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1
De Deckker, Paul. "Decolonisation Processes in the South Pacific Islands: A Comparative Analysis between Metropolitan Powers." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 26, no. 2 (May 1, 1996): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v26i2.6172.
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The South Pacific islands came late, by comparison with Asia and Africa, to undertake the decolonising process. France was the first colonial power in the region to start off this process in accordance with the decision taken in Paris to pave the way to independence for African colonies. The Loi-cadre Defferre in 1957, voted in Parliament, was applied to French Polynesia and New Caledonia as it was to French Africa. Territorial governments were elected in both these Pacific colonies in 1957. They were abolished in 1963 after the return to power of General de Gaulle who decided to use Moruroa for French atomic testing. The status quo ante was then to prevail in New Caledonia and French Polynesia up to today amidst statutory crises. The political evolution of the French Pacific, including Wallis and Futuna, is analysed in this article. Great Britain, New Zealand and Australia were to conform to the 1960 United Nations' recommendations to either decolonise, integrate or provide to Pacific colonies self-government in free association with the metropolitan power. Great Britain granted constitutional independence to all of its colonies in the Pacific except Pitcairn. The facts underlying this drastic move are analysed in the British context of the 1970's, culminating in the difficult independence of Vanuatu in July 1980. New Zealand and Australia followed the UN recommendations and granted independence or self-government to their colonial territories. In the meantime, they reinforced their potential to dominate the South Pacific in the difficult geopolitical context of the 1980s. American Micronesia undertook statutory evolution within a strategic framework. What is at stake today within the Pacific Islands is no longer of a political nature; it is financial.
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Ghammaz, Saif Al Deen Lutfi Ali Al. "Revisiting William J. Shakespeare’s The Tempest From a Colonial and Postcolonial Lens." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 13, no. 6 (June 1, 2023): 1373–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1306.05.
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The current paper shows colonialism as a concept and how European countries have created colonies in Australia, Asia, Africa, and America, capturing and overexploiting the colonies’ natural resources and dominating the colonies’ natives. The new nation discoveries accomplished by Europeans stuck in Shakespeare’s mind, naming these discoveries the “New World”. Shakespeare’s The Tempest approaches Prospero’s colonial attitude and Caliban’s postcolonial standpoint. With that being said, this paper aims to demonstrate that Shakespeare stands in the middle making no approval or disapproval of the European colonization. The Tempest by Shakespeare can be reviewed from a colonial and postcolonial lens. Fanon (1991) establishes that violence-based struggle is a component of the decolonization process represented by Caliban. Towards the end of the paper, key related interpretations of India’s overexploitation by Great Britain are adopted to make a piece of evidence that one of the deadly sins of European history rests in colonialism.
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Smith, Evan. "National Liberation for Whom? The Postcolonial Question, the Communist Party of Great Britain, and the Party’s African and Caribbean Membership." International Review of Social History 61, no. 2 (July 29, 2016): 283–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859016000249.
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AbstractThe Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had a long tradition of anti-colonial activism since its foundation in 1920 and had been a champion of national liberation within the British Empire. However, the Party also adhered to the idea that Britain’s former colonies, once independent, would want to join a trade relationship with their former coloniser, believing that Britain required these forms of relationship to maintain supplies of food and raw materials. This position was maintained into the 1950s until challenged in 1956–1957 by the Party’s African and Caribbean membership, seizing the opportunity presented by the fallout of the political crises facing the CPGB in 1956. I argue in this article that this challenge was an important turning point for the Communist Party’s view on issues of imperialism and race, and also led to a burst of anti-colonial and anti-racist activism. But this victory by its African and Caribbean members was short-lived, as the political landscape and agenda of the CPGB shifted in the late 1960s.
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Rao, Rojukurthi Sudhakar. "Africa’s Colonial Governor Lord Lugard Fixed & Jinxed Great Britain: Don’t Spread Indian Disease in Higher Education into Africa!" International Journal of Research Publication and Reviews 4, no. 11 (November 17, 2023): 2111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.55248/gengpi.4.1123.113120.
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Callahan, Michael D. "NOMANSLAND: The British Colonial Office and the League of Nations Mandate for German East Africa, 1916–1920." Albion 25, no. 3 (1993): 443–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050877.
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One of the many problems facing the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 was the future of the conquered German and Turkish territories in Africa, the Pacific, and the Middle East. Widespread anti-imperialist sentiment in Europe and the United States opposed direct annexation of the possessions, but wartime agreements and the security interests of the Allies prevented returning the conquered areas to their former rulers. In particular, many British leaders wanted to ensure that Germany could never again attempt world domination and were convinced that the restoration to Germany of its overseas possessions would pose a “grave political and military menace” to Britain's vital maritime connections with South Africa and India. After a long, often acrimonious debate, the Conference agreed on a compromise that placed the former German colonies and Ottoman provinces under the supervision of the League of Nations. This solution gave the Allies control of their acquisitions as “mandates” within a framework of international accountability. Great Britain received the most mandates, including Germany's largest colony of German East Africa. For the British leaders who had always advocated transforming German East Africa into a British colony, the new system seemed to make little practical difference. For the colonial officials in London and at the highest levels of colonial administration within the conquered possession, however, the mandates system presented serious problems and was not simply a disguise for annexation.
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Zernetska, O. "The Rethinking of Great Britain’s Role: From the World Empire to the Nation State." Problems of World History, no. 9 (November 26, 2019): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-9-6.
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In the article, it is stated that Great Britain had been the biggest empire in the world in the course of many centuries. Due to synchronic and diachronic approaches it was detected time simultaneousness of the British Empire’s development in the different parts of the world. Different forms of its ruling (colonies, dominions, other territories under her auspice) manifested this phenomenon.The British Empire went through evolution from the First British Empire which was developed on the count mostly of the trade of slaves and slavery as a whole to the Second British Empire when itcolonized one of the biggest states of the world India and some other countries of the East; to the Third British Empire where it colonized countries practically on all the continents of the world. TheForth British Empire signifies the stage of its decomposition and almost total down fall in the second half of the 20th century. It is shown how the national liberation moments starting in India and endingin Africa undermined the British Empire’s power, which couldn’t control the territories, no more. The foundation of the independent nation state of Great Britain free of colonies did not lead to lossof the imperial spirit of its establishment, which is manifested in its practical deeds – Organization of the British Commonwealth of Nations, which later on was called the Commonwealth, Brexit and so on.The conclusions are drawn that Great Britain makes certain efforts to become a global state again.
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Linne, Karsten. "The “New Labour Policy” in Nazi Colonial Planning for Africa." International Review of Social History 49, no. 2 (August 2004): 197–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900400149x.
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The National Socialist planning for a recolonization of Africa was based on a new social and labour policy and focused chiefly on the “labour question”. In designing their schemes, planners strove to mobilize wage labour and circumvent the much-feared “proletarianization” of the workers. The key problem in exploiting the African colonies had two main aspects: a shortage of manpower and migrant labour. Therefore, planners designed complex systems of organized, state-controlled labour recruitment, and formulated rules for labour contracts and compensation. An expanded labour administration was to ensure that the “deployment of labour” ran smoothly and that workers were registered, evaluated, and supervised. Furthermore, “white labour guardians” were to be assigned the responsibility of overseeing the social wellbeing of the African workers. As was evident not only in Germany but in the colonial powers, France and Great Britain, as well, these concepts all fit into the general trend of the times, a trend characterized by the application of scientific methods in solving social issues, by the increased emphasis on state intervention, and by the introduction of sociopolitical measures. Nazi planning was based on Germany's prewar politics but also reflected the changes occurring in German work life after 1933.
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Darity, William. "British Industry and the West Indies Plantations." Social Science History 14, no. 1 (1990): 117–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320002068x.
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Is it not notorious to the whole World, that the Business of Planting in our British Colonies, as well as in the French, is carried on by the Labour of Negroes, imported thither from Africa? Are we not indebted to those valuable People, the Africans for our Sugars, Tobaccoes, Rice, Rum, and all other Plantation Produce? And the greater the Number of Negroes imported into our Colonies, from Africa, will not the Exportation of British Manufactures among the Africans be in Proportion, they being paid for in such Commodities only? The more likewise our Plantations abound in Negroes, will not more Land become cultivated, and both better and greater Variety of Plantation Commodities be produced? As those Trades are subservient to the Well Being and Prosperity of each other; so the more either flourishes or declines, the other must be necessarily affected; and the general Trade and Navigation of their Mother Country, will be proportionably benefited or injured. May we not therefore say, with equal Truth, as the French do in their before cited Memorial, that the general Navigation of Great Britain owes all its Encrease and Splendor to the Commerce of its American and African Colonies; and that it cannot be maintained and enlarged otherwise than from the constant Prosperity of both those branches, whose Interests are mutual and inseparable?[Postlethwayt 1968c: 6]The atlantic slave trade remains oddly invisible in the commentaries of historians who have specialized in the sources and causes of British industrialization in the late eighteenth century. This curiosity contrasts sharply with the perspective of eighteenth-century strategists who, on the eve of the industrial revolution, placed great stock in both the trade and the colonial plantations as vital instruments for British economic progress. Specifically, Joshua Gee and Malachy Postlethwayt, once described by the imperial historian Charles Ryle Fay (1934: 2–3) as Britain’s major “spokesmen” for the eighteenth century, both placed the importation of African slaves into the Americas at the core of their visions of the requirements for national expansion. Fay (ibid.: 3) also described both of them as “mercantilists hardening into a manufacturers’ imperialism.” For such a “manufacturers’ imperialism” to be a success, both Gee and Postlethwayt saw the need for extensive British participation in the trade in Africans and in the maintenance and development of the West Indies.
