Review 31, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518967.2016.1173359.
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Nicolas, VATIN. "Sur Quelques Propos Geographiques d’ibrahim Pacha, Grand Vizir de Soliman le Magnifique (1533)." Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi 15, no. 26 (1991): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/tarar_0000000036.
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Turbet-Delof, Guy. "Deux Sénégalais au Maghreb : Almanzor, Amiral D'Alger (fin du XVIème siècle) et Empsaël, Grand Vizir du Maroc." Horizons Maghrébins - Le droit à la mémoire 14, no. 1 (1989): 73–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/horma.1989.1028.
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Cevrioğlu, Mahmut Halef. "Grand Vizieral Reception Ceremonies of European Ambassadors in the First Half of the Seventeenth Century." Legatio: The Journal for Renaissance and Early Modern Diplomatic Studies, no. 4 (November 19, 2020): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/legatio.2020.06.
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Faroqhi, Suraiya. "Istanbul and Crete in the Mid-1600s: Evliya Çelebi’s Discourse on Orthodox Christians." Medieval History Journal 22, no. 2 (November 2019): 321–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945819871154.
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The subject of our discussion is the travelogue of Evliya Çelebi, born in 1611 to a goldsmith of the sultans’ palace known as Derviş Mehemmed Zılli and who probably died in Cairo around 1685. It is intriguing for a multitude of reasons, one of them especially relevant for the present purpose: While Evliya’s work covers the entire Ottoman Empire and adjacent territories in ten substantial volumes, we do not know the patrons and/or other addressees that the author may have envisaged. While the author often mentioned two grand viziers and other figures of the highest levels of the Ottoman elite, who employed him and with whom he had good relations, by the mid-1680s they had mostly predeceased him, sometimes by several decades.
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Ujčić, Tajana. "Dva otoka narodnih dobara." Vjesnik Istarskog arhiva 25 (2018): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31726/via.25.7.
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Rad se bavi poratnim podržavljenjem privatne imovine u Istri od strane nove vlasti na primjeru otoka Sv. Andrija kraj Rovinja i Brionskoga (Brijunskoga) otočja u specifičnoj situaciji u kojoj se našla Istra na kraju Drugoga svjetskog rata. Prateći ova dva slučaju, od ukupno 412 postupaka koji su od početka svibnja 1945. do 28. kolovoza 1946. vođeni na teritoriju Oblasnoga narodnooslobodilačkog odbora (ONOO) odnosno Oblasnoga narodnog odbora (ONO) za Istru, rad pokušava otkriti obrise modela po kojima su se odvijala i druga podržavljenja, način funkcioniranja lokalne narodne vlasti na više razina (oblast, kotar, grad), njena odnosa s republičkim tijelima, odjeljenjima zaštite naroda (OZNA) i vojskom, ali i svakodnevicu ljudi koji su na različite načine bili uključeni u proces podržavljenja. Iako je bilo zamišljeno da nositelj podržavljenja bude Oblasna uprava narodnih dobara (OUND) za Istru, raznolika je situacija na terenu rezultirala kompleksnim i često kaotičnim stanjem u kojemu su ponovno izašli na vidjelo stari antagonizmi između grada i periferije. Cijeli su, ionako složen, proces otežavale ljudska gramzljivost, ali i velika nestašica, koja je u konačnici natjerala one koji su se trebali skrbiti za imovinu da je i sami koriste. Tijela su civilne vlasti željela spriječiti bilo kakav oblik samovolje i prisvajanja stvari bez pravnoga osnova, svjesni da se to odražava na percepciju nove vlasti u narodu i na njenu međunarodnu reputaciju u doba kada sudbina pripadnosti Istre još nije bila u potpunosti razriješena. No, OUND za Istru i njegove ispostave pri KNO-ima, koji su zakasnili s početkom rada, objektivno nisu imali snage uspostaviti autoritet na terenu. Procese na Sv. Andriji mnogo je lakše pratiti jer se radi o otoku, odnosno otočnoj skupini koja se u svibnju 1945. nalazila u vlasništvu obitelji Hütterott. Na Brionskom je otočju vlasnička struktura složenija. Bivši je posjed obitelji Kupelwieser 1930-ih preuzelo poduzeće Regia Azienda Isola Brioni u vlasništvu talijanske države. Obradivo zemljište i pašnjaci dani su u zakup. Uz hotele s popratnim sadržajima, na Velikom se Brionu nalazilo i nekoliko privatnih vila. Tvrđave i druga područja još su od doba austrijske vladavine bili u posjedu vojske. Za razliku od Sv. Andrije gdje su nekad živjele samo dvije obitelji kolona, na Brionskom je otočju neposredno nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata trajno živjelo preko 250 stanovnika. Posebno je zanimljivo kako su osobe zadužene za imovinu na Brijunskom otočju, kao i one na Sv. Andriji (među kojima se posebno ističe Branko Fučić), imale dugoročnu viziju razvoja Otoka i skrbi o kulturnoj baštini. No, zaživjeli su drugi modeli korištenja. Brijunsko je otočje postalo predsjednikova rezidencija, a Sv. Andrija sindikalno odmaralište. Vizije su iz poratnih godina na Brionima (Brijunima) ostvarene 1983. kada su postali nacionalni park, dok se vizija Branka Fučića za Sv. Andriju ponovno promišlja.
