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Journal articles on the topic 'Great Britain. Commonwealth Office'
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1
Shkitin, D. I. "The Problem of Sources and Proved Knowledge in History: Operation “Legacy” and Transfer of Power in India." History 18, no. 8 (2019): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2019-18-8-18-28.
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Great Britain implemented a model of transfer of power in India by granting independence to the country while preserving its place in the Commonwealth of Nations. The key element was handing over governance by Imperial authorities to local forces by legal means. The transfer of power led to the building of nation-states in former British India. The completion of the process marked a new stage for contemporary India and enabled Indian political institutions to operate on the basis of the British Empire’s legacy since that time. Therefore, the legacy’s values were important features of the power transfer. However, the Imperial legacy had material representation in numerous official documents kept in colonial offices. Some documents being witnesses of the British governance were eliminated by Britain’s ‘Operation Legacy.’ During the Operation, some of the official papers were incinerated, while others retained under the title of ‘legacy papers’. A connection between the transfer of power and Operation Legacy has not been explored to date, but one may exist. Some questions are: could the two processes, one of which had finished in 1947 and the other had commenced, supposedly, in 1947, be interconnected? Could the transfer of power have influenced Operation Legacy, and could Operation Legacy, in turn, have become a part of other colonial power transfers by Britain after Indian independence? The article aims to investigate how Britain’s experience in India influenced its developing Operation Legacy in other colonies and whether it later changed the practices of transfer of power. The author discusses why the first indications of a well-organized Operation Legacy emerged in Ceylon in late 1947, when Ceylon sought independence. This became known as the result of the internal inquiry by the Foreign Office, also known as the Cary Report.
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Ankit, Rakesh. "To Issue ‘Stand Down’ or Not…: Britain and Kashmir, 1947–49." Britain and the World 7, no. 2 (2014): 238–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2014.0150.
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‘It turned out to be a war unlike all others in that the respective Commanders communicated daily by telephones between Rawalpindi and New Delhi’. Thus it was that Henry Devereux – a British officer with the Pakistan Artillery – remembered the India-Pakistan conflict on Kashmir, 1947–49. It was a unique conflict with British generals commanding armies, on both sides, engaged in open warfare with each other and British diplomats taking up cudgels on behalf of the hostile governments they were accredited to. Therefore, whether to issue an order of “stand down” to the British military personnel involved in Kashmir emerged as an important question which the Clement Attlee Government (1945–51) faced as it struggled to formulate its response to the conflict. The article focuses on this question of the involvement of British officers in the armies of two warring dominions of the British Commonwealth and analyses the response of Great Britain, which sought to resolve the dilemma by keeping in mind the wider, international ramifications of its response – a fascinating though neglected aspect of the immediate aftermath of British decolonization in South Asia.
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Barros, Wirley. "444 pedras da réplica amazônica da “Saint Edward’s Crown” - Project 444 Stones: Arte - Ciência - História - Reflexão Política." BOLETIM DO MUSEU DE GEOCIÊNCIAS DA AMAZÔNIA 7 (2020), no. 2 (2020): 1–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31419/issn.2594-942x.v72020i2a1woob.
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Project by authorship and idealization of the paraense doctor Wirley Otávio Oliveira de Barros, which involves art, science, history and political reflection, developed in the city of Belém, capital of the State of Pará, in the middle of the Amazon region, registered in a notary through a Notarial Act. This grandiose work was developed with scientific support Museum of Geosciences of the Amazon (MUGEO) of the Institute of Geosciences (IG) of the Federal University of Pará (UFPA) through Prof. Dr. Marcondes Lima da Costa, with a PhD in Mineralogy and Geochemistry from Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg (Friedrich-Alexander), in Germany (1982) and with a post-doctorate in mineralogy-geochemistry from IG-USP (2001); chemist Dr. Suyanne Flávia Rodrigues, with a doctorate in Mineralogy and Geochemistry from the Graduate Program in Geology and Geochemistry (PPGG) at IG / UFPA and MsC. geologist Gisele Tavares Marques, also from PPGG. This project, which will soon be presented to the public, was duly informed to Her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth Alexandra Mary Windsor (Elizabeth II), of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, in addition to Head of Commonwealth Realms and Defender of Faith, as it presents as a prominent item the replica work of “Saint Edward's Crown” or “St. Stephen’s Crown ”, as mentioned in the Royal letter received on February 3, 2016, signed by Miss Jennie Vine (Deputy to the Senior Correspondence Officer for Buckingham Palace), who on this occasion conveys the monarch's personal message. This is the official coronation crown of British monarchs, consisting of 444 stones of distinct mineral gems, which inspired the title attributed to the project. Therefore, it is a replica of a symbol of POWER, whose heraldic meaning of CRUZ DE MALTA and FLOR-DE-LIS guide the conduct and political profile of the ruler. In this regard, the author also addresses a message to the "men of power", made through a personal text of his own.
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Stepanova, N. A. "Great Britain in the Commonwealth of Nations." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 214–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-214-221.