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Diakov, Nikolai. "Arab States of North Africa: from the Ottoman Empire to the Colonial Empires of Modern Times." ISTORIYA 14, no. 10 (132) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028616-6.
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The modern history of the Northern Africa (Egypt and the Maghreb) was marked with the progress in transformation of the local social and political institutions with at the same a vast expansion of the Ottoman Porte and later of the West European powers. The Arab Maghreb which firstly became an object of the European aggression from Spain and Portugal in the 15th — 16th CC. later joined the Ottoman Empire together with Egypt. Morocco, however, managed to save its formal independence until the very beginning of the 20th C.A.D. With the European expansion in the 19th C. the Northern Africa turned into a field of colonial experiments: from the direct military occupation to the assimilation politics of the French departments in Algeria, with a later introducing the protectorate regimes in Tunisia and Morocco and transforming Egypt into a zone of strategic communications between the Great Britain and its colonies in Arabia and India. The civilization interaction within the Northern Africa during the colonial epoch brought to light, both in Europe and Russia, a numerous academic historiography, defining main trends in studying modern history of Egypt and the Maghreb area — the most important crossroads of the historical contacts between the peoples and cultures of the Orient and the Occident.
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Chipfakacha, Chido T. "The Death of Queen Elizabeth, the Death of the British Empire." Global Journal of Politics and Law Research 12, no. 2 (February 15, 2024): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjplr.2013/vol12n26170.
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The life of Elizabeth Windsor famously kmown by her title Queen Elizabeth the second, is one of mixed realites she is the longest reigning British Monarch in history having set on the throne for 70 years. The reign of Elizabeth was born from the greatest times of the British Empire with many colonies and a great reputation of the empire after the defeat of the Germans in World war 2. Queen Elizabeth has been credited in overseeing the end of colonisation from the British empire by many African states who were under British colonial rule. She facilitated for negotiations in some cases between liberation war movements and the colonial governments on peaceful ways of transfering power. Her Queen`s government even went on to sanction Ian Smith regime in Rhodesia when it declared independence from Britain, the sanctions were as a result that her majesty`s government would only accept independence if it was given to the majority black africans of Rhodesia. The British economy under her rule had prospered beyond unimaginable dought with the British pound being the most powerful currency, the attractiveness of the pound attracted great minds from across the globe which helped improve the British economy and advanced its technological base. The common wealth of nations an organisation the Queen championed has had success in cooperation between Britain its former colonies and other countries that were not British colonies have since joined the organisation because of its successes. This paper seeks to show how the British economy, social base and its political prowess has suffered from the days that the Queen became sick to her subsequent death and the aftermath. Policies like the Brexit that was carried out during her old age and its impact of Britain will be visited upon in this article, the Irish referendum, the removal of the British Mornach as heard of state by carribean nations that belonged to the British realm. The paper seeks to show how Elizabeth Windsor was the glue that bonded British modern society and the survival of the British monarch without her is under threat.In her life Queen Elizabeth worked with 15 British Prime Ministers from diverse parties sharing diferent ideologies this showed her to be a democratic monarch. This paper will expand on the front of the death of monarchs and empires in the modern era and Elizabeth Winsdor being the last great monarch.
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Kharkovsky, Ruslan. "Mahdist State in the Colonial Struggle of France and Great Britain in Sudan (1880s — 1890s)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 2 (112) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020471-7.
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The article analyzes the evolution of the “Sudanese question” in the system of international relations in the last third of the 19th century. The thesis is argued that for Great Britain control over the Sudanese territories was an important link in the struggle for the creation of the world’s largest colonial empire. The threat of war between Britain and France during this period was quite real. The military, primarily naval, weakness of France was one of the essential reasons for its retreat from Sudan. The settlement of the colonial differences between England and France in Northeast Africa later became one of the reasons for the emergence of the Entente as a counterbalance to the growing German Empire.
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Sergeev, E. Yu. "British Edition of the Monroe Doctrine versus ‘Com- munist Militarism’: Collisions between the USSR and the UK in Eastern Countries in the mid-1920s." Lomonosov World Politics Journal 15, no. 3 (December 4, 2023): 125–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2023-15-3-125-159.
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The new US foreign policy concept in the Western hemisphere introduced by the American President J. Monroe in December 1823 has become a milestone both in the country’s history and in the theory and practice of international relations in general. For Great Britain, the principles of the Monroe Doctrine acquired new relevance after the end of the First World War. The prospect of unfettered Bolshevik expansion into British colonies and dependent territories in Asia and Africa became a matter of particular concern for the UK ruling circles. It was this threat that forced the military and political elites of Great Britain to turn to the experience of their overseas counterparts and develop a set of measures that can be described as the British edition of the Monroe Doctrine. These measures were directed right against the Bolsheviks’ attempts to revolutionize the national liberation movement and to use it to undermine the ‘colonial rear’ of the imperialist powers. British decision-makers interpreted these attempts as a Bolsheviks’ endeavor to revive the foreign policy practices of the Russian Empire and denoted them as ‘communist militarism’. It is through the lens of the collision of the British edition of the Monroe Doctrine and the concept of ‘communist militarism’ that this study examines the dynamics of the Soviet-British confrontation in Central Asia in the mid-1920s. Special attention is paid to the struggle that took place between the two countries in Iran (Persia), Afghanistan, northwest India, Xinjiang and Tibet. This competition for influence over local rulers took a variety of forms: from information and propaganda campaigns to rivalry in the field of infrastructure and logistics projects. At the same time, it was accompanied by a constant clash of interests of various factions within the USSR and Great Britain, which prevented them from pursuing a coherent policy in the region. Together, these circumstances endowed the Soviet-British rivalry in Central Asia in the 1920s with a number of unique features that does not allow it to be interpreted as just yet another round of the ‘Great Game’.
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Miles, William F. S. "Postcolonial Borderland Legacies of Anglo–French Partition in West Africa." African Studies Review 58, no. 3 (November 23, 2015): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2015.71.
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Abstract:More than five decades after independence, Africa still struggles with the legacies of colonial partition. On the territorial frontiers between the postcolonial inheritors of the two major colonial powers, Great Britain and France, the continuing impact of European colonialism remains most acute. On the one hand, the splitting of erstwhile homogeneous ethnic groups into British and French camps gave rise to new national identities; on the other hand, it circumvented any possibility of sovereignty via ethnic solidarity. To date, however, there has been no comprehensive assessment of the ethnic groups that were divided between English- and French-speaking states in West Africa, let alone the African continent writ large. This article joins postcolonial ethnography to the emerging field of comparative borderland studies. It argues that, although norms of state-based identity have been internalized in the Anglophone–Francophone borderlands, indigenous bases of association and behavior continue to define life along the West African frontier in ways that undermine state sovereignty. Although social scientists tend to focus on national- and sub-national-level analyses, and increasingly on the effects of globalization on institutional change, study of the African borderlands highlights the continuing importance of colonial legacies and grassroots-derived research.
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Anwar, Mohammad Amir. "Indian foreign direct investments in Africa: a geographical perspective." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 26, no. 26 (December 1, 2014): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bog-2014-0043.
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Abstract Foreign direct investments (FDI) into Africa from developing economies have grown substantially over the past decade. While the focus of the enquiry among the geographers has been the rise of Chinese investments in Africa, India has become an important ‘Asian driver’ within the ‘new scramble for Africa’. This article highlights the geography of Indian involvement in Africa in terms of its growing scale, new patterns and the emerging complex structure of Indian investments. The article finds that the nature of India-Africa trade relationship mirrors colonial trade relationships between India and the Great Britain. The Indian investments in Africa are resource- oriented and fused with geopolitical dynamics, driven by capitalistic agendas.
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Yahaya, Jibrin Ubale. "An Assessment of the Partition and Scramble of Africa and the Effect of Slave Trade in the Continent." International Journal of Social Science Studies 11, no. 6 (November 29, 2023): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v11i6.6565.
