Academic literature on the topic 'Great Britain – Colonies – Africa'
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Journal articles on the topic "Great Britain – Colonies – Africa"
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De Deckker, Paul. "Decolonisation Processes in the South Pacific Islands: A Comparative Analysis between Metropolitan Powers." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 26, no. 2 (May 1, 1996): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v26i2.6172.
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The South Pacific islands came late, by comparison with Asia and Africa, to undertake the decolonising process. France was the first colonial power in the region to start off this process in accordance with the decision taken in Paris to pave the way to independence for African colonies. The Loi-cadre Defferre in 1957, voted in Parliament, was applied to French Polynesia and New Caledonia as it was to French Africa. Territorial governments were elected in both these Pacific colonies in 1957. They were abolished in 1963 after the return to power of General de Gaulle who decided to use Moruroa for French atomic testing. The status quo ante was then to prevail in New Caledonia and French Polynesia up to today amidst statutory crises. The political evolution of the French Pacific, including Wallis and Futuna, is analysed in this article. Great Britain, New Zealand and Australia were to conform to the 1960 United Nations' recommendations to either decolonise, integrate or provide to Pacific colonies self-government in free association with the metropolitan power. Great Britain granted constitutional independence to all of its colonies in the Pacific except Pitcairn. The facts underlying this drastic move are analysed in the British context of the 1970's, culminating in the difficult independence of Vanuatu in July 1980. New Zealand and Australia followed the UN recommendations and granted independence or self-government to their colonial territories. In the meantime, they reinforced their potential to dominate the South Pacific in the difficult geopolitical context of the 1980s. American Micronesia undertook statutory evolution within a strategic framework. What is at stake today within the Pacific Islands is no longer of a political nature; it is financial.
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Ghammaz, Saif Al Deen Lutfi Ali Al. "Revisiting William J. Shakespeare’s The Tempest From a Colonial and Postcolonial Lens." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 13, no. 6 (June 1, 2023): 1373–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1306.05.
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The current paper shows colonialism as a concept and how European countries have created colonies in Australia, Asia, Africa, and America, capturing and overexploiting the colonies’ natural resources and dominating the colonies’ natives. The new nation discoveries accomplished by Europeans stuck in Shakespeare’s mind, naming these discoveries the “New World”. Shakespeare’s The Tempest approaches Prospero’s colonial attitude and Caliban’s postcolonial standpoint. With that being said, this paper aims to demonstrate that Shakespeare stands in the middle making no approval or disapproval of the European colonization. The Tempest by Shakespeare can be reviewed from a colonial and postcolonial lens. Fanon (1991) establishes that violence-based struggle is a component of the decolonization process represented by Caliban. Towards the end of the paper, key related interpretations of India’s overexploitation by Great Britain are adopted to make a piece of evidence that one of the deadly sins of European history rests in colonialism.
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Smith, Evan. "National Liberation for Whom? The Postcolonial Question, the Communist Party of Great Britain, and the Party’s African and Caribbean Membership." International Review of Social History 61, no. 2 (July 29, 2016): 283–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859016000249.
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AbstractThe Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had a long tradition of anti-colonial activism since its foundation in 1920 and had been a champion of national liberation within the British Empire. However, the Party also adhered to the idea that Britain’s former colonies, once independent, would want to join a trade relationship with their former coloniser, believing that Britain required these forms of relationship to maintain supplies of food and raw materials. This position was maintained into the 1950s until challenged in 1956–1957 by the Party’s African and Caribbean membership, seizing the opportunity presented by the fallout of the political crises facing the CPGB in 1956. I argue in this article that this challenge was an important turning point for the Communist Party’s view on issues of imperialism and race, and also led to a burst of anti-colonial and anti-racist activism. But this victory by its African and Caribbean members was short-lived, as the political landscape and agenda of the CPGB shifted in the late 1960s.
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Rao, Rojukurthi Sudhakar. "Africa’s Colonial Governor Lord Lugard Fixed & Jinxed Great Britain: Don’t Spread Indian Disease in Higher Education into Africa!" International Journal of Research Publication and Reviews 4, no. 11 (November 17, 2023): 2111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.55248/gengpi.4.1123.113120.
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Callahan, Michael D. "NOMANSLAND: The British Colonial Office and the League of Nations Mandate for German East Africa, 1916–1920." Albion 25, no. 3 (1993): 443–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050877.
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One of the many problems facing the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 was the future of the conquered German and Turkish territories in Africa, the Pacific, and the Middle East. Widespread anti-imperialist sentiment in Europe and the United States opposed direct annexation of the possessions, but wartime agreements and the security interests of the Allies prevented returning the conquered areas to their former rulers. In particular, many British leaders wanted to ensure that Germany could never again attempt world domination and were convinced that the restoration to Germany of its overseas possessions would pose a “grave political and military menace” to Britain's vital maritime connections with South Africa and India. After a long, often acrimonious debate, the Conference agreed on a compromise that placed the former German colonies and Ottoman provinces under the supervision of the League of Nations. This solution gave the Allies control of their acquisitions as “mandates” within a framework of international accountability. Great Britain received the most mandates, including Germany's largest colony of German East Africa. For the British leaders who had always advocated transforming German East Africa into a British colony, the new system seemed to make little practical difference. For the colonial officials in London and at the highest levels of colonial administration within the conquered possession, however, the mandates system presented serious problems and was not simply a disguise for annexation.
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Zernetska, O. "The Rethinking of Great Britain’s Role: From the World Empire to the Nation State." Problems of World History, no. 9 (November 26, 2019): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-9-6.