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The article is devoted to an analysis of the role of the Commonwealth of Nations in British history and politics. Having emerged at the end of the XIX c. as an informal association of Britain and dominions within the British Empire it has developed into an independent institute that includes almost all former British territories. Even though nowadays the Commonwealth is a free association of countries and manifests democratic values, this distinctive representation of imperialists stood at its origins, and at times the term itself signified the empire, though in a more progressive, democratic and human form. The author argues that for many decades the main reason for this evolution was British politicians'desire to deter regions from breaking away from within the British sphere of influence. Indeed, the Commonwealth countries belonged to one of the three most important and traditional circles of British political and economic interests, as formulated by W. Churchill, while its importance has been constantly emphasized in numerous election manifestos and government statements. However, with the weakening of Britain and growing independence within the organization, as well as because of contradictions between British national interests and the Commonwealth's founding ideals and principles, Britain has become less and less capable of impacting the organization, and its significance has declined, while some British leaders have even openly sabotaged it. Nevertheless, voices that appeal to reanimate the institution, as well as Britain's role in it, are still heard in the British political arena.
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McGough, Tony, and Sotiris Tsolacos. "Interactions within the Office Market Cycle in Great Britain." Journal of Real Estate Research 18, no. 1 (1999): 219–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10835547.1999.12090992.
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Ovendale, Ritchie. "Macmillan and the wind of change in Africa, 1957–1960." Historical Journal 38, no. 2 (1995): 455–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019506.
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ABSTRACTBased on the recently released documents in the Public Record Office, London, this article is concerned with examining the reasons behind the shift in the British approach towards decolonization in Africa signalled by Macmillan's ‘wind of change’ speech to the South African parliament on 3 February 1960. The documents suggest that the British decision to abdicate in Africa was partly due to international considerations, and to Cold War politics and the need to prevent Soviet penetration in Africa. The change from ‘multi-racialism’ to ‘non-racialism’ can be attributed to the influence of the commonwealth relations office under Lord Home, and an initiative from the leader of the Africa Capricorn society, David Stirling. The emphasis on the need for Britain to pursue the same policy in all of Africa can also be traced to the commonwealth relations office. Macmillan, himself was influenced by the ‘moral’ aspect, by the policies pursued by the Belgians in the Congo, but above all by the failure of French policy in Algeria.
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Won, Tae Joon. "Britain's Retreat East of Suez and the Conundrum of Korea 1968–1974." Britain and the World 9, no. 1 (2016): 76–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2016.0215.
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This article examines the discussions and decisions which occurred within the British government concerning Britain's military involvement in the Korean peninsula at a time when Britain was pulling out of its military obligations in Asia – colloquially known as the ‘retreat East of Suez’ – in the late 1960s and the early 1970s. After the end of the Korean War, Britain created the Commonwealth Liaison Mission in Seoul and provided a frigate for use in Korean waters by the American-led United Nations Command and British soldiers for the United Nations Honour Guard. When relations between North and South Korea reached crisis point at the end of the 1960s, London was concerned that Britain could be entangled in an unaffordable military conflict in the Korean peninsula. The Ministry of Defence therefore argued for the abolition of the commitment of the British frigate, but the Foreign Office opposed this initiative so as to mitigate the blow to Anglo-American relations caused by Britain's refusal to commit troops to Vietnam. When Edward Heath's government negotiated a Five Power Defence Agreement with Singapore, Malaysia, Australia and New Zealand in April 1971, the Ministry of Defence was, despite the objections of the Foreign Office, finally successful in repealing the frigate commitment for reasons of overstretching military resources. Furthermore, the Ministry of Defence then called for the abolition of the Commonwealth Liaison Mission altogether when it was then discovered that the British contingent of the United Nations Honour Guard would have to fight under the command of the United Nations Commander in case of a military conflict in the Korean peninsula. But this proposal too was rebuffed by the Foreign Office, concerned that such a move would greatly damage Anglo-Korean relations at a time when Britain was considering establishing diplomatic relations with North Korea.
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Zernetska, O. "The Rethinking of Great Britain’s Role: From the World Empire to the Nation State." Problems of World History, no. 9 (November 26, 2019): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-9-6.
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In the article, it is stated that Great Britain had been the biggest empire in the world in the course of many centuries. Due to synchronic and diachronic approaches it was detected time simultaneousness of the British Empire’s development in the different parts of the world. Different forms of its ruling (colonies, dominions, other territories under her auspice) manifested this phenomenon.The British Empire went through evolution from the First British Empire which was developed on the count mostly of the trade of slaves and slavery as a whole to the Second British Empire when itcolonized one of the biggest states of the world India and some other countries of the East; to the Third British Empire where it colonized countries practically on all the continents of the world. TheForth British Empire signifies the stage of its decomposition and almost total down fall in the second half of the 20th century. It is shown how the national liberation moments starting in India and endingin Africa undermined the British Empire’s power, which couldn’t control the territories, no more. The foundation of the independent nation state of Great Britain free of colonies did not lead to lossof the imperial spirit of its establishment, which is manifested in its practical deeds – Organization of the British Commonwealth of Nations, which later on was called the Commonwealth, Brexit and so on.The conclusions are drawn that Great Britain makes certain efforts to become a global state again.