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The scramble and Partition of African countries began in earnest with the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885, and this was the cause of the most of Africa’s borders today. The conference was called by German Chancellor Bismarck to settle how European countries would claim colonial land in Africa and to avoid a war among European nations over African territory. All the major European States were invited to the conference which includes the Germany, France, Great Britain, Netherlands, Belgium, Portugal, and Spain were all considered to have a future role in the imperial partition of Africa. The United States was invited because of its interest in Liberia but did not attend the conference because it had no desire to build a colonial empire in Africa. Also invited were Austria–Hungary, Sweden–Norway, Denmark, Italy, Turkey, and Russia who all were considered minor players in the quest for colonizing Africa, though Italy has claim some colonial possessions in Northeast Africa. Most notably there were no Africans present at that conference, nor were any Europeans present to ensure that native Africans had any say in the proceedings. This paper has adopted secondary source of data in the process of data collection. The findings of the paper have revealed that partition in Africa has led to emergence of colonialism, slave trade and other related contemporary imbalance that led to for present African underdevelopment. The paper recommended that African countries needs to be allowed to run its affairs as an independent sovereign countries to manage both their mineral and human resource to compete with every continent of the world interterms of development dynamism and African countries should develop an approach that will help them to fight social menace of poverty, corruption, insecurity and unemployment.
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Blouet, Olwyn M. "Bryan Edwards, F.R.S., 1743-1800." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 54, no. 2 (May 22, 2000): 215–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2000.0108.
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Bryan Edwards was a Jamaican planter and politician who published a well–respected History of the West Indies in 1793. He articulated the planter view concerning the value of the West Indian colonies to Great Britain, and opposed the abolition of the slave trade. Edwards disputed European scientific speculation that the ‘New World’ environment retarded nature, although his scientific interests have largely gone unnoticed. Elected a Fellow of The Royal Society in 1794, he became a Member of Parliament in 1796, and wrote a History of Haiti in the following year. As Secretary of the African Association, Edwards edited the African travel journals of Mungo Park.
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Jobodwana, Zingisile Ntozintle. "OIL IN THE GULF OF GUINEA STATES AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE MATRIX OF OVERLAPPING MEMBERSHIP OF AFRICAN REGIONAL COMMUNITIES: AN IMPEDIMENT TO REGIONAL INTEGRATION?" Journal of Law, Society and Development 3, no. 1 (September 12, 2016): 6–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2520-9515/273.
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The Gulf of Guinea states (GOGs) discussed in this article comprise a diverse group of more than 20 African states bordering on the oil-rich Gulf of Guinea. They are former colonies of Belgium, France, Great Britain and Germany. These states are of strategic importance to the United States, the European Union, India and China because of their tremendous natural resources that include biodiversity, oil, gas and other strategic minerals. But to what extent are they also of strategic importance not only to South Africa but to SADC member states? After all, the GOGs boast of their sea routes being safer and more convenient for sea transport. Post-colonial independence finds these states still adopting a mixture of foreign legal systems side by side with indigenous laws and customs. The region is still underdeveloped, with poor physical infrastructure, weak government structures, an inefficient legal system, and internecine strife and other inter-state disputes exerting a debilitating influence. The NEPAD Plan of Action of 2001 looks to the regional economic communities (RECs) to become the leaders in regional economic co-operation and integration. Although the GOGs are characterised at present by overlapping membership of various communities, they have enjoyed some successes based on the newly found petroleum commodity which, wisely managed, can help to increase intra-African trade and produce a viable extensive African market buttressed by South Africa’s economic advances into the rest of Africa. In some of the regions in Africa RECs such as ECOWAS and SADC have been able to transform their economic and monetary co-operation efforts into a powerful driving force for economic policy co-ordination and integration, but a strong, credible, effective and efficient legal framework with sustainable supporting institutions is now needed. South Africa is well poised to assist with deepening the political and economic integration in the GOGs by intensifying foreign direct investment (FDI), capacity-building and training projects, and the transfer of skills and technology. But the RECs’ overlapping membership needs to be rationalised, the negative influences of the superpowers need to be resisted, and support is required to maintain peace and stability and ensure the security of the maritime regimes. A strong, independent supra-national body that is also able to supervise and monitor revenues from oil for the benefit of the region as a whole should be established.
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Bene, Krisztián. "A Szabad Francia Légierő tevékenysége Afrikában." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 12, no. 1-3. (October 30, 2018): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2018.12.1-3.7.
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The Free French Air Forces were the air branch of the Free French Forces during the Second World War from 1940 to 1943 when they finally became part of the new regular French Air Forces. This study aims to present the activity of this special and little-known air force over the territory of Africa during this period.After the French defeat in June 1940 General Charles de Gaulle went to England to continue the fight against the Axis Forces and created the Free French Forces. Several airmen of the French Air Forces rallied to General de Gaulle which allowed the creation of the Free French Forces on 1st July 1940 under the command of Admiral Émile Muselier. The Free French commandment wanted to deploy their units during the reconquest of the French African colonies, so they were sent to participate in the occupation of French Equatorial Africa in 1940. Other flying units struggled in East and North Africa together with British troops against the invading Italian armies. These forces were reorganized in 1941 and continued the fight in the frame of fighter and bombing squadrons (groupes in French). Most of them (five of seven) were created and deployed in Africa as the Lorraine, the Alsace, the Bretagne, the Artois and the Picardie squadrons.From 1940 to 1943 5,000 men served in the ranks of the Free French Air Forces, which is a modest number if we compare with the power of the air forces of the other allied countries. At the same time, the presence and the activity of these forces were an important aid to Great Britain during a hard period of its history, so this contribution was appreciated by the British government in the end of the war at the political scene.
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Zherlitsina, Natalia. "The “Entente cordiale” and the rivalry of Great Britain and France in North Africa in 1830s–1840s. The example of Morocco." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013914-3.
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The article examines the relationship between the two leading powers of the 19th century, Great Britain and France, against the background of colonial rivalry in North Africa. Analyzing relevant English, French, and Moroccan diplomatic documents, the author concludes that the issue of establishing a dominant influence in Morocco was one of the main issues in the relations between Great Britain and France in 1830–1840. The French takeover of Algeria disrupted the regional and European balance of influence and gave a conflicting character to the relations between the competing powers. The “Entente Cordiale” (“Cordial Accord”), designed to contribute to the preservation of peace in Europe, acted as a deterrent that did not allow Great Britain and France to move to an open phase of confrontation in the Maghreb. The sharp phase of the rivalry between the two powers in Morocco occurred in 1837–1844 and was associated with the name of the hero of the liberation struggle of Algeria from the French invaders, Emir Abd al-Qadir. The Franco-Moroccan War of 1844 ended with the defeat of Morocco, facing the threat of French occupation. Due to the pressure from British diplomacy, the Franco-Moroccan treaty was concluded, and the sultanate existed as an independent country for about sixty years, although in fact the European powers did not stop systematically undermining the country's sovereignty.
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Fisher, A. O., S. A. Oludemi, and W. T. Ojo. "Decolonisation: African Political thought." International Journal of Teaching, Learning and Education 2, no. 2 (2023): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijtle.2.2.4.
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African political thought is fundamentally rooted in African heritage and culture. It is a frontal assault against the imperial powers of Great Britain, France, Spain, Portugal, Belgium, and the Union of South Africa, which denied the diverse African peoples of their right to self-government. Thus, the political concepts of African leaders at various times and places were intended to be last attacks against the denial of the basic human rights of the people. At the period, political thinking centred on two major threats to African states and the continent: colonialism and racism. In African Political Thought, the notion of Decolonization is best investigated and analysed in the context of its processes. Any attention that was paid to the African past highlighted the savage character of intergroup interactions. As colonial education was influenced by the need to explain the ills of colonialism, African history was filled with European discoveries of Africa. In order to rectify this anomaly, the concepts of Pan-Africanism and Negritude were developed within an African setting. These concepts aided in reinforcing the significance of African heritage despite the European invasion. This research seeks to investigate the origins of African political philosophy and the decolonization process in certain African locations. The major source of data collecting is secondary sources.
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Vansina, J. "Some Perceptions on the Writing of African History: 1948-1992." Itinerario 16, no. 1 (March 1992): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006574.
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African history was really born on a specific date and its parent was Prof. Phillips, then heading the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), in London. It began when the learned Collins and Asquith commissions advocated the upgrading of schools in four different parts of the continent (Nigeria, Ghana, Sudan and Uganda) to University College status whereupon the Colonial Office looked for a university in Great Britain to guarantee programming and quality and passed that job unto the University of London which in turn promptly passed much of the burden unto SOAS. Although no funds were attached to this Phillips accepted and eventually did get funding from the Rockefeller Foundation, to the greater glory of SOAS. Meanwhile however he had visited East Africa and he had been struck there in 1947 by the absence of ‘native histories’ such as one finds so thickly on the ground in his usual playing ground India. He decided to hire an historian of Africa who would both supervise the development of history departments in the new colleges and work to remedy this lack of local history.
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Reno, William. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: Private Corporate Dimension." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.