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Niederreiter, Zoltán. "L'insigne de pouvoir et le sceau du grand vizir Sín-ah-Usur (les symboles personnels d'un haut-dignitaire de Sargon II)." Revue d'assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale 99, no. 1 (2005): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/assy.099.0057.
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Machovenko, Jevgenij. "Viduramžių Vilniaus universiteto teismas pasaulietinės ir bažnytinės jurisdikcijos atskyrimo kontekstu." Teisė 74 (January 1, 2010): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/teise.2010.0.258.
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Straipsnyje nušviečiamos viduramžių Vilniaus universiteto teismo įsteigimo aplinkybės, aptariama jo sudėtis ir kompetencija. Autorius siūlo skaitytojams naują problemos viziją, būtent aptaria Vilniaus universiteto teismą LDK bajorijos ir dvasininkijos kovos už pasaulietinės ir bažnytinės jurisdikcijos atskyrimą kontekstu. Užsibrėžtam tikslui pasiekti panaudota faktologinė medžiaga, surasta istorijos šaltiniuose ir mokslo darbuose. In the article on basis of published historical sources and research papers the author aspires to elucidate a structure and competence of the court of Vilnius University in the Middle Ages. The author believes that this problem can be viewed through the prism of struggle for delimitation of competence of secular and spiritual courts in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. This aspect is not considered in the known scientific studies.
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Kardelis, Naglis. "LIETUVOS FILOSOFIJA – KAIP ISTORIJA, DABARTIS IR ATEITIES VIZIJA." Problemos 85 (January 1, 2013): 191–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/problemos.2014.0.2907.
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Straipsnis skiriamas šviesiam profesoriaus Romano Plečkaičio atminimui. Straipsnyje analizuojamas Plečkaičio mokslinis palikimas, profesoriaus indėlis į Lietuvos ir visos Vakarų filosofijos istoriją, vertinama teorinis ir asmeninis Plečkaičio vaidmuo Lietuvos filosofijos akademiniame gyvenime ir kultūroje. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad Plečkaitis visų pirma laikytinas filosofijos istorijos kaip solidžios akademinės disciplinos pradininku Lietuvoje, ypač išskirtini jo Viduramžių ir Apšvietos epochos filosfijos istorijos tyrinėjimai. Kita reikšminga Plečkaičio įnašo į lietuviškąjį filosofijos lobyną kryptis – klasikinių tekstų vertimai, ypač pabrėžiant Kanto, Spinozos ir Tomo Akviniečio veikalų pristatymą lietuvių kalba. Atsakomybė, su kuria profesorius vertė Vakarų filosofijos klasikus, formavo akademinio vertimo tradiciją Lietuvoje ir darė įtaką visai Lietuvos kultūrai.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: Romanas Plečkaitis, Vakarų filosofijos istorija, Lietuvos filosofijos istorija.Lithuanian Philosophy – as History, Present and Vision of the FutureNaglis Kardelis AbstractThe article is devoted to the memory of the late Professor Romanas Plečkaitis. The author presents an evaluation of the extraordinary scholarly achievements of Plečkaitis in the field of the history of philosophy, both Lithuanian and Western in general, discusses the unique force and influence of his professional and personal authority in the context of academic life at the Faculty of Philosophy at Vilnius University, underscores the Professor’s role as one of the most prominent figures in the cultural life of contemporary Lithuania, shares with the reader some private reminiscences from personal communication with the Professor.It is argued that Romanas Plečkaitis was the sole true initiator of the history of philosophy in Lithuania as a solid, scientifically grounded academic discipline. His achievements in various branches of the history of Western philosophy, especially Medieval philosophy and the philosophy of the Enlightenment, are brought to the fore. The superbly conducted translations of the works of various thinkers representing almost all periods of Western philosophy, but especially the translations of the writings of Saint Thomas Aquinas and Immanuel Kant, prominently stand out as an acknowledged classic in the context of Lithuanian philosophical translations. The translations of Plečkaitis with adjacent commentaries as well as precise textual and philosophical analyses