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In the article, it is stated that Great Britain had been the biggest empire in the world in the course of many centuries. Due to synchronic and diachronic approaches it was detected time simultaneousness of the British Empire’s development in the different parts of the world. Different forms of its ruling (colonies, dominions, other territories under her auspice) manifested this phenomenon.The British Empire went through evolution from the First British Empire which was developed on the count mostly of the trade of slaves and slavery as a whole to the Second British Empire when itcolonized one of the biggest states of the world India and some other countries of the East; to the Third British Empire where it colonized countries practically on all the continents of the world. TheForth British Empire signifies the stage of its decomposition and almost total down fall in the second half of the 20th century. It is shown how the national liberation moments starting in India and endingin Africa undermined the British Empire’s power, which couldn’t control the territories, no more. The foundation of the independent nation state of Great Britain free of colonies did not lead to lossof the imperial spirit of its establishment, which is manifested in its practical deeds – Organization of the British Commonwealth of Nations, which later on was called the Commonwealth, Brexit and so on.The conclusions are drawn that Great Britain makes certain efforts to become a global state again.
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Linne, Karsten. "The “New Labour Policy” in Nazi Colonial Planning for Africa." International Review of Social History 49, no. 2 (August 2004): 197–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900400149x.
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The National Socialist planning for a recolonization of Africa was based on a new social and labour policy and focused chiefly on the “labour question”. In designing their schemes, planners strove to mobilize wage labour and circumvent the much-feared “proletarianization” of the workers. The key problem in exploiting the African colonies had two main aspects: a shortage of manpower and migrant labour. Therefore, planners designed complex systems of organized, state-controlled labour recruitment, and formulated rules for labour contracts and compensation. An expanded labour administration was to ensure that the “deployment of labour” ran smoothly and that workers were registered, evaluated, and supervised. Furthermore, “white labour guardians” were to be assigned the responsibility of overseeing the social wellbeing of the African workers. As was evident not only in Germany but in the colonial powers, France and Great Britain, as well, these concepts all fit into the general trend of the times, a trend characterized by the application of scientific methods in solving social issues, by the increased emphasis on state intervention, and by the introduction of sociopolitical measures. Nazi planning was based on Germany's prewar politics but also reflected the changes occurring in German work life after 1933.
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Darity, William. "British Industry and the West Indies Plantations." Social Science History 14, no. 1 (1990): 117–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320002068x.
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Is it not notorious to the whole World, that the Business of Planting in our British Colonies, as well as in the French, is carried on by the Labour of Negroes, imported thither from Africa? Are we not indebted to those valuable People, the Africans for our Sugars, Tobaccoes, Rice, Rum, and all other Plantation Produce? And the greater the Number of Negroes imported into our Colonies, from Africa, will not the Exportation of British Manufactures among the Africans be in Proportion, they being paid for in such Commodities only? The more likewise our Plantations abound in Negroes, will not more Land become cultivated, and both better and greater Variety of Plantation Commodities be produced? As those Trades are subservient to the Well Being and Prosperity of each other; so the more either flourishes or declines, the other must be necessarily affected; and the general Trade and Navigation of their Mother Country, will be proportionably benefited or injured. May we not therefore say, with equal Truth, as the French do in their before cited Memorial, that the general Navigation of Great Britain owes all its Encrease and Splendor to the Commerce of its American and African Colonies; and that it cannot be maintained and enlarged otherwise than from the constant Prosperity of both those branches, whose Interests are mutual and inseparable?[Postlethwayt 1968c: 6]The atlantic slave trade remains oddly invisible in the commentaries of historians who have specialized in the sources and causes of British industrialization in the late eighteenth century. This curiosity contrasts sharply with the perspective of eighteenth-century strategists who, on the eve of the industrial revolution, placed great stock in both the trade and the colonial plantations as vital instruments for British economic progress. Specifically, Joshua Gee and Malachy Postlethwayt, once described by the imperial historian Charles Ryle Fay (1934: 2–3) as Britain’s major “spokesmen” for the eighteenth century, both placed the importation of African slaves into the Americas at the core of their visions of the requirements for national expansion. Fay (ibid.: 3) also described both of them as “mercantilists hardening into a manufacturers’ imperialism.” For such a “manufacturers’ imperialism” to be a success, both Gee and Postlethwayt saw the need for extensive British participation in the trade in Africans and in the maintenance and development of the West Indies.
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Diakov, Nikolai. "Arab States of North Africa: from the Ottoman Empire to the Colonial Empires of Modern Times." ISTORIYA 14, no. 10 (132) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028616-6.
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The modern history of the Northern Africa (Egypt and the Maghreb) was marked with the progress in transformation of the local social and political institutions with at the same a vast expansion of the Ottoman Porte and later of the West European powers. The Arab Maghreb which firstly became an object of the European aggression from Spain and Portugal in the 15th — 16th CC. later joined the Ottoman Empire together with Egypt. Morocco, however, managed to save its formal independence until the very beginning of the 20th C.A.D. With the European expansion in the 19th C. the Northern Africa turned into a field of colonial experiments: from the direct military occupation to the assimilation politics of the French departments in Algeria, with a later introducing the protectorate regimes in Tunisia and Morocco and transforming Egypt into a zone of strategic communications between the Great Britain and its colonies in Arabia and India. The civilization interaction within the Northern Africa during the colonial epoch brought to light, both in Europe and Russia, a numerous academic historiography, defining main trends in studying modern history of Egypt and the Maghreb area — the most important crossroads of the historical contacts between the peoples and cultures of the Orient and the Occident.
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Chipfakacha, Chido T. "The Death of Queen Elizabeth, the Death of the British Empire." Global Journal of Politics and Law Research 12, no. 2 (February 15, 2024): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjplr.2013/vol12n26170.