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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outside eyes to be more akin to commercial entrepreneurs than rulers of states. Relations between Europe and these authorities left much more room for proxies and ancillary groups. Missionaries, explorers, and chartered companies commonly became proxies through which strong states in Europe pursued their relations with these African authorities. So too now, stronger states in global society increasingly contract out to private actors their relations toward Africa’s weakest states. Especially in the United States, but also in Great Britain and South Africa, officials show a growing propensity to use foreign firms, including military service companies, as proxies to exercise influence in small, very poor countries where strategic and economic interests are limited. This privatized foreign policy affects the worst-off parts of Africa—states like Angola, the Central African Republic, Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone—where formal state institutions have collapsed, often amidst long-term warfare and disorder.
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ahmoud AL-JADER, Ilham M., and Israa Mohammed KAREEM. "DAVID LIVINGSTONE 'S JOURNEY TO AFRICA ( 1813 - 1873)." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 05, no. 02 (March 1, 2023): 831–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.22.48.
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The fifteenth century for Europe represents the beginning of the modern era, and it is at the same time for Africa the era in which the continent lost its independence, and became plundered by the European powers, especially Britain، which contributed to the movement of geographical discoveries، which is one of the most important stations in the history of Africa during this era, as a precursor to European colonialism in general and the British in particular. The topic has a special importance because the European countries during this period showed the factors of the colonial movement represented by the industrial revolution، the imbalance between the West and the East, the growth of nationalism, demographic pressures and internal conditions in Europe، economic greed, strategic motives, the weakness of non-European powers, the call to embrace Christian religion, geographical discoveries and their role in exploiting the continent and then occupying it As for the research problem, it is represented by the following question: Did the scouting movement provide a great service to Britain for the colonization of Africa? Did the information sent by the explorers, including David Livingstone, help Britain extend its political influence and economic exploitation of the continent? Did the geographical discoveries open Africa to the missionaries? In order to answer these questions, the research was divided into an introduction, two sections, and a conclusion that included the most prominent findings of the study. The first topic entitled (David Livingston... birth and upbringing 1813-1840) was devoted. It contained the second topic entitled (David Livingstone's scout trips in Africa 1841-1873). The research required relying on the inductive historical scientific method to clarify past historical events and facts dating back to the nineteenth century, based on several sources that will be mentioned among the folds of the research
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Lisenkov, Oleg. "Modern Age empires: colony management principles on the example of Great Britain and France." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2020): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.6.33316.
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The object of this research is the colonial policy of the two largest European empires of the Modern Age: France and Great Britain. In the course of conquering new lands, these countries faced the problem of managing vast territories and diverse indigenous population. The solution consisted in establishment of effective colonial management systems. The peculiarities of functionality of such systems became the subject of this research. The goal lies in determination of specificity of organization and operation of the systems of colonial management in the British and French Empires from the perspective of their interrelation with cultural factors. The conclusion is made that the British Empire retained the traditional government system on the conquered territories – indirect management. The French Empire either replaced the traditional government institutions with European analogues or included traditional system into their system of management as a lower administrative link – direct management. Comparing the described management system, the author notes the French approach was more resource-intensive and did not allow gaining a large profit. This lead to an assumption that the colonial management policy was affected by both, cultural and economic factors. The scientific novelty consists in examination of the systems of colonial management from the perspective of their interrelation with the imperial strategies that are based on the policy of recognition of population differences. Such strategies could be implemented within the framework of two paradigms: unification (formation of the unified imperial culture and institutions in all subordinated territories), and diversity (preservation on the conquered territories of the local cultural and political institutions). Further on, the examples of India, Africa and other regions would demonstrate that there is a direct link between the indicated British and French imperial strategies and systems of colonial management.
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Zubko, Andrii. "YSTEM OF WEIGHT MEASURES IN GREAT BRITAIN, THE COUNTRIES OF NORTH AMERICA AND OCEANIA." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 72 (2024): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2024.72.04.
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The territory of the islands of Britain and Ireland was inhabited by people in prehistoric times. Numerous megalithic monuments remain from this culture. In the first millennium BC, Celtic tribes moved there from continental Europe, who later mixed with the local population. The maritime trade of the ancient civilisations of the Mediterranean with the population of the British Isles is reported by some historical sources of the antiquity. This trade was conducted by exchanging goods for goods. There is no information in historical sources about the measures, in particular weights, used by the ancient population of the British Isles in production and trade. In the first century BC, the Romans conquered the territory of Britain. They established their own system of measures, including weights, and their own monetary system. After the fall of the Roman Empire in the V century, Germanic tribes such as the Angles, Saxons, and Utes invaded Britain. At first, they created several kingdoms here, and in the IX century, they united into a single Anglo-Saxon state. It was during the Anglo-Saxon period from the V to the XI centuries that the foundations of the modern British System of Measures and Monetary System were laid. In the formation of the British weight system, units of weight measures of the Celts, Romans and Germans were used. Norms of weight measures were approved in the laws of the Anglo-Saxon kings of the X–XI centuries, which have survived to this day. The conquest of Britain in 1066 by the Norman Duke William did not make changes to the system of weight measures used here. Over the centuries, from time to time, for the purpose of improvement, royal decrees and laws amended these measures. The transformation of the weight measurement system for a thousand years can be studied precisely by analysing the materials of English legislation. In the XVI–XX centuries, Great Britain became a colonial power, whose possessions covered vast territories in the North America, Africa, Asia and Oceania. Here, the colonial administration introduced the British system of weight measures, but the local population used their own measures along with the British ones. After the gradual disintegration of the British colonial empire, some new states that were formed on the site of its former possessions – the USA, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand – continued to use British standards of weight measures. The British system of weight measurements is made public in the USA. Nowadays, the British system of weight measures, along with the metric, is officially considered the state in the United Kingdom.
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Østergård, Uffe. "Peasants and Danes: The Danish National Identity and Political Culture." Comparative Studies in Society and History 34, no. 1 (January 1992): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500017412.
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From a cultural and historical-sociological perspective, the Danish nationstate of today represents a rare situation of virtual identity between state, nation, and society, which is a more recent phenomenon than normally assumed in Denmark and abroad. Though one of the oldest European monarchies, whose flag came ‘tumbling down from heaven in 1219’—ironically enough an event that happened in present-day Estonia—Denmark's present national identity is of recent vintage. Until 1814 the word, Denmark, denominated a typical European, plurinational or multinational, absolutist state, second only to such powers as France, Great Britain, Austria, Russia, and perhaps Prussia. The state had succeeded in reforming itself in a revolution from above in the late eighteenth century and ended as one of the few really “enlightened absolutisms” of the day (Horstbøll and østergård 1990; østergård 1990). It consisted of four main parts and several subsidiaries in the North Atlantic Ocean, plus some colonies in Western Africa, India, and the West Indies. The main parts were the kingdoms of Denmark proper and Norway, plus the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. How this particular state came about need not bother us here.
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Murphy, Philip. "Censorship, declassification and the history of end of empire in Central Africa." African Research & Documentation 92 (2003): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00016307.
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There may appear to be little point in an “outsider” attempting to write about the censorship of the historical record. Those employed to vet official records in Great Britain perform their task behind closed doors; and since even the titles of the files they continue to withhold are often kept a secret, scholars have little opportunity to question their decisions. As editor of the Central Africa volume of the British Documents on the End of Empire project (BDEEP), my own status is certainly that of an outsider. Established in 1987, BDEEP seeks to make available an edited and annotated selection of British government documents from The National Archives (TNA), formerly the Public Record Office, charting developments in colonial policy during the decolonisation era. Yet although its volumes are published by the Stationery Office, BDEEP is emphatically not an official publication.
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Murphy, Philip. "Censorship, declassification and the history of end of empire in Central Africa." African Research & Documentation 92 (2003): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00016307.
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There may appear to be little point in an “outsider” attempting to write about the censorship of the historical record. Those employed to vet official records in Great Britain perform their task behind closed doors; and since even the titles of the files they continue to withhold are often kept a secret, scholars have little opportunity to question their decisions. As editor of the Central Africa volume of the British Documents on the End of Empire project (BDEEP), my own status is certainly that of an outsider. Established in 1987, BDEEP seeks to make available an edited and annotated selection of British government documents from The National Archives (TNA), formerly the Public Record Office, charting developments in colonial policy during the decolonisation era. Yet although its volumes are published by the Stationery Office, BDEEP is emphatically not an official publication.
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Sparks, Randy J. "Blind Justice: The United States's Failure to Curb the Illegal Slave Trade." Law and History Review 35, no. 1 (February 2017): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248016000535.