are mentioned by the author of this article as being of particular importance to contemporary philosophical discourse in Lithuania and Lithuanian cultural life in general.The achievements of Plečkaitis in the field of the history of Lithuanian philosophy are arguably even more important. In the author’s opinion, the discovery, textual research and philosophical analysis of the extant manuscripts of the philosophy courses taught at various academic institutions of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania at university- and school-level constitute the most valuable part of the Professor’s work in the field of the history of Lithuanian philosophy. The singular role of Romanas Plečkaitis as an informal ambassador of Lithuanian philosophy to other European countries, especially Poland, is also briefly touched upon.Keywords: Romanas Plečkaitis, history of Western philosophy, history of Lithuanian philosophy.
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Amir, Or. "Niẓām al-Dīn Yaḥyā al-Ṭayyārī – An Artist in the Court of the Ilkhans and Mamluks." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 71, no. 4 (February 23, 2018): 1075–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2017-0005.
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Abstract Reading through the sources written in the Mamluk Sultanate (1250–1517), one receives the impression that the political borders between the Mamluk and Ilkhanid realms were just that – in no ways cultural or even serious physical barriers. This paper will demonstrate this by focusing on the biography of Niẓām al-Dīn Yaḥyā al-Ṭayyārī (685–760/1286/7–1358/9~). His father served under the Ilkhans as a physician and scribe, while Niẓām al-Dīn grew up into the Ilkhanid elite and became a prolific calligrapher, scribe and musician in his own right, being especially close to the Sultan Abū Sa‘īd and his vizier, Ghiyāth al-Dīn Muḥammad. After the death of Abū Sa‘īd and the subsequent disintegration of the Ilkhanate, Niẓām al-Dīn made his way to the Mamluk Sultanate, where his artistic talents were very much appreciated, representing the glorious artistic tradition of the east. Despite his seemingly smooth reception in the ruling circles of the Mamluk Sultanate, Niẓām al-Dīn seems to have remained attached to his homeland, and to the lavish properties which he left behind him. He subsequently returned to Baghdad, where he was immediately reinstated to his former duties. Following and analyzing the career of Niẓām al-Dīn can grant insights into court culture of the Muslim world of his age, where similarities in taste and bureaucratic traditions probably outweighed the differences. We also learn about mobility, cultural exchange and artistic sensibilities between the two competing courts.
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Niederreiter, Zoltán. "Le rôle des symboles figurés attribués aux membres de la Cour de Sargon II: Des emblèmes créés par les lettrés du palais au service de l'idéologie royale." Iraq 70 (2008): 51–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000875.
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Les recherches récentes ont permis d'identifier certains symboles personnels des rois néo-assyriens. Parmi les figures emblématiques on trouve le lion et le taureau dont le rôle est primordial dans l'art et la poésie de la Cour pour symboliser le pouvoir du monarque. Il est évident que le scorpion, symbole des reines, donc du harem royal, est à mettre en parallèle avec le lion et le taureau, symboles des rois. Il reste à savoir si d'autres symboles ont été attribués aux membres de la Cour.Cet article porte, en premier lieu, sur les figures symboliques de la maison royale et en identifie deux nouvelles, le symbole en forme d'oméga et le dromadaire, qui sont associés à Sîn-ah-uṣur, le frère favori et grand vizir de Sargon II. Notre interprétation essaye de prouver que les symboles figurés reconnus sur les briques à empreinte et les sceaux provenant de Dûr-Šarrukîn et de Kalhu ont permis d'identifier les symboles de dignitaires. Ces figures constituaient l'emblème ou la marque de propriété des membres de la maison royale (le roi, son épouse et son frère) et des dignitaires de la Cour. Tout cela permet d'interpréter de nouveau les figures symboliques dont l'importance apparaît de premier ordre dans l'idéologie royale à la Cour de Sargon II.