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The life of Elizabeth Windsor famously kmown by her title Queen Elizabeth the second, is one of mixed realites she is the longest reigning British Monarch in history having set on the throne for 70 years. The reign of Elizabeth was born from the greatest times of the British Empire with many colonies and a great reputation of the empire after the defeat of the Germans in World war 2. Queen Elizabeth has been credited in overseeing the end of colonisation from the British empire by many African states who were under British colonial rule. She facilitated for negotiations in some cases between liberation war movements and the colonial governments on peaceful ways of transfering power. Her Queen`s government even went on to sanction Ian Smith regime in Rhodesia when it declared independence from Britain, the sanctions were as a result that her majesty`s government would only accept independence if it was given to the majority black africans of Rhodesia. The British economy under her rule had prospered beyond unimaginable dought with the British pound being the most powerful currency, the attractiveness of the pound attracted great minds from across the globe which helped improve the British economy and advanced its technological base. The common wealth of nations an organisation the Queen championed has had success in cooperation between Britain its former colonies and other countries that were not British colonies have since joined the organisation because of its successes. This paper seeks to show how the British economy, social base and its political prowess has suffered from the days that the Queen became sick to her subsequent death and the aftermath. Policies like the Brexit that was carried out during her old age and its impact of Britain will be visited upon in this article, the Irish referendum, the removal of the British Mornach as heard of state by carribean nations that belonged to the British realm. The paper seeks to show how Elizabeth Windsor was the glue that bonded British modern society and the survival of the British monarch without her is under threat.In her life Queen Elizabeth worked with 15 British Prime Ministers from diverse parties sharing diferent ideologies this showed her to be a democratic monarch. This paper will expand on the front of the death of monarchs and empires in the modern era and Elizabeth Winsdor being the last great monarch.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Great Britain – Colonies – Africa"
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Sèbe, Berny. "Celebrating British and French imperialism : the making of colonial heroes acting in Africa, 1870-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670137.
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This thesis investigates the ways in which British and French imperial heroes involved in the exploration, conquest or administration of Mrica between 1870 and 1939 were selected, packaged and promoted to the various sections of the public of their respective countries. It seeks to unveil the commercial, political and personal interests that lay behind the imperial hero-making business. This research analyses the hidden mechanisms, as well as the reasons that led to the appearance of a new type of hero in the context of the 'new' T Imperialism and the 'Scramble for Mrica': private connections, political lobbies (especially colonial advocates and nationalists), commercial interests (journalists, writers, biographers, hagiographers, publishers, film-makers) and personal ambition, the combination of which underpinned the creation and success ofheroic reputations. The first part of the thesis investigates the process through which imperial heroes progressively became widely known in their homelands, and how it was facilitated by the technical and social improvements of the Second Industrial Revolution. Drawing upon a wide variety of printed and manuscript sources, it shows the ever-increasing commercial success of imperial heroes throughout the period, analyses how they could serve political ends, and explains the values for which 'they were held up as examples. The second part examines the case studies of two military commanders in times of Anglo-French rivalry in Africa (the Sirdar Kitchener and Major Marchand before, during and after the Fashoda confrontation of 1898), in order to compare the modalities of the development of these legends, and the different backdrops against which they took shape. This thesis is the first to combine quantitative evidence (such as print run figures) and qualitative sources (such as police records) to demonstrate conclusively the prevalence and complexity of the hero-making process brought about by the conquest of Mrica, and to evaluate the reception of these heroic myths among the public.
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McConnell, John Alexander. "The British in Kenya (1952-1960) : analysis of a successful counterinsurgency camapaign [i.e. campaign] /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FMcConnell.pdf.
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Percox, David A. "Circumstances short of global war : British defence, colonial internal security, and decolonisation in Kenya, 1945-65." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2001. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/10927/.
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This thesis fills a significant gap in current secondary literature on post-war British defence and internal security policy. Hitherto, post-war British defence policy in Kenya has only been considered in passing, in relation to the larger question of Middle East strategy. Very little attention has been paid to Kenya's particular importance in the post-1956 ‘east of Suez’ role. Current works on British internal security policy in Kenya concentrate either on post-war policing in general or, more specifically, on the British counter-insurgency campaign during the Mau Mau revolt (1952-6). In examining post-war British defence and internal security policy and practice in Kenya until 1965, this thesis demonstrates the essential continuity in British strategic priorities in the area. Far from having to ‘scram from Africa’, Britain adapted its defence requirements to an acceptable minimum, thereby ameliorating the more ‘extreme’ face of African nationalism, and denying it political capital with which to apply pressure to Britain's ‘moderate’ collaborators. The success of this flexible approach to defensive requirements is clear because, in losing its politically unacceptable army base, Britain gained a great deal in terms of retention of communications, leave camp, overflying, staging and training rights and facilities, in exchange for arming and training the Kenyan military and assisting in the maintenance of post-independence internal security. Such arrangements continued well beyond the apparent demise of the ‘east of Suez role’. This thesis sets British internal security policy in Kenya in its broad Cold War context (1945-65). Even after apparent military victory in 1956, Britain remained fearful of a recurrence of Mau Mau, and the possible failure of attempts to fudge a ‘political solution’ in Kenya. Britain also had to ensure that its ‘moderate’ successors would be safe from the more radical elements in Kenya African politics, especially given the earlier contradictions inherent in the divisive political and socio-economic reforms which had been designed to foster economic and political stability. Quite simply, therefore, this study demonstrates that British defence and internal security interests in Kenya were far more important, and far more intricately connected with the transfer of political power, than has hitherto been acknowledged.
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Newton, Joshua David. "The Royal Navy and the British West African settlements, 1748-1783." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648224.
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Darch, John. "The influence of British Protestant missionaries on the development of the British Empire in Africa and the Pacific circa 1865 to circa 1885." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683148.
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Nasar, Saima. "Subjects, citizens and refugees : the making and re-making of Britain's East African Asians." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6685/.
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Considerable historical attention has been paid to the end of Empire in Britain’s East African colonies and the consequences of this for postcolonial states. The forced migration of minority South Asian populations from the new nation-states of East Africa has received considerably less attention. South Asians remain at the margins of African and British national histories, constructed variously as either fringe opponents of anti-colonial nationalist movements or marginalised minorities. Yet re-assessing the history of these ‘refugee’ communities has the potential to enhance scholarly understanding of both colonial and postcolonial power relations and migrant-refugee identity formulation and re-formulation. Moreover, studies of migrant communities in Britain have tended to treat South Asians as a homogenous group, paying relatively little attention to the specific identity trajectories of those who were expelled from the new nation-states of East Africa. In contrast, this research takes as its starting point the transnational experiences of East African Asians as multiple migrants, exploring the reformulation of political and cultural identities during the course of their expulsion, migration and resettlement in and between postcolonial states.