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On March 2, 1807, President Thomas Jefferson signed a bill outlawing the African slave trade. Opponents of the traffic rejoiced that the bill was passed at almost the same time as a similar anti-slave-trade bill in Britain. As one Philadelphia newspaper put it, “Thus, will terminate, on the same day, in two countries of the civilized world, a traffic which has hitherto stained the history of all countries who made it a practice to deal in the barter ofhuman flesh.” Efforts to end the African slave trade in the British colonies of North America dated back to the 1760s, proceeded in fits and starts, and resulted from a wide range of motives. In contrast to Great Britain, the United States 1807 bill was not the result of a long, hard-won, popular abolition campaign. However, despite a series of laws intended to curb the trade, eventually making the United States laws the world's toughest, smugglers continued to bring enslaved Africans into the South after 1808, and, more significantly, American vessels played a crucial role in the massive illegal slave trade to Cuba and Brazil during the nineteenth century. The impact on the United States economy was not inconsequential, but even more important was the trade's impact on the Atlantic economy, fueling the rapid economic growth of Cuba and Brazil in the decades that followed.
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Suzdaltsev, Ilya. "Assessments by modern English-speaking historians of the policy of the Comintern in Africa." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2022): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080020061-4.
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The article analyzes the modern English-language historiography of the policy of the Communist International towards the African region. The choice of English-speaking countries is due to the fact that a significant number of studies devoted both directly to the activities of the Comintern in relation to Africa and the activities of its African sections are published in the USA, Great Britain, Canada, Australia, South Africa and India. The relevance of this topic is caused both by the opening of new funds of the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI), which, among other things, affect the activities of African communist parties, and the opportunity that arose in connection with this to rethink some issues, including those related to the policy of these communist parties: what was the influence of the Comintern on their tactics; what was the nature of this influence; what role in the policy of the Comintern was occupied by the national and colonial questions and what are the results of their implementation. It is stated that the traditionalist approach to the analysis of the activities of the Comintern and its national sections, which took shape before and during the Cold War, is still significantly represented in English-language historiography. However, the final approval of the new approach (“revisionist”) contributed to a certain revision of existing trends: the article contains assessments of both negative and positive influence of the Comintern on individual communist parties, on the political situation in a country or region.
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Zahra, Maleeka Tul, Taseer Salahuddin, Furrukh Bashir, and Altaf Hussain. "Socio-Economic Implications of Colonialism: A Comparative Study of Africa and Indian Sub-Continent." Journal of Languages, Culture and Civilization 5, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/jlcc.v5i2.171.
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This is descriptive and exploratory study provides a complete summary on socio-economic implications of colonialism of Great Britain in Africa and Indian subcontinent. In this study used the Meta-analysis. The current study explores impact of colonialism in the post-colonial world through content analysis of books, scholarly works, and online material. Two important books have used extensively in this study, one is by Shashi Tharoor book (Inglorious Empire_ What the British Did to India), who cover the real facts about sub-continent and second is by Adam, Hochs child book (King Leopold's Ghost).Furthermore, it is an exploration of methods to decolonize countries and minds. This study also highlights the positive and negative impacts on the economy of Indian subcontinent and Africa. The British had a significant impact on linguistic, education systems and training, historic architecture, effective communication, the political and governmental systems, mentality, and culture in the area that Asia (especially India and Pakistan) inherited and Africa. This study comprehensively contributes to the understanding of colonialism role in different socioeconomic factors from various dimensions. It further points out future directions of research.
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Mavropoulos, Nikolaos. "The First Italo-Ethiopian Clash over the Control of Eritrea and the Origins of Rome’s Imperialism." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 47, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 88–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2021.470105.
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In the wake of Italy’s unification, the country’s expansionist designs were aimed, as expected, toward the opposite shore of the Mediterranean. The barrage of developments that took place in this strategic area would shape the country’s future alliances and colonial policies. The fear of French aggression on the coast of North Africa drove officials in Rome to the camp of the Central Powers, a diplomatic move of great importance for Europe’s evolution prior to World War I. The disturbance of the Mediterranean balance of power, when France occupied Tunisia and Britain held Cyprus and Egypt, the inability to find a colony in proximity to Italy, and a series of diplomatic defeats led Roman officials to look to the Red Sea and to provoke war with the Ethiopian Empire.
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Mavropoulos, Nikolaos. "The First Italo-Ethiopian Clash over the Control of Eritrea and the Origins of Rome's Imperialism." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 47, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 88–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2020.470105.
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Abstract In the wake of Italy's unification, the country's expansionist designs were aimed, as expected, toward the opposite shore of the Mediterranean. The barrage of developments that took place in this strategic area would shape the country's future alliances and colonial policies. The fear of French aggression on the coast of North Africa drove officials in Rome to the camp of the Central Powers, a diplomatic move of great importance for Europe's evolution prior to World War I. The disturbance of the Mediterranean balance of power, when France occupied Tunisia and Britain held Cyprus and Egypt, the inability to find a colony in proximity to Italy, and a series of diplomatic defeats led Roman officials to look to the Red Sea and to provoke war with the Ethiopian Empire.
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Fonju, Njuafac Kenedy. "The Anachronism of International Pre-Colonial Loan Burdens and Intensive occupation of Tunisian Territory as a Colonial Yoke of France under 23 Appointed Diplomatic Agents of Exploration, Expropriation and Exploitation (3Es) 1863-1956." Cross-Currents: An International Peer-Reviewed Journal on Humanities & Social Sciences 9, no. 06 (July 9, 2023): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.36344/ccijhss.2023.v09i06.001.
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This paper brings out evidences of unscrupulous pre-colonial debts burden of Tunisia owning to foreign companies and governments and how it acted as a motivated factor among others to intensive occupation and colonization of the territory which was never the case in other pre-colonial and colonial sphere of influences in North Africa as well as in Sub-Saharan Africa. The then Great Powers of the World especially Britain and Germany who strictly carved the African Continent the way the wanted supported the French motives against the non-payment of loans incurred by the Bey Government during the mid-19th Century. Therefore, the implantations of the French imperialist actors were imminent and could only recover their finances through the effectiveness of the 3Es. This makes the history of Tunisia very interesting because it stands as a very special case study in which the colonization of the country was as a result of corruption, embezzlement of the borrow funds for internal developmental projects which were neither completed with the required borrowed sum nor refunded to the lenders. This is part of the African history which has been hidden and hardly seen in most history books as researchers at times generalized the colonization of North African countries like Morocco and Algerian. Therefore, the French colonialist were not to be blamed because the Tunisian Ministers been unable to manage the funds borrowed exposed their country to suffer the consequences of colonialism from 1863 to 1956 when the country finally gained independence from France and became a full member of the United Nations Organisation created in the aftermath of the Second World War of 1939-145.The scrutiny of documentaries, specialized sources and related studies enable us to use a historical analytical and narrative approaches with our findings bringing out the 23 agents of 3 Es. It should be noted here that the history of Tunisia is very interesting because it faced many different ....
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Mallipeddi, Ramesh. "Soil and Enslaved People: Racial Ecologies of the Plantation Economy, 1627–1764." Eighteenth Century 63, no. 3-4 (September 2022): 241–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecy.2022.a927518.
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Abstract: In his 1729 The Trade and Navigation of Great Britain Considered , the Quaker merchant Joshua Gee observed that "the island of Barbados is very much worn out, and does not afford the quantity of sugar as heretofore." Gee's concern over declining yields was shared by several contemporary Caribbean planters and agricultural reformers. With the expansion of sugar cultivation in older colonies such as Barbados, St. Kitts, and Antigua, the area under woodlands, pasture, and subsistence crops diminished, accelerating soil erosion. Planters recognized that, as fertility declined, additional slave importations and new uncultivated lands would be necessary to produce enough sugar for the world market. This essay examines how the expanding plantation complex transferred risks or uncertainties to its most vulnerable groups: African migrants and Caribbean slaves. Drawing on Samuel Martin's plantation manual, An Essay on Plantership (1762), James Grainger's West-India Georgic The Sugar Cane (1764), and the testimonies before the select committee of the House of Commons, I show how the subjugation of enslaved people and soil, labor and land, and bodies and landscapes was a social and environmental disaster—one with lasting consequences for African Caribbean slaves and their emancipated descendants.
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Papenko, Nataliia. "Colonial Policy of German Empire in China and Oceania in the Last Third of XIX – Beginning of XX Century." European Historical Studies, no. 13 (2019): 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.13.157-182.
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The relevance of the topic is determined by the historical significance of the problems that are raised in it. In the article the author discovers the methods and forms of Germany’s colonial policy in the last third part of the 19th – in the beginning of the 20th centuries in China and Oceania. The German Empire was the last from the world’s leading states that entered the path of colonial seizures. The author emphasizes that German politicians generally were satisfied with the development of the country after 1871. For a long time, the range of interests of an imperial chancellor O. von Bismarck (1871 – 1890), as a politician, was limited to the territory of Europe and those countries that were bound by it. Colonies were only interesting for him as an instrument for putting a pressure on the leading countries of the world to solve their European problems. Trying to avoid conflicts with the leading European powers, especially with the Great Britain, O. von Bismarck had been deliberately refraining from colonial expansion until the mid-80’s of the 19th century. In addition, indifference to colonialism at that time was being expressed by some representatives of the party elite and business. However, in the last third part of the 19th century, the country gets full freedom of action in colonial politics, and therefore it begins to occupy territories in various parts of the world, including Africa, Asia and Oceania. The interference of the Second Reich in the division of China was one of the reasons for the massive Yihetuan Movement, and in the future, the deployment of a large-scale conflict – the Russian-Japanese war of 1904 – 1905. All this certainly became a part of the complex of reasons for the First World War. Therefore studying of the reasons for and effects of the colonial policy of Germany in the last third part of the 19th – early 20th centuries is quite important and of considerable scientific interest. In addition, the author notes that most of the politicians in the business circles of Germany considered the colonization of China and Oceania as an important stage not only for economic development of the country, but also for the growth of international authority in the world.