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Livingston, John W. "Western Science and Educational Reform in the Thought of Shaykh Rifaʿa al-Tahtawi." International Journal of Middle East Studies 28, no. 4 (November 1996): 543–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800063820.
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At the cultural heart of the intellectual awakening, or al-Nahḍa, that arose with Egypt's modernization movement in the 19th century was the endeavor to legitimize the innovations which came in the train of military, scientific, technical, and educational imports from the West. The vanguard of this movement, unlike that of the one taking place at the same time in Istanbul, came from leading religious shaykhs in the government's employ. It may seem remarkable that graduates and teachers of such a conservative religious institution as al-Azhar took the lead as spokesmen for change, particularly when models of this change came from the Christian West, the traditional antagonist of Islamdom for more than a millennium. It becomes less remarkable when we realize that there was no other possible source of intellectual leadership in Egypt. Egypt had no imperial state service with its own traditions of education as did the Ottomans. Thus, conservatively reared shaykhs and Azhar graduates were obliged to play the role that was filled in the Ottoman Empire by reforming grand viziers and their ambassadors to European capitals, who were often assisted by converts from the West seeking employment in the sultan's service—“secular” Muslims who were identified with the state and not the educated ulema. In Egypt, the reasoned voice advocating change came from the very custodians of conservative tradition. Accordingly, that voice would speak throughout the century with great caution, often tentatively and sometimes in contradictory ways.
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Maxwell, Alexander. "Georg B. Michels. 2021. The Habsburg Empire under Siege: Ottoman Expansion and Hungarian Revolt in the Age of Grand Vizir Ahmed Köprülü. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2021. 603 pages." Hungarian Cultural Studies 14 (July 16, 2021): 254–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2021.451.
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Carola, Joseph, and Lorivaldo Do Nascimento. "L'EDUCAZIONE DELL'UMO IN AGOSTINO D'IPPONA." Educere et Educare 15, no. 34 (May 13, 2020): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.17648/educare.v15i34.23343.
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RIASSUNTO: Questo studio trattera dell'educazione dell'uomo in Agostino di Ippona. Nella concezione agostiniana educare significa liberare l'uomo dei vizi e realizzare la sua originale apertura all'essere transcendente che é Dio. Tuttavia, l'uomo soltanto può ritornare a Dio se, per primo Dio viene al suo inccontro. Per questo motivo, fin dal momento della creazione, Dio si fa presente nell'uolo, il quale fu creato non soltanto da Dio, ma anche per Dio. Dio educa l'uomo dall'interno attraverso la presenza ontologica ed anche per mezzo della presenza illuminante, dalla quale l'uomo há bisogno per conoscere la vera volontà divina. Ma, per l'uomo non basta solo conoscere. Per essere educato nel cammino del bene l'uomo bisogna anche essere mosso dall'Amore dal proprio Dio. Illuminato nel conoscere e mosso dall'Amore per agire com retitudine, l'uomo viene educato e può lavorare nella costruzione della Cittá di Dio sulla terra. L'educazione dell'uomo in Agostino include le questioni dell'essere, del conoscere, dell'agire. L'educazione per Agostino include le grandi parti della filosofia: metafisica, gnoseologia, ética e politica.
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Jelić, Andrea-Beata, and Ana Gabrijela Blažević. "Las competencias de los docentes de ELE en Croacia." Journal for Foreign Languages 12, no. 1 (December 23, 2020): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/vestnik.12.171-188.