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Kark, Daniel History & Philosophy Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. "Equivocal empire: British community development in Central Africa, 1945-55." Publisher:University of New South Wales. History & Philosophy, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/41225.
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This thesis resituates the Community Development programme as the key social intervention attempted by the British Colonial Office in Africa in the late 1940s and early 1950s. A preference for planning, growing confidence in metropolitan intervention, and the gradualist determination of Fabian socialist politicians and experts resulted in a programme that stressed modernity, progressive individualism, initiative, cooperative communities and a new type of responsible citizenship. Eventual self-rule would be well-served by this new contract between colonial administrations and African citizens. The thesis focuses on the implementation of the Mass Education programme in Nyasaland, and, more specifically, on a small but significant Mass Education scheme at Domasi, that operated between 1949 and 1954 in Nyasaland??s south. The political and social context in which the Mass Education scheme was implemented in Nyasaland is important. The approach taken by the government of the Protectorate before the mid-1940s is discussed, and previous welfare interventions described and critically assessed. The initial approach to Mass Education in Nyasaland is also dwelt upon in some detail. The narrative concentrates upon the scheme itself. Three themes emerge and are discussed successively ?? the provision of social services adapted to the perceived needs of Africans, the enforcement of environmental restrictions and inappropriate social and agricultural models, and the attempted introduction of representative local government. All three interventions were intended to promote the precepts of Mass Education, but instead resulted in the extension of state administrative power. The manner in which this occurred is explored throughout the thesis. Mass Education at Domasi did not result in the creation of a new form of citizenship in Nyasaland. It contributed instead to a breakdown in the narrative of social development and eventual self-rule that had legitimised British rule. The riots that occurred in 1953 tore at the precepts that underpinned the Mass Education programme. The immediacy of self-rule and independence resulted in a shift in emphasis within the Colonial Office and the colonial government in Nyasaland from social intervention and to constitutional reform and political development. There simultaneously emerged a new rural transcript, one that privileged open opposition to the colonial social prescription over subtle and hidden rural resistance. At a time when nationalist politics was in disarray in Nyasaland, rural Africans spoke back to colonial power.
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Bourgeat, Emilie. "Penality, violence and colonial rule in Kenya (c.1930-1952)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f33d9b21-f1b4-43cb-bb38-595e5989b931.
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Within the research field of colonial violence, scholars focused on wars of conquest or independence and tended to picture counterinsurgency campaigns as an exceptional deployment of state violence in the face of peculiar threats. In colonial Kenya, the British repression of the Mau Mau uprising of the 1950s has been the object of extensive and thorough analysis, contrasting with the lack of research on colonial punishment during the preceding decades. Yet the unleashing of state violence during the 1950s actually has a much longer history, lurking in the shadows of the criminal justice system that British powers introduced in the colony in the late nineteenth century. In contrast to previous scholarship, this study shows how ordinary colonial violence - although massively scaled up during the 1950s - was progressively normalised, institutionalised and intensified throughout the colonial experience of the 1930s and 1940s, laying the ground for the deployment of a counterinsurgency campaign against Mau Mau fighters.
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Cheserem, Salina Jepkoech. "African responses to colonial military recruitment : the role of Askari and carriers in the first World War in the British East Africa Protectorate (Kenya)." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66074.
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Schnitzer, Shira Danielle. "Imperial longings and promised lands : Anglo-Jewry, Palestine and the Empire, 1899-1948." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:61db8aca-0ade-422f-9ba4-5afcbc1f3d25.
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This thesis concentrates on two discrete contexts in which Jewish and imperial concerns converged: the Boer War and the British Mandate for Palestine. For Britain's Jews, the Boer War represented a rare and uncomfortable moment in which the Jewish Question achieved relative prominence. However the war also generated a different set of 'Jewish questions', leading the Anglo-Jewish establishment to refine its own understanding of patriotic and imperial duty. The case of Palestine, by contrast produced less straightforward and predictable outcomes. Ottoman entry into World War I, which prompted both British and Zionist considerations into the merits of a Jewish homeland as part of the imperial system, created an acute conflict for British Jewry's communal leadership. Although not negating the advantages of a British-Jewish Palestine either to the Empire or to Jews in need of refuge, its decision to oppose the Balfour Declaration privileged at some cost a distinctive reading of Jewish interests over a more obvious synthesis of national and sectarian goals. Despite continued objections to Zionism's ideological outlook and its pursuit of statehood, the Anglo-Jewish establishment located in the interwar development of a British-Jewish Palestine a means to advance both Jewish communal and imperial agendas. As the alliance between the Zionists and Britain unravelled in the final decade of the Mandate, British Jews eager to safeguard their position as well as their vision of Palestine's future would persist in defending this relationship. In its exploration of the evolution of Anglo-Jewish attitudes towards Britain, the Empire and Mandatory Palestine, this thesis aims to address both thematic and chronological gaps in the historiography of Anglo-Jewry. By drawing attention to the uniqueness of Anglo-Jewry's imperial connection to Palestine and to the domestic impact of British involvement, my work also contributes to scholarship on Zionism and the Mandate Finally, it offers a framework for considering the impact of, and relationship to, Empire of minority groups residing in Britain.
Books on the topic "Great Britain – Colonies – Africa"
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1964-, Miller Stephen M., ed. Soldiers and settlers in Africa, 1850-1918. Leiden: Brill, 2009.
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1971-, Peterson Derek R., ed. Abolitionism and imperialism in Britain, Africa, and the Atlantic. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 2010.
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1971-, Peterson Derek R., ed. Abolitionism and imperialism in Britain, Africa, and the Atlantic. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 2010.