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Matson, A. T., and D. H. Simpson. "A bibliography of the published & unpublished writings of A.T. Matson." African Research & Documentation 42 (1986): 20–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00009316.
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Albert Thomas Matson, ‘Mat’ to his many friends, was born in Sipson, Middlesex in 1915. He was educated at Southall Grammar School before joining the Royal Army Medical Corps in 1939.1n 1944 he was seconded to the Colonial Service in Kenya as a Health Inspector. After serving in Kisii he was transferred to Nandi District in 1949, where he remained until his retirement fourteen years later.His interest in Kenyan history arose from a request from Senior Chief Elija arap Chepkwony and his colleagues of the Nandi District Council that the history of their people should be written. Matson responded to their request by undertaking research into oral history in the course of his travels as a Health Inspector and by consulting and copying a great range of archival sources, official and personal, in East Africa and in Britain.
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Matson, A. T., and D. H. Simpson. "A bibliography of the published & unpublished writings of A.T. Matson." African Research & Documentation 42 (1986): 20–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00009316.
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Albert Thomas Matson, ‘Mat’ to his many friends, was born in Sipson, Middlesex in 1915. He was educated at Southall Grammar School before joining the Royal Army Medical Corps in 1939.1n 1944 he was seconded to the Colonial Service in Kenya as a Health Inspector. After serving in Kisii he was transferred to Nandi District in 1949, where he remained until his retirement fourteen years later.His interest in Kenyan history arose from a request from Senior Chief Elija arap Chepkwony and his colleagues of the Nandi District Council that the history of their people should be written. Matson responded to their request by undertaking research into oral history in the course of his travels as a Health Inspector and by consulting and copying a great range of archival sources, official and personal, in East Africa and in Britain.
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Gavristova, Tatiana, and Natalia Krylova. "Africans in London: Chronicle of the Union of West African Students." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 65, no. 4 (December 10, 2023): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2023-65-4-93-106.
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Research interest in the problems of the young generation of the countries of the African continent, including students, has noticeably increased over the last decades. The student youth, called the “conscience of the nation” in African countries, for a long time has been one of the most organized streams of the democratic movement and continues to play a prominent role in national processes. However, the student movement is a very complex and contradictory phenomenon, feeding numerous hotbeds and centers of intense search for national identity and struggle for their rights and freedoms. The authors of this article saw their task in an objective examination of the experience of one of the most famous and authoritative student organizations, mainly in the historical and cultural context. The article is dedicated to the history of the Union of West African Students’ Union (WASU) – one of the largest organizations of African students who lived and studied in Great Britain in the first half of the 20th century. The historical and cultural perspective of representation was not chosen by the authors of the article by chance. The activities of the WASU are closely connected with the problems of the national liberation movement in West Africa, though it also performed various tasks to protect the interests and rights of students in London and in the UK and therefore holds a key place in the history of the African Diaspora. The authors examine in detail the stages of the ideological and political formation and development of the WASU – from the Union of Students of African Descent, which existed in London at the turn of the second and the third decades of the 20th century, to the extinction of the WASU in the early 1960s. The authors show that for all its weaknesses, mistakes, theoretical immaturity and eclecticism of ideological attitudes, it was the WASU that had formed the anti-colonial agenda in Africa implemented during the national liberation struggle at the turn of 1950–60s in most countries on the continent. In a number of countries in West Africa, after the declaration of independence, former members and leaders of the Union came to power. Among them are Kwame Nkrumah (1909–1972), Benjamin Nnamdi Azikiwe (1904–1996), etc. The authors offer a new look at the phenomenon of African students, who were equally capable to fight for their interests and the interests of the nation and at the same time expressed conformist sentiments to the colonial authorities and post-colonial reality.
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van Criekinge, Jan. "Historisch Overzicht van de Spoorwegen in West-Afrika." Afrika Focus 5, no. 3-4 (January 15, 1989): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0050304003.
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Historical Survey of the Railway Development in West Africa The present day railway system in West Africa is the result of the transport-policy developed by the colonial powers (France, Great Britain and Germany) at the end of the 19th century. It is remarkable that no network of railways, like in Southern Africa, was brought about. The colonial railways in West Africa were built by the State or by a joint-stock company within the borders of one colony to export the raw materials from the production centres to the harbours. Nevertheless railways were built for more than economical grounds only, in West Africa they had to accomplish a strategic and military role by “opening Africa for the European civilization”. Hargreaves calls railways the “heralds of new imperialism” and Baumgart speaks of the own dynamics of the railways, to push the European colonial powers further into Africa ... The construction of a railway needed a very high capital investment and the European capitalists wouldn’t like to take risks in areas that were not yet “pacified”. It is remarkable how many projects to build a Transcontinental railway right across the Sahara desert largely remained on paper. Precisely because such plans did not materialize, however, the motive force they provided to such imperialist actions as political-territorial annexations can be traced all the more clearly. The French built the first railway in West Africa, the Dakar - St-Louis line (Senegal), between 1879 and 1885. This line stimulated the production of ground-nuts, although the French colonial-military lobby has had other motives. The real motivation became very clear at the construction of the Kayes-Bamako railway. Great difficulties needed the military occupation of the region and the violent recruitment of thousands of black labourers, all over the region. The same problems transformed the building of the Kayes-Dakar line into a real hell. Afterwards the Siné Saloum region has been through a “agricultural revolution”, when the local ground-nuts-producers have been able to produce for foreign markets. The first British railways were built in Sierra Leone and the Gold Coast-colony (Ghana). Jn Nigeria railway construction stimulated the growth of Lagos as an harbour and administrative centre. Lugard had plans for the unification of Nigeria by railways. The old Hausa town of Kano flourished after the opening of the Northern Railway, for other towns a period of decline had begun. Harbour cities and interior railwayheads caused an influx of population from periphery regions, the phenomenon is called “port concentration”. Also the imperial Germany built a few railwaylines in their former colony Togo, to avoid the traffic flow off to the British railways. ifs quite remarkable that the harbours at the Gulf of Guinea-coast developed much later than the harbours of Senegal and Sierra Leone. After the First World War only a few new railways were constructed, the revenues remained very low, so the (colonial) state had to take over many lines. The competition between railways and roadtransport demonstrated the first time in Nigeria, it was the beginning of the decline of railways as the most important transportsystems in West Africa. Only multinational companies built specific railways for the export of minerals (iron, ore and bauxite) after the Second World War, and the French completed the Abidjan - Ouagadougou railway (1956). The consequences of railway construction in West Africa on economic, demographic and social sphere were not so far-reaching as in Southern Africa, but the labour migration and the first labour unions of railwaymen who organized strikes in Senegal and the Ivory Coast mentioned the changing social situation. The bibliography of the West African railways contains very useful studies about the financial policy of the railway companies and the governments, but only a few railways were already studied by economic historians.
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Karamaev, Sergey. "UK–Zimbabwean Relations: the Past and the Present." Contemporary Europe 107, no. 7 (December 31, 2021): 96–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope7202196104.
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The author traces the stages of development of British–Zimbabwean relations over the past four decades. The work analyzes not only the history, but also the current state of relations between Great Britain and Zimbabwe and assesses the prospects for their development. The author set the task of showing how political cooperation between the former metropolis and its colony developed, the importance of the change of governments and the personality of the heads of state. A special attention is paid to the first president of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe, who ruled the country for 37 years. An attempt has been made to identify the causes of the crisis in bilateral relations and to assess the attempts to overcome and to move in a progressive development. In addition, the author considers the problem of how the context of the colonial past, economic development, the land issue and the internal policy of Zimbabwe influenced the official London’s position in relation to Harare. Zimbabwe is one of the key states in southeast Africa, traditionally viewed by the UK as a sphere of its interests. Using itsexample, certain conclusions can be drawn about London's foreign policy approach to African countries, as well as the contradictions which become obstacles to the relations’ normalization.
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Weindl, Andrea. "Grotius's Mare Liberum in the Political Practice of Early-Modern Europe." Grotiana 30, no. 1 (2009): 131–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/016738309x12537002674402.