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El contexto laboral contemporáneo requiere que los profesionales posean habilidades complejas que se manifiestan en forma de diversas competencias clave. En el campo de la enseñanza de lenguas extranjeras, existen varios marcos de referencia (Kelly et al. 2000; Borg 2006; Newby et al. 2007; Instituto Cervantes 2012) que definen una serie de competencias genéricas y específicas importantes para la profesión docente. Es por eso que ya la formación docente inicial debería asentarse en un enfoque basado en competencias (Vizek Vidović 2009). Este artículo presenta una reflexión sobre las competencias de los docentes de ELE en Croacia desde tres perspectivas: a) la curricular, b) la estudiantil y c) la profesional, cuyo análisis ha revelado ciertas discrepancias. Aunque el currículo incluye casi todas las competencias reconocidas por los marcos referenciales, se notó una alta presencia implícita de las competencias cuya adquisición durante los estudios no fue reconocida por parte de los estudiantes. Por otro lado, estudiantes y profesionales en gran medida coinciden en cuanto a la valoración de la importancia de las diversas competencias, pero su nivel de adquisición durante los estudios es inferior a su percibida importancia. Eso en parte concuerda con la concepción de la formación inicial como el primer escalón en la formación profesional, pero a su vez abre puertas a propuestas de mejoras de la formación inicial de los docentes de ELE en Croacia.
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Nowak, Polikarp. "Pojęcie nadziei w listach św. Ambrożego z Mediolanu." Vox Patrum 52, no. 2 (March 8, 2008): 743–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.6310.
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Poiche recentemente il Papa Benedetto XVI ci ha voluto ricordare la grandę attualita della speranza con la sua lettera enciclica Spe salvi, rievocando anche la testimonianza dei cristiani e pastori dei tempi antichi, mi e venuta l’idea di esaminare sotto l’aspetto del termine della speranza le Lettere di S. Ambrogio di Milano. Nella ricerca e apparsa la ricchezza del suo insegnamento a questo riguardo. II primo e piu frequente senso del termine „speranza” e proprio quello profondamente cristiano ed escatologico. Specialmente nei commenti alle Lettere di San Paolo il nostro Autore dimostra una vicinanza del pensiero eon quello da cui inizia il Papa la sua enciclica: „Nella speranza siamo stati salvati”. Nelle riflessioni sulla speranza S. Ambrogio, sull'esempio dell'Apostolo Paolo, mette in stretto collegamento eon essa le altre virtu, specialmente la fede e la carita. Contemporaneamente awerte che la contrastano i vizi, i quali deviano i nostri desideri dal Signore e dal suo premio eterno verso i beni materiali e temporali. Un ampio spazio nell'insegnamento sulla speranza del nostro Vescovo occupa la relazione tra questa e le sofferenze e persecuzioni, subite dai giusti per la causa del Signore e della fede. Egli richiama qui l’esempio di tanti profeti e giusti biblici come anche i fedeli Pastori della Chiesa, esortando i suoi fedeli ad imitarli. Non per ultimo offre anche il proprio esempio, quando nei momenti drammatici del suo episcopato non esita di manifestare la sua prontezza al martirio per non cedere alle ingiuste pretese degli ariani o degli imperatori, i quali minacciavano il bene spirituale del gregge a lui affidato. La visione della speranza di S. Ambrogio e molto cristocentrica, come del resto tutta la sua teologia. Infatti, proprio Cristo e la sorgente e garanzia della nostra vera speranza. In questo contesto si pone un’espressione che si puó dire il frutto maturo delPinsegnamento del nostro Dottore sulla speranza: II fine della nostra speranza e il suo amore (Epistoła 16, 3).
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Bajrić, Arijana, Lejla Durmo-Mehmedović, and Berina Mihaljević. "Muslimanska narodna biblioteka u Mostaru: Historijski pregled rada biblioteke od njenog nastanka 1928. do 1941." BOSNIACA 25, no. 25 (December 14, 2020): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.37083/bosn.2020.25.124.