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Hoppe, Kirk Arden. Lords of the fly: Sleeping sickness control in British East Africa, 1900-1960. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2004.
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Page, Malcolm. A history of the King's African Rifles and East African forces. London: Leo Cooper, 1998.
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1921-, Smith Alison, and Bull Mary 1930-, eds. Margery Perham and British rule in Africa. London: F. Cass, 1991.
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Cohen, Andrew. Government and Administration of Africa, 1880-1939. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.
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Anderson, Casper. Government and Administration of Africa, 1880-1939 Vol 4. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.
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Anderson, Casper. Government and Administration of Africa, 1880-1939 Vol 5. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.
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Anderson, Casper. Government and Administration of Africa, 1880-1939 Vol 5. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Great Britain – Colonies – Africa"
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Kroeze, Ronald, Pol Dalmau, and Frédéric Monier. "Introduction: Corruption, Empire and Colonialism in the Modern Era: Towards a Global Perspective." In Palgrave Studies in Comparative Global History, 1–19. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-0255-9_1.
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AbstractScandal, corruption, exploitation and abuse of power have been linked to the history of modern empire-building. Colonial territories often became promised lands where individuals sought to make quick fortunes, sometimes in collaboration with the local population but more often at the expense of them. On some occasions, these shady dealings resulted in scandals that reached back to the metropolis, questioning civilising discourses in parliaments and the press, and leading to reforms in colonial administrations. This book is a first attempt to discuss the topic of corruption, empire and colonialism in a systematic manner and from a global comparative perspective. It does so through a set of original studies that examines the multi-layered nature of corruption in four different empires (Great Britain, Spain, the Netherlands and France) and their possessions in Asia, the Caribbean, Latin America and Africa.
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Fechner, Heiner. "Standard-Setting in Colonial Labour Regulation and the Great Depression." In International Impacts on Social Policy, 331–44. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86645-7_26.
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AbstractThe Great Depression (1929–1939) can be seen as an international turning point in labour regulation in the colonies of European imperial powers in Sub-Sahara Africa. The context of the Great Depression essentially marked the beginning of the end of the era of post-slavery labour “market-making”, witnessing the move away from forced labour, first steps towards protection of employees and changes in form, length, administrative and penal framing of individual labour relations. The article traces the main features of labour-related legislation and its changes, reflecting modes of production, racial labour relations, the changing role of colonial administration and the contribution of the International Labour Organisation to legal developments especially in British, French and German Sub-Sahara colonies.
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Dickinson, Harry T. "[Phelps], The Rights of the Colonies, and the Extent of the Legislative Authority of Great-Britain." In British Pamphlets on the American Revolution, 1763-1785, 193–216. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003113720-5.
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Dickinson, Harry T. "Anon., The Constitutional Right of the Legislature of Great Britain, to Tax the British Colonies in America." In British Pamphlets on the American Revolution, 1763-1785, 69–144. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003113720-3.
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Dickinson, Harry T. "[Cawthorne?], a Conciliation with America: Adapted to the Constitutional Rights of the Colonies and the Supremacy of Great Britain." In British Pamphlets on the American Revolution, 1763-1785, 317–81. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003113751-7.
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Paul, Karen. "Corporate Social Monitoring in the United States, Great Britain, and South Africa: A Comparative Analysis." In Studies in Economic Ethics and Philosophy, 27–39. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-61475-0_3.
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Fitzpatrick, D., and M. Anderson. "Liberia." In Seafarers’ Rights, 331–3565. Oxford University PressOxford, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199277520.003.0011.
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Abstract Liberia boasts of being amongst the world’s leading marmme nations.1 Located on the West Coast of Africa, and having a population estimated atmillion,2 Liberia was founded in 1822 by freed black American slaves whose repatriation to Africa was funded primarily by the American Colonization Society. Originally a conglomerate of independent isolated colonies, greater co-operation developed among the colonies and by 1839, Liberia was a self-governing commonwealth. When the colonial powers, primarily Great Britain, refused to recognize the sovereign status and rights of the commonwealth, in 1947 the people of Liberia proclaimed the territory an independent republic, making it the first independent republic in Africa.
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Smith, Evan. "For Socialist Revolution or National Liberation?" In Workers of the Empire, Unite, 249–72. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800859685.003.0010.
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In the post-war period, several world events, such as the installation of the so-called People’s Democracies in Eastern Europe, the victory of the Chinese Communist Party and the beginnings of decolonisation across Africa, Asia and the Middle East, led the international communist movement to foresee a period of socialist advance, frustrated by the outbreak of the Cold War. As the Party at the centre of the largest empire at the time, the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had become a conduit between anti-colonialists across the empire and Moscow. While a number of scholars have focused on the role of communists in national liberation movements in the colonies, this chapter focuses on how links with these movements and broader anti-colonial rhetoric was developed by the Communist Parties in the settler colonies, particularly South Africa and Australia. These Communist Parties acted as local representatives of the international communist movement within their spheres of influence, assisting in the anti-colonial struggle in surrounding areas. From the late 1940s until the 1960s, the CPGB, alongside the CPSA and the CPA, were greatly involved in building solidarity with anti-colonial movements across the British Empire. This chapter seeks to uncover the transnational links created by these parties in the era of decolonisation and the ways in which the Communist Parties in the Dominions worked with fraternal organisations in the colonial sphere.
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Wagner, Peter. "The ‘South’ as a Moving Target: Europe’s Debt to the Former Colonies." In The Politics of Debt and Europe's Relations with the 'South', 163–85. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474461405.003.0008.