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AbstractIn this article Mare liberum is placed within the context of seventeenth-century European politics. It focuses on the development of conventional relations between European States regarding their interests outside of Europe and their importance concerning the status of Asian and African 'actors'. It turns out that in spite of Mare liberum's high-sounding proclamation of equality of non-European sovereigns with European States, Grotius's position as well as Dutch policy was inspired by self-interest and was essentially opportunistic. The Dutch Republic – as well as other European States – used the 'liberal' principles of Freedom of trade and the Universality of the Law of Nations to attack the Portuguese/Spanish claims of monopoly. However, as the Dutch Republic, Great Britain and France developed their own 'Spheres of Interest' in Asia, Africa and the Americas, they effectively excluded would-be competitors. Indeed, in the eighteenth century the 'pacte colonial' constituted a distinctive characteristic of the conventional and customary 'European Law of Nations'. As non-European political actors in the eighteenth century relatively lost military and political power, the European States finally relegated them to an inferior position, beyond the charmed circle of full 'subjects of Public International Law'. The article also is a contribution to the ongoing discussion about the relation between European imperialism and the development of the doctrine of European International Law.
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Knopek, Jacek. "Społeczności polskie i polonijne w Afryce Zachodniej." Studia Migracyjne – Przegląd Polonijny 47, no. 1 (179) (2021): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25444972smpp.21.004.13316.
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Polish communities and Polish diaspora in West Africa The article points to the stay and activity of Poles in West Africa since the first links were forged until the present day. Initially they were present there as sailors serving under foreign flags. Later they were joined by the military and sailors who found themselves abroad. In the 19th c. and the interwar period, Polish civilian emigrants arrived there, although only as individuals. Another group were military emigrants who were present in the German colonial army and served in the French Foreign Legion. A larger group consisted of soldiers and officers of the Polish Army who were evacuated to Great Britain after 1939. Together with British soldiers, they transported planes from West Africa to Egypt, and then the planes fought against German troops. After completing their tasks, they returned to the European continent. The establishment of Polish communities and Polish diaspora in West Africa occurred after World War II. It was then that a small number of war emigrants concentrated there, along with Polish specialists, scientific and technical staff as well as missionaries, Polish-African families and representatives of Polish diaspora from other parts of the world. Until 1989, West African countries employed about 5 thousand specialists, and some of them were accompanied by families. The importance of scientific and technical staff declined after the fall of the communist regime. Since then, only a few specialists have gone to this region of the world. Contemporary Polish communities and Polish diaspora in West African countries are small, together constituting a community of about 700 people. Almost half of them have found a place to live or work in Nigeria, which has the largest economy and population. Other countries have much smaller communities. Streszczenie W artykule wskazuje się na pobyt i działalność Polaków w Afryce Zachodniej począwszy od pierwszych kontaktów aż do współczesności. Początkowo byli tam obecni jako żeglarze pływający pod banderami państw obcych. Później dołączyli do nich wojskowi i marynarze, którzy znaleźli się poza granicami kraju. W XIX w. i okresie międzywojennym dotarli tam polscy emigranci cywilni, były to jednak pojedyncze osoby. Inną grupę stanowili emigranci wojskowi, którzy obecni byli w niemieckich wojskach kolonialnych oraz służbę swą odbywali we francuskiej Legii Cudzoziemskiej. Większą liczebnie grupę stanowili żołnierze i oficerowie Wojska Polskiego, którzy po 1939 r. zostali ewakuowani do Wielkiej Brytanii. Z żołnierzami brytyjskimi transportowali samoloty z Afryki Zachodniej do Egiptu, które następnie walczyły z wojskami niemieckimi. Po wykonaniu swoich zadań wracali oni na kontynent europejski. Do powstania społeczności polskich i polonijnych w Afryce Zachodniej doszło po II wojnie światowej. To wówczas skupiła się tam nieliczna emigracja wojenna, zaczęli tam docierać polscy specjaliści i kadry naukowo-techniczne znad Wisły, przybywali misjonarze i misjonarki, polsko-afrykańskie rodziny oraz przedstawiciele Polonii z innych części świata. Do 1989 r. w krajach zachodnioafrykańskich zatrudnionych było ok. 5 tys. specjalistów, a niektórym z nich towarzyszyły rodziny. Znaczenie kadr naukowo-technicznych zmalało po transformacji systemowej. Odtąd nieliczni specjaliści udawali się do tego regionu świata. Współczesne skupiska polskie i polonijne w państwach Afryki Zachodniej należą do niewielkich, albowiem łącznie stanowią zbiorowość ok. 700-osobową. Niemal połowa z nich znalazła miejsce zamieszkania bądź zatrudnienia w Nigerii, który to kraj posiada największą gospodarkę oraz dysponuje najliczniejszą populacją. W innych krajach przebywają społeczności dużo mniejsze.
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Nolutshungu, Sam C. "Beyond the gold standard?: the idea of a (post-apartheid) university." Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no. 3 (September 1999): 373–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x99003080.
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We cannot do better than Marcello Cecco's (1984: 1) concise definition of an international gold standard: it exists ‘when gold is the effective numeraire in most countries, and/or when the other means of payment used as monetary numeraire in those countries are readily redeemable in gold at their bearers' request’. Such a standard existed from the mid-1890s to 1914, even though Britain went on the gold standard much earlier than that, in 1816, and Germany a little over a half century later, in 1871. The Latin Union in Europe (France, Belgium, Switzerland and Italy) did not join effectively until 1900 (Mertens 1994). Many claims were, and are still made for the system: that it facilitated international trade by providing a uniform standard of value; and as an automatic adjustment system, it freed markets from the (nationalistic) interference of public authorities while it created price equalisation in traded goods and ensured, over a protracted period, price stability.The ‘Gold Standard’ in the title of this talk refers to the ‘academic gold standard’ invoked by Lord Ashby (1964; see also Austin 1980), one time Master of Clare College, Cambridge, a British educationist who was deeply involved with the development of universities in the later years of colonial rule in British West Africa. Although the University of the Witwatersrand and the city of Johannesburg owe a great deal to the gold industry, my talk is not about money or the metal's place in it. It is about the metaphorical ‘academic gold standard’.
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Kotin, Igor Yu, and Ekaterina D. Aloyants. "Century of Indology at the University of Hamburg." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 13, no. 1 (2021): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2021.106.
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The article is devoted to the development of Indology at the University of Hamburg and analyzes the contribution of Hamburg Indologists to the study of ancient and medieval India and the study of modern languages and literature of India in the discipline’s development in the sister city of St. Petersburg. The authors note that the development of Indology has a long history in Germany and the uniqueness of the Hamburg school is observed. Germany had more than forty Indology departments in the 19th century, much more than Great Britain then had. The teaching of Indian languages in Hamburg began in 1914 in the classrooms of the university’s predecessor, the Hamburg Colonial Institute founded in 1908 and dissolved in 1919, soon after World War I. The University of Hamburg started as new and progressive institution of education in Weimar Germany, and continued for the next hundred years, where the teaching of Sanskrit, studying ancient medieval monuments of Indian literature, philosophy, and religious texts reached a global level thanks to outstanding Indologists, such as Walter Schubring, Ludwig Alsdorf, Albrecht Welzer, and Lambert Schmithausen. The article also considers the contribution to the development of Indology in Hamburg by current Professors Eva Wilden, Michael Zimmermann, Harunaga Isaacson et al. Thanks to the activities of these professors and their colleagues from Russia and India such as Tatiana Iosifovna and Ram Prasad Bhatta, the study and teaching of the languages and cultures of India within the framework of the Center for Culture and History of India and Tibet of the Institute of Asia and Africa now includes the study of Tamil language and literature as well as North Indian languages and literature.
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Zherlitsina, Natalia. "French and English Methods of Colonial Expansion in the Maghreb on the Example of the Franco-Moroccan Crisis of the Late 1840s — Early 1850s." ISTORIYA 14, S23 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840025637-9.
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The article is devoted to the Franco-Moroccan crisis of the late 1840s — early 1850s, in which Great Britain was directly involved. This historical event is not covered at all in Russian/Soviet historiography and only in the few works of French and English scientists. The research is based on the study of published documents of archives and works of historians of France and Great Britain of the late 19th — early 20th centuries — the heyday of European colonial empires. The analysis of the causes, course and consequences of the crisis allows the author to compare the methods of colonial expansion used by France and Great Britain when creating their colonial empires in the 19th century. The article shows that both European empires were interested in subjugating the sultanate, but if France sought to include Morocco in its colonial empire, then Britain, using economic and political pressure, gradually turned the North African country into its obedient puppet. The author concludes that Morocco's loss of independence was only a matter of time — when France and Britain could agree on the terms of this seizure. Thus, the fact that the sultanate of Morocco remained independent throughout the 19th century was explained by the conflicting interests of European empires in this region, and not by the success of the policy of the authorities of this country.
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Mangandi, J. A., T. E. Seijo, and N. A. Peres. "First Report of Myrothecium roridum Causing Myrothecium Leaf Spot on Salvia spp. in the United States." Plant Disease 91, no. 6 (June 2007): 772. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis-91-6-0772b.