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U radu se nudi historijski pregled nastanka i razvoja Muslimanske narodne biblioteke u Mostaru sa posebnim fokusom na period od 1928. do 1941. godine; u kojem je ova institucija odigrala značajnu ulogu za građane Mostara. Jedna generacija maturanata mostarske Gimnazije 1928. godine imala je ne samo ambiciju nego i viziju masovnog opismenjavanja stanovništva Mostara i njegovog šireg područja. Svoju ideju pretvorili su u djelo čim su maturirali. Počeli su u nezavidnim uvjetima; ali vrlo samouvjereno i odlučno šireći ideju u krugovima svojih školskih kolega; prijatelja; komšija i naravno; rodbine. Proći će nekoliko godina prije no što Muslimanska narodna biblioteka dobije povjerenje građana i postane centar njihove emancipacije i opismenjavanja. Jednom nastala ideja postala je ideologija koja je ponijela jedan grad i njegov narod u revoluciju opismenjavanja; ali i u revoluciju za oslobođenje od osvajača. Ta ideja ih je približila knjizi do takvih blizina da su neki od njih rizikovali i svoje živote kako bi ih spasili prilikom uništavanja koje su sproveli funkcioneri NDH vlasti u proljeće 1941. U ovih prvih trinaest godina postojanja Muslimanska narodna biblioteka nekoliko je puta mijenjala ime; ali cilj njenog postojanja i rada je uvijek bio isti – pomoći i ubrzati prosvjećivanje širokih muslimanskih slojeva stanovništva u gradu Mostaru.-------------------------------------------Muslim National Library in Mostar: Historical overview of the library's work since its initiation in 1928 until 1941The article presents a historical overview of the initiation and development of the Muslim National Library in Mostar with a special focus on the period from 1928 to 1941; during which this institution played a significant role for the citizens of Mostar. One generation of high school graduates of the Mostar Gymnasium in 1928 had not only ambition; but also a vision of the mass literacy of the population of Mostar and its wider area. Once an idea became an act; as soon as they graduated. They started in unenviable conditions; but very confidently and decisively spreading the idea in the circles of their school colleagues; friends and neighbours and of course; relatives. It will pass several years before Muslim National Library in Mostar gets the trust of its citizens and becomes the center of their emancipation and literacy. Once formed an idea; it has become an ideology that has brought a city and its people into a literacy revolution as well as in a revolution for the liberation of the conquerors. That same idea brought them so close to books; that some of them risked their lives to save those books during the destruction that were carried out by officials of the NDH authorities in the spring of 1941. In these first thirteen years of existence; the Muslim National Library has changed its name several times; but the goal of its existence and work has always been the same – to help and speed up the enlightenment of the broad Muslim population of the city of Mostar.
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Hofmann, Tessa. "A Hundred Years Ago: The Assassination of Mehmet Talaat (15 March 1921) And The Berlin Criminal Proceedings Against Soghomon Tehlirian (2/3 June 1921): Background, Context, Effect." International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies, March 19, 2021, 67–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/ijags.0009.
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A hundred years ago, on the late morning of March 15, 1921, the Armenian Soghomon Tehlirian (Soġomon T’ehlirean - Սողոմոն Թեհլիրեան; also: Soghomon Tehliryan; Soġomon T’ehlerean - Սողոմոն Թեհլերեան (1897-1960)) shot the former Ottoman Minister of the Interior (21 January 1913 to 4 February 1917), Minister of Finance (November 1914 to 4 February 1917) and head of government (Grand Vizier; 4 February 1917 to 8 October 1918), Mehmet Talaat (1874-1921) on Berlin’s Hardenbergstrasse. In an unusually short time by today’s standards, after two and a half months, the assassin was put on trial on 2 and 3 June of the same year at the jury court of Berlin District Court III (Landgericht Berlin III) in Berlin-Moabit. The trial lasted one and a half days, which was also unusually short. Obviously, the German or Prussian judiciary wanted to get rid of the accused and with him the subject of German-Turkish relations as quickly as possible. Tehlirian was acquitted on 3 June 1920, on the grounds of incapacity of guilt and was immediately deported from Germany. This article explains the background, context and lasting effects of his crime.
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Mitchell, Colin. "« Blinded by Power: The Rise and Fall of Fath ‘Ali Khan Daghestani, Grand Vizier under Shah Soltan Hoseyn Safavi (1127/1715-1133/1720) ». Studia Iranica, 33/2 (2004), pp. 179-220." Abstracta Iranica, Volume 27 (May 15, 2006). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/abstractairanica.5987.
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Wahyuningsih, Indah, and Resty Rosyta Gustania. "Disclosing Deceitful Behavior in Aladdin (2019): The Characters’ Violation of Grice’s Maxims." KnE Social Sciences, March 11, 2021, 353–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.18502/kss.v5i4.8695.