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Ireland is not normally conceived as being located south of the neighbouring Great Britain, nor of Europe, but this chapter suggests that it could be. Towards that end, the dispute over the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union is briefly discussed in light of the difficulties of separating political entities in our time of high global interconnectedness. Subsequently, the UK-EU dispute is compared to the separation of Algeria from France and the exit of South Africa from the British Commonwealth, opening the path towards pluralizing the notion of the “South”. Such pluralization allows the investigation of historically formed asymmetric relations between societies beyond the formal concept of colonialism. Against this background, the transformation of the relation between EU countries and their former colonies from the 1970s onwards is analyzed in terms of attempts to re-regulate the relation between Europe and its South after decolonization. These attempts aim at drawing clear lines of separation, but they keep failing because the South reveals itself as a moving target, impossible to confine to a restricted space. Thus, in conclusion, current Northward migration and climate change are discussed in terms of global social and ecological injustice the significance of which Europe cannot deny.
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Robak, Piotr. "Rola i miejsce Afryki w angielskim handlu zewnętrznym (i kolonialnym) w XVIII wieku." In Afryka i (post)kolonializm. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/8088-260-7.03.
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Western Africa was a very important feature of the Euroatlantic trade system created by England, and later by Great Britain, from the second half of the 17th century. The factories, founded here on the Atlantic coast (or taken away from the Dutch and French colonial area) together with Portugeuse trade settlements (thanks to the peace treaty from 1703) existed in the scheme of socalled Atlantic triangle. The merchandises were exported from the British Isles to Western Africa where these were exchanged for the local materials (especially gold and ivory). These materials were transported (legally or not) to both Americas. The slave trade was also the very important element of this exchange system in the period. The British trade with Western Africa was initially organized by trade companies. The individual tradesmen, however, took part in this commercial traffic in the 18th century (especially in the slave trade) to the significant degree. These individual commercial activities disorganized earlier created Euroatlantic mercantile system of British foreign (and colonial) trade. It is necessary to stress here that the direct trade exchange between Western Africa and Great Britain was developing at that time together with the British reexport of tropic merchandises on European markets. In spite of it, the African market played the smaller role in the British system of foreign trade than the American and Asian markets. The African market, however, developed its position to the significant degree in the Atlantic trade sphere in the 18th century.
Conference papers on the topic "Great Britain – Colonies – Africa"
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Яблонская, О. В. "British Migrant Children: From Deported Street Children to the Builders of "Great Britain"." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.019.
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Статья посвящена миграции несовершеннолетних детей из Англии в Канаду, Австралию, Южную Африку. Анализируются причины, указаны основные этапы детской миграции, рассмотрены цели и задачи, которые преследовали организаторы программ переселения, миссии, которые возлагались на юных британцев вне метрополии. Автор приходит к выводу, что выезд был обусловлен потребностями детей и потребностями Великобритании, как метрополии, так и ее заокеанских владений. Начиная с XVII века, несовершеннолетних отправляли в колонии в качестве работников. Депортация из Англии являлась также альтернативой тюремному заключению. В XIX веке прекращается организованный ввоз преступников в колонии. Миграция позволяла сэкономить социальные расходы британского правительства. Филантропы разрабатывали планы массового переселения детей за океан с целью их спасения от голода и преступлений, на которые они были обречены в нищих кварталах британских городов. Доминионы предоставляли большие возможности для повышения социального статуса детей бедняков. Со второй половины XIX века в юных мигрантах начинают видеть большой имперский потенциал. Они рассматривались строителями империи «Великая Британия». Несовершеннолетние работники помогали фермерам осваивать земли. Миграция увеличивала «белое» население колоний и доминионов. Дети укрепляли политические связи между отдельными странами, распространяли политические и культурные ценности европейцев. На них возлагались задачи создания глобальной британской нации, физического и нравственного оздоровления британцев. Потомки британских «домашних детей» составляют значительный процент населения современной Канады и Австралии. The article is devoted to the migration of minors from England to Canada, Australia, South Africa. The reasons are analyzed, the main stages of child migration are indicated, the goals and objectives pursued by the organizers of resettlement programs, the missions assigned to young Britons outside the metropolis are considered. The author comes to the conclusion that the departure reasons were the needs of children and the needs of Great Britain, both the metropolis and its overseas possessions. Since the XVIIth century, minors were sent to colonies as workers. Deportation from England was also an alternative to imprisonment. In the XIX-th century, the organized deportation of criminals into the colonies stopped. Migration allowed saving the social expenses of the British government. Philanthropists developed plans for the mass relocation of children overseas in order to save them from hunger and crimes to which they were doomed in the impoverished quarters of British cities. The dominions provided great opportunities to improve the social status of the children of the poor. Since the second half of the XIXth century, young migrants began to see great imperial potential. They were considered as the builders of the empire "Great Britain". Underage workers helped farmers develop land. Migration increased the "white" population of colonies and dominions. Children strengthened political ties between countries, spread European political and cultural values. They were entrusted with the task of creating a global British nation, physical and moral recovery of the British. Descendants of British "home children" make up a significant percentage of the population of modern Canada and Australia.
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Fatima Hajizada, Fatima Hajizada. "SPECIFIC FEATURES OF THE AMERICAN VERSION OF THE BRITISH LANGUAGE." In THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC – PRACTICAL VIRTUAL CONFERENCE IN MODERN & SOCIAL SCIENCES: NEW DIMENSIONS, APPROACHES AND CHALLENGES. IRETC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/mssndac-01-10.