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The genus Salvia includes at least 900 species distributed worldwide. Wild species are found in South America, southern Europe, northern Africa, and North America. Salvia, commonly referred to as sage, is grown commercially as a landscape plant. In August 2006, pale-to-dark brown, circular leaf spots 5 to 20 mm in diameter with concentric rings were observed on Salvia farinacea ‘Victoria Blue’. Approximately 5% of the plants in a central Florida nursery were affected. Lesions were visible on both leaf surfaces, and black sporodochia with white, marginal hyphal tuffs were present mostly on the lower surface in older lesions. Symptoms were consistent with those of Myrothecium leaf spot described on other ornamentals such as gardenia, begonia, and New Guinea impatiens (4). Isolations from lesions on potato dextrose agar produced white, floccose colonies with sporodochia in dark green-to-black concentric rings. Conidia were hyaline and cylindrical with rounded ends and averaged 7.4 × 2.0 μm. All characteristics were consistent with the description of Myrothecium roridum Tode ex Fr. (2,3). The internal transcribed spacer regions ITS1, ITS2, and the 5.8s rRNA genomic region of one isolate were sequenced (Accession No. EF151002) and compared with sequences in the National Center for Biotechnology Information (NCBI) database. Deposited sequences from M. roridum were 96.3 to 98.8% homologous to the isolate from salvia. To confirm pathogenicity, three salvia plants were inoculated by spraying with a conidial suspension of M. roridum (1 × 105 conidia per ml). Plants were covered with plastic bags and incubated in a growth chamber at 28°C for 7 days. Three plants were sprayed with sterile, distilled water as a control and incubated similarly. The symptoms described above were observed in all inoculated plants after 7 days, while control plants remained symptomless. M. roridum was reisolated consistently from symptomatic tissue. There are more than 150 hosts of M. roridum, including one report on Salvia spp. in Brunei (1). To our knowledge, this is the first report of Myrothecium leaf spot caused by M. roridum on Salvia spp. in the United States. Even the moderate level disease present caused damage to the foliage and reduced the marketability of salvia plants. Therefore, control measures may need to be implemented for production of this species in ornamental nurseries. References: (1) D. F. Farr et al. Fungal Databases. Systematic Botany and Mycology Laboratory. Online publication. ARS, USDA, 2006, (2) M. B. Ellis. Page 449 in: Microfungi on Land Plants: An Identification Handbook. Macmillan Publishing, NY, 1985. (3) M. Fitton and P. Holliday. No. 253 in: CMI Descriptions of Pathogenic Fungi and Bacteria. The Eastern Press Ltd. Great Britain, 1970. (4) M. G. Daughtrey et al. Page 19 in: Compendium of Flowering Potted Plant Diseases. The American Phytopathological Society. St. Paul, MN, 1995.
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Kapor, Predrag. "German war reparations in wider context." Drustveni horizonti 2, no. 4 (2022): 167–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/drushor2204167k.
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Recently, the issue of war reparations from Germany, which was raised first by Greece (2011), then by Poland (2022), as well as compensation by Germany to the victims of its genocidal colonial rule in Africa (Namibia), has become topical. At the same time, possible requests for war damage compensation from Serbia/ FR Yugoslavia due to the events in the Yugoslav territories in the nineties of the last century, as well as our request for compensation for our damage from NATO aggression in 1999, are also mentioned. From this aspect, it is good to familiarize with the practice of the area of war reparations, which is the richest when it comes to war reparations from Germany after two world wars. After both wars, Germany settled its reparations obligations only to a lesser extent, taking advantage of the favorable attitude of the main victorious western powers (USA, Great Britain and France) who wanted to recover and stabilize it as soon as possible in order to be their ally against the "Bolshevik danger". and the USSR, which even provided it with significant financial support. Because of this, the interests of small countries were sacrificed, and Serbia (Yugoslavia) was among them. After reunification in 1990, Germany managed to take advantage of the favorable political climate and avoid concluding a peace treaty that would definitively regulate the issue of reparations after the Second World War. At the same time, the post-war bilateral Yugoslav-German negotiations, for insufficiently clear reasons, were very poorly conducted on the Yugoslav side, so that Germany "closed" this issue, at least formally, by approving loans (capital aid) to the Yugoslav state, but not by giving compensation to individuals and legal entities, except for a symbolic amount in certain cases. The issue of German war reparations was seen in our country mostly one-sidedly, without considering the wider context, so this paper points out some additional aspects, which should contribute to the creation of a more comprehensive presentation.
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Matemu, Sylvester Anthony, and Damas Alfred Mashauri. "Transboundary water cooperation and conflict resolution in the Southern African region: influence of the 1890 Anglo-Germany Treaty." South Florida Journal of Development 3, no. 2 (April 7, 2022): 2585–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.46932/sfjdv3n2-081.
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The availability, distribution and control of freshwater resources have been at the centre of the human story since the start of the Neolithic revolution roughly 12,000 years ago. With the advent of the modern nation state and its attendant emphasis on sovereignty, self-sufficiency and rivalry, it comes as no surprise that interactions between states over shared watercourses have at times been tense and conflictual. This fact was elaborated by the Ex- UN Secretary General; Kofi Annan, Message during the World Water Day on 22nd March, 2002. He warned that… “Fierce national competition over water resources has prompted fears that water issues contain the seeds of violent conflict. By the year 2025 two thirds of the world’s population is likely to live in countries with moderate or severe water shortages as demand for water approaches the limit of the available supply”. Water as a fugitive resource, respects neither political boundaries nor commonly accepted notions of fairness or equity, hence posed the most complex management challenges to water managers of today. In the SADC region, shared waters cannot be viewed in a purely national context due to its fluidity and the mobility of its nature. It is factual that, over 70% of the water bodies in the region are transboundary in nature. In terms of state practice, the concept of community of interest is commonly traced back to a French decree of 1792 dealing with the opening of the Scheldt River to Navigation. The position expressed in this decree was quickly adopted in a number of instruments concerned primarily with rights of navigation in international rivers, but also in some early agreements not restricted to navigational uses. Therefore, the lakes, and watercourses which form the frontier between the two states or which are situated at the territory of both or which flow into the said lakes and watercourses shall continue to be considered as “common’. In this regard one may wish to refer to the recent global instruments namely; the UN Convention on the Law of the Non-Navigational uses of International Water (1997) which came into force on 17th August 2014 and the Convention on the Protection and Uses of Transboundary Watercourses and International Lakes (1992) which came into force on 6th October, 1996 and further in 2016 became an official global legal framework for transboundary water cooperation. These instruments are regarded as a vital step in building a strong foundation for global principles on water management and governance. Legal agreements between states during the colonial era as well as post-independence in the Southern Africa region, have formed the bedrock of cooperative water resources management regionally. The Anglo Germany Treaty of July, 1890 (The Helgoland Treaty), had established an agreement between the colonial powers of Great Britain, France, Portugal, Belgium and Germany and their respective spheres of influence over the African nations aimed to establish borders between the nations. Interesting to note in the presence of scarcity of geo-information over the areas in question; the water bodies (Rivers and Lakes) were used to mark the lines of influence hence boundaries of the sovereign states of today. This chapter therefore, will provide an account of the influence of the 1890 Anglo – Germany Treaty (Helgoland Treaty) and international customary law in regard to conflict resolution and transboundary water cooperation in the Southern Africa Region (SADC). It will also examine some of available information as well as the historical background of boundary treaties; legal frameworks for cooperation; importance of Africa Union(AU) resolutions on the same, such as Resolution AHG/Res16(1) of July 1964 as well as resolution CM/Res.1069(XLIV) of 1986 and finally a conclusion.
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Karpov, Grigory A. "«Other Africans»: Kenyan diaspora in Great Britain." Asia and Africa Today, no. 7 (2021): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750014440-6.
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The article is devoted to the study of the Kenyan diaspora of modern Great Britain. The study provides details on the background, main reasons and channels of migration of Kenyans to the UK. The main emphasis is placed on the study of the specifics of immigrants from Kenya, their ethnic composition, gender and age structure, socio-economic indicators. By the end of the colonial era, a de facto regime of racial segregation had been established in Kenya. The main ethnic groups - Europeans, Indians and Africans - actually lived in closed enclaves. It was Europeans and South Asians who made up the backbone of postcolonial migration from this African country. The process of Africanization in the young Kenyan state provoked the massive migration of Indian Kenyans to Great Britain in the 1960-1970s. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the practice of material assistance of British Kenyans to their relatives in Kenya. They are in regular contact with each other, maintaining strong bonds. Private remittances from abroad are one of the main sources of investment in the Kenyan economy in the 2000s and 2010s. Migration to the UK is seen by many Kenyans as a temporary and forced measure, which does not exclude the possibility of returning to their historical homeland. By the nature of settlement, birth rate, material well-being and the degree of success, immigrants from Kenya are close to the South Asian diasporas in the United Kingdom. An education, proficiency in English, together with a general loyalty to British culture, contributes to the rapid and painless integration of Kenyans into the host society.