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In spite of the fact that Grice’s maxims direct the dyad talk exchange to glide gently, some people disobey for certain rational grounds or motives: one of them is hiding a lie. Aladdin (2019) was the remake of the 1992 American musical fantasy film which described a kind-hearted street urchin (Aladdin) and a power-hungry grand vizier ( Jafar) who were vying for a magic lamp that had the power to make their deepest wishes come true. Princess Jasmine’s introduction enlivened the story because her beauty was so tempting that Aladdin, whose social stratification was different, fell passionately in love with her. Jafar’s ambitious appetency to take over the kingdom fired the conflicts among the characters. All enthusiasms drove these fictitious characters to do anything, including entailing lies. Unriddling the violation of Grice’s (1975) maxims and detailing Ekman’s (1992) Detecting Deceit theory, comprising word, voice and body, this investigation was designed qualitatively to disclose the characters’ deceitful behavior and find out the reasons behind it. Some of the reasons for telling a lie, according to Turner, Edgley and Olmstead (1975) are covering to save face, to maintain/terminate a relationship, to avoid tension/conflict, and to control the situation; these were operated in the study. It was found that there were groups who 1) violated the maxims of quantity, quality and manner; 2) violated the maxims of quantity, quality and relevant; and 3) violated the maxims of quality, manner and relevant. The most frequently found reasons for why they violated the maxims were to save face, to exploit others and to terminate the interaction. The results show that people tend to deceive others in order to save face in social situations and to gain power over others by violating multiple maxims.
Keywords: deceitful behavior, reasons of deception, violated maxims
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Hathaway, J. "Eunuchs in the Ottoman Empire." Istoricheskii vestnik, no. 29(2019) part: 29/2019 (October 9, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.35549/hr.2019.2019.47854.
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Abstract This article surveys the employment of eunuchs in the Ottoman Empire. After placing the use of court eunuchs in a global historical context, the study turns to the earliest eunuchs in Ottoman employ, who were probably Byzantine prisoners of war. By the early fifteenth century, East African harem eunuchs had become an important element of the palace eunuch population, and the article discusses their procurement and castration. The construction of Topkap Palace in newly-conquered Constantinople during the 1450s laid the ground for the dichotomy between African harem eunuchs and white Third Court eunuchs. An equally important watershed occurred in the late sixteenth century, when the Chief Harem Eunuch assumed the supervision of the imperial pious endowments for Mecca and Medina, making him one of the most powerful figures in the empire. By the late seventeenth century, deposed Chief Harem Eunuchs often commanded the eunuchs who guarded the Prophet Muhammads tomb in Medina. The influence of all palace eunuchs decreased during the eighteenth century, as the grand vizier acquired ever more control over the empires administration. Nineteenth-century reforms dealt a permanent blow to the harem eunuchs authority, which ended entirely when the Young Turks disbanded the harem in 1909.Аннотация Статья рассматривает вопрос о привлечении на службу евнухов в Османскои империи. После общего обзора роли придворных евнухов в глобальном историческом контексте, исследование обращается к первым евнухам на османскои службе, которые вероятно были византиискими военнопленными. К началу XV в. восточно-африканские евнухи гарема стали важнои фракциеи среди дворцовых евнухов в статье рассматривается методика их отбора и кастрации. Строительство дворца Топкапы в недавно завоеванном Константинополе в 50-х гг. XV в. положило начало дихотомии между африканскими евнухами Гарема и белыми евнухами Третьего Двора. Не менее важным рубежом становится и конец XVI в., когда старшии евнух Гарема принял на себя обязанности по управлению имперскими благотворительными пожертвованиями в Мекку и Медину, что сделало этого сановника одной из самых могущественных фигур империи. К концу XVII в. низложенные главные евнухи Гарема часто принимали командование над евнухами, охранявшими гробницу Пророка Мухаммеда в Медине. Влияние дворцовых евнухов оказывается ослабленным в XVIII столетии, по мере того как великии визирь получал все большую власть над управлением империи. Реформы XIX столетия нанесли решающии удар по власти евнухов Гарема, которая полностью сошла на нет при расформировании его младотурками в 1909 г.