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English is one of the most spoken languages in the world. A global language communication is inherent in him. This language is also distinguished by a significant diversity of dialects and speech. It appeared in the early Middle Ages as the spoken language of the Anglo-Saxons. The formation of the British Empire and its expansion led to the widespread English language in Asia, Africa, North America and Australia. As a result, the Metropolitan language became the main communication language in the English colonies, and after independence it became State (USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand) and official (India, Nigeria, Singapore). Being one of the 6 Official Languages of the UN, it is studied as a foreign language in educational institutions of many countries in the modern time [1, 2, s. 12-14]. Despite the dozens of varieties of English, the American (American English) version, which appeared on the territory of the United States, is one of the most widespread. More than 80 per cent of the population in this country knows the American version of the British language as its native language. Although the American version of the British language is not defined as the official language in the US Federal Constitution, it acts with features and standards reinforced in the lexical sphere, the media and the education system. The growing political and economic power of the United States after World War II also had a significant impact on the expansion of the American version of the British language [3]. Currently, this language version has become one of the main topics of scientific research in the field of linguistics, philology and other similar spheres. It should also be emphasized that the American version of the British language paved the way for the creation of thousands of words and expressions, took its place in the general language of English and the world lexicon. “Okay”, “teenager”, “hitchhike”, “landslide” and other words can be shown in this row. The impact of differences in the life and life of colonists in the United States and Great Britain on this language was not significant either. The role of Nature, Climate, Environment and lifestyle should also be appreciated here. There is no officially confirmed language accent in the United States. However, most speakers of national media and, first of all, the CNN channel use the dialect “general American accent”. Here, the main accent of “mid Pppemestern” has been guided. It should also be noted that this accent is inherent in a very small part of the U.S. population, especially in Nebraska, Iowa, and Illinois. But now all Americans easily understand and speak about it. As for the current state of the American version of the British language, we can say that there are some hypotheses in this area. A number of researchers perceive it as an independent language, others-as an English variant. The founder of American spelling, American and British lexicographer, linguist Noah Pondebster treats him as an independent language. He also tried to justify this in his work “the American Dictionary of English” written in 1828 [4]. This position was expressed by a Scottish-born English philologist, one of the authors of the “American English Dictionary”Sir Alexander Craigie, American linguist Raven ioor McDavid Jr. and others also confirm [5]. The second is the American linguist Leonard Bloomfield, one of the creators of the descriptive direction of structural linguistics, and other American linguists Edward Sapir and Charles Francis Hockett. There is also another group of “third parties” that accept American English as a regional dialect [5, 6]. A number of researchers [2] have shown that the accent or dialect in the US on the person contains significantly less data in itself than in the UK. In Great Britain, a dialect speaker is viewed as a person with a low social environment or a low education. It is difficult to perceive this reality in the US environment. That is, a person's speech in the American version of the British language makes it difficult to express his social background. On the other hand, the American version of the British language is distinguished by its faster pace [7, 8]. One of the main characteristic features of the American language array is associated with the emphasis on a number of letters and, in particular, the pronunciation of the letter “R”. Thus, in British English words like “port”, “more”, “dinner” the letter “R” is not pronounced at all. Another trend is related to the clear pronunciation of individual syllables in American English. Unlike them, the Britons “absorb”such syllables in a number of similar words [8]. Despite all these differences, an analysis of facts and theoretical knowledge shows that the emergence and formation of the American version of the British language was not an accidental and chaotic process. The reality is that the life of the colonialists had a huge impact on American English. These processes were further deepened by the growing migration trends at the later historical stage. Thus, the language of the English-speaking migrants in America has been developed due to historical conditions, adapted to the existing living environment and new life realities. On the other hand, the formation of this independent language was also reflected in the purposeful policy of the newly formed US state. Thus, the original British words were modified and acquired a fundamentally new meaning. Another point here was that the British acharism, which had long been out of use, gained a new breath and actively entered the speech circulation in the United States. Thus, the analysis shows that the American version of the British language has specific features. It was formed and developed as a result of colonization and expansion. This development is still ongoing and is one of the languages of millions of US states and people, as well as audiences of millions of people. Keywords: American English, English, linguistics, accent.
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Макаров, Е. П. "Political and Religious Freedom in the American Colonies of the Great Britain in the XVIIIth Century." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.011.
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В статье анализируется политическое и общественное развитие американских колоний Великобритании в XVIII века, обусловленное наличием видимых центробежных и центростремительных сил колониальной политико-экономической системы. Важнейший для колоний вопрос прав и свобод рассматривается в контексте социально-политической и культурной консолидации американских провинций и их постепенной радикализации до начала Американской войны за независимость. Исследование концентрируется на изучении роли и места локальных политических структур в процессе роста самосознания американского общества, а также отдельно выделяется место религиозных свобод и вопросов веры в жизни населения британской Америки. The article analyzes the political and social development of the American colonies of Great Britain in the XVIIIth century, determined by visible centrifugal and centripetal forces of the colonial political and economic system. The most important issue of rights and freedoms for the colonies is considered in the context of the socio-political and cultural consolidation of the American provinces and their gradual radicalization before the start of the American War of Independence. The study focuses on the analysis of the role and place of local political structures in the process of the growth of the self-awareness of American society, it also highlights the place of religious freedoms and issues of faith in the life of the population of British America.
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Zimba, Sydney Kadikula. "A Study of Electric Power Frequency in Southern Africa, Great Britain and Continental Europe." In 2018 IEEE PES/IAS PowerAfrica. IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/powerafrica.2018.8520984.
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Креленко, Н. С. "REVOLUTION IN THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES IN THE ASSESSMENT OF H. WALPOLE." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/mcu.2021.45.40.012.
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Статья посвящена анализу восприятия Х. Уолполом конфликта между Великобританией и североамериканскими колониями. Х. Уолпол был близким к придворным кругам членом парла-мента, видным интеллектуалом. Его отношение к происходившим событиям отражены в письмах, которые он писал своим единомышленникам и знакомым. Содержание писем позволяет просле-дить, как менялись взгляды и настроения их автора, как корректировалась вигская система ценно-стей по мере изменения политической ситуации. The article is devoted to the analysis of H. Walpole's perception of the conflict between Great Britain and the North American colonies. H. Walpole was a member of parliament close to court circles and a prominent intellectual. His attitude to the events that took place are reflected in the letters that he wrote to his associates and acquaintances. The content of the letters allows us to trace how the views and moods of their author were changing, how the Whig system of values was corrected as the political situation changed.
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Hoffman, Danie, Tebogo Hellen Ngele, and Benita Zulch. "Contrasting the profiles of Female vs Male quantity surveyors in South Africa." In 14th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2023). AHFE International, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1003906.
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Quantity surveying in South Africa is a well-established professional discipline providing consulting services to the construction industry. The continued prosperity of a professional discipline such as quantity surveying is closely linked to sound management and efficient strategic leadership. The leaders and managers of the profession require accurate and up-to-date information on the profile of their members to integrate that information into future strategies and planning.Young democracies and developing countries such as South Africa often have demographics and financial industries, including the construction industry, that are much more dynamic than first-world countries such as the United States or Great Britain. Local government upliftment policies such as black economic empowerment changed the economic landscape. The membership profile of the quantity surveying profession is also seeing rapid change, presenting additional management challenges. A profession with a stable profile is easy to manage using past knowledge of membership makeup and preferences. However, a changing membership may cause strategies based on the knowledge of 5 to 10 years ago to be found wanting today.The recent COVID-19 pandemic disrupted economies and industries and did not spare the construction industry or the quantity surveying profession. During this time, the South African Association of Quantity Surveyors (ASAQS), assisted by the University of Pretoria, analysed the profile of its members employing a questionnaire forwarded to all ASAQS members on the database. This data confirmed significant changes to the age and racial makeup of the profession. However, the changed gender profile was amongst the study’s most significant findings. In the past, the typical South African quantity surveyor was a middle age to older male of European descent. This study will contrast the older members of the profession against the more recent entrants by comparing the profile of female members to that of male members. The analysis will include age, race, locational spread, academic qualifications, nationality, registration status with the Council of South African Quantity Surveyors, and length of the current employment term to provide a reasonably detailed comparison of the gender profile of quantity surveyors in South Africa.The above information will be valuable to the Association of South African Quantity Surveyors and to the management of quantity surveying firms and institutions such as universities that offer accredited academic programmes to train quantity surveyors. The findings can also be shared with quantity surveying professionals across international borders to compare against the profiles of their millennial cohorts of quantity surveyors.
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Малкин, С. Г. "Escalation and Colonial Control in the British Empire during the Interbellum." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.027.
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Эпоха Интербеллума сопровождалась непрекращавшимися спорами сторонников различных правовых режимов функционирования колониального порядка в условиях роста повстанческой активности в Британской империи после Великой войны. Дискуссии по этому вопросу отражали теоретические и доктринальные противоречия, а также споры военных и гражданских властей по поводу границ их ответственности в этом вопросе. В статье анализируются изменения в подходах военных к определению параметров обеспечения внутренней безопасности в империи после Великой войны в связи с ограничениями правового характера и новыми вызовами колониальному правлению, обусловленными ростом национально-освободительного движения. В фокусе исследования – взгляды военного класса на юридическую рамку механизма управления колониальными кризисами: цель, задачи, параметры и назначение введения военного и чрезвычайного положения. Такой ракурс исследования позволил по-новому поставить вопрос об эволюции управленческих практик на завершающем этапе развития Британской империи, в эпоху ее деколонизации и трансформации. Особенности развития имперской школы военной мысли Великобритании в условиях возраставшего значения вооруженных сил и одновременного сокращения возможностей использования других рычагов влияния на сохранение власти метрополии в колониях и на иных зависимых территориях также рассматриваются в данной статье. The Interbellum era was accompanied by ongoing disputes between supporters of various legal regimes of the functioning of the colonial order amid the growth of rebel activity in the British Empire after the Great War. Discussions on this issue reflected theoretical and doctrinal contradictions, as well as disputes between the military and civilian authorities over the boundaries of their responsibility in this matter. The article analyzes changes in the military's approaches to determining the parameters of internal security in the empire after the Great War due to legal restrictions and new challenges to colonial rule due to the growth of the national liberation movement. The focus of the study is the views of the military class on the legal framework of the mechanism for managing colonial crises: the purpose, tasks, parameters and purpose of the introduction of martial law and emergency. This perspective of the study made it possible to raise the question of the evolution of management practices in a new way at the final stage of the development of the British Empire, in the era of its decolonization and transformation. The peculiarities of the development of the imperial school of military thought of Great Britain in the context of the increasing importance of the armed forces and the simultaneous reduction in the possibility of using other levers of influence on the preservation of the metropolis power in the colonies and other dependent territories are also considered in the article.
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Campos, João. "The superb Brazilian Fortresses of Macapá and Príncipe da Beira." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11520.
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During the eighteenth century Portugal developed a large military construction process in the Ultramarine possessions, in order to compete with the new born colonial trading empires, mainly Great Britain, Netherlands and France. The Portuguese colonial seashores of the Atlantic Ocean (since the middle of the sixteenth century) and of the Indian Ocean (from the end of the first quarter of the seventeenth century) were repeatedly coveted, and the huge Portuguese colony of Brazil was also harassed in the south during the eighteenth century –here due to problems in a diplomatic and military dispute with Spain, related with the global frontiers’ design of the Iberian colonies. The Treaty of Madrid (1750) had specifically abrogated the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494) between Portugal and Spain, and the limits of Brazil began to be defined on the field. Macapá is situated in the western branch of Amazonas delta, in the singular cross-point of the Equator with Tordesillas Meridian, and the construction of a big fortress began in the year of 1764 under direction of Enrico Antonio Galluzzi, an Italian engineer contracted by Portuguese administration to the Commission of Delimitation, which arrived in Brazil in 1753. In consequence of the political panorama in Europe after the Seven Years War (1756-1763), a new agreement between Portugal and Spain was negotiated (after the regional conflict in South America), achieved to the Treaty of San Idefonso (1777), which warranted the integration of the Amazonas basin. It was strategic the decision to build, one year before, the huge fortress of Príncipe da Beira, arduously realized in the most interior of the sub-continent, 2000 km from the sea throughout the only possible connection by rivers navigation. Domingos Sambucetti, another Italian engineer, was the designer and conductor of the jobs held on the right bank of Guaporé River, future frontier’s line with Bolivia. São José de Macapá and Príncipe da Beira are two big fortresses Vauban’ style, built under very similar projects by two Italian engineers (each one dead with malaria in the course of building), with the observance of the most exigent rules of the treaties of military architecture.