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Haberman, S., and D. S. F. Bloomfield. "Social class differences in mortality in Great Britain around 1981." Journal of the Institute of Actuaries 115, no. 3 (1988): 495–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020268100042785.
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The Decennial Supplement on Occupational Mortality published in 1978 commented on mortality differences between the social classes (Chapter 8) using data from the 1971 Census and the deaths in the period 1970–72. The analysis was based on life tables prepared for the individual social classes from which derived indices, for example expectations of life, were calculated. It is proposed here to repeat this exercise using the data for males recently published in microfiche form by the Office of Population Censuses and Surveys—OPCS. This time, the Decennial Supplement has omitted to provide an analysis and commentary and we propose to make some attempt to remedy this deficiency. In our analysis, the Decennial Supplement data have been supplemented by data from the OPCS Longitudinal Study.
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Antic, Cedomir. "Crisis and armament economic relations between Great Britain and Serbia 1910-1912." Balcanica, no. 36 (2005): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536151a.
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On the eve of the 1914-18 war, Great Powers had competed for influence in the Balkans. While preparing for the war with the Ottoman Empire the Balkan states were ready to take huge war credits and to place big orders for weapons and military equipment. Foreign Office did not show any interest in involving British capital and industry in this competition. British diplomacy even discouraged investments in Serbian military programme before 1914.
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Houston, W. Robert, Arthur S. White, and Roger Perkins. "Armies of the Crown: The Bibliography of Their Regimental Histories, Great Britain, the Empire and Commonwealth." Journal of Military History 66, no. 2 (2002): 637. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3093152.
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Tulloch, Alexander. "Running for office." English Today 26, no. 2 (2010): 55–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078410000106.
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By the time you read this article we in Great Britain will probably have been through the process (or should that be charade?) of a general election when we will all be expected to choose who will represent (or misrepresent) us in Parliament. Any day now politicians will start running around kissing babies and turning up on our doorsteps asking for our support. Currying favour with the electorate they will even offer to take the old and infirm to the polling stations in the hope that such beneficence will encourage their charges to cast their votes for them. And of course they will attempt to persuade us that their party is the only one with the policies necessary to get us out of the economic mire we find ourselves in, omitting to say that politicians helped put us there in the first place. O tempora, o mores!For the origins of the terminology we use in politics we must turn, as is so often the case, to ancient Greek and Latin for the answers to our questions.
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Feldman, R. A., and N. Banatvala. "The frequency of culturing stools from adults with diarrhoea in Great Britain." Epidemiology and Infection 113, no. 1 (1994): 41–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095026880005144x.
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SUMMARYUtilizing the Office of Population Censuses and Surveys (OPCS) Omnibus Survey, it was possible to measure the frequency with which a stool culture was obtained following episodes of diarrhoea in adults. Interviewing over 8000 adults, over a 4-month period between October 1992 and January 1993, 633 persons (7·9%) reported one episode of diarrhoea in the previous month, and 5·4 % of these individuals with diarrhoea reported that a stool had been requested for examination. No significant regional differences were observed with the sample size available. The estimate of the rate of diarrhoea in adults was just under one episode per person per year.
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Shestakova, N. F. "THE CELTIC REVIVAL IN GREAT BRITAIN (MID-XVIII - EARLY XX CENTURIES): IDENTITY AND MEMORY." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 29, no. 4 (2019): 583–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2019-29-4-583-592.
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The article is devoted to the Celtic revival, a movement related to the cultural development of the British Isles and the construction of their regional identities on the basis of the ancient past. The author carries out a comparative analysis of this process on the example of the inhabitants of Scotland, Ireland and Wales, revealing the features of their self-identification in the middle of the XVIII - early XX centuries. The article attempts to identify the reasons for the beginning of the Celtic revival and establish its exact chronological framework. The author comes to the conclusion that the residents of Scotland and Wales sought to become full-fledged members of the "British Commonwealth" and take a worthy place in it. The revival of images of the Celtic past in the memory of the peoples of these regions was focused on the preservation of identity, while in Ireland - on the struggle for independence, and in England - on the glorification and protection of imperialism.
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Harrington, C. A. "The Colonial Office and the Retreat from Aden: Great Britain in South Arabia, 1957-1967." Mediterranean Quarterly 25, no. 3 (2014): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-2772235.
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Sagimbaev, A. V. "Concept of British Commonwealth in Activities of Round Table Group at Beginning of ХХ Century". Nauchnyi dialog 1, № 7 (2021): 449–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-7-449-462.
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Some aspects of the complex intellectual discussion that accompanied the transformation of the British colonial system at the beginning of the 20th century are considered. Based on the analysis of published works, a generalized description of the conceptual views of the members of the “Round Table” group regarding the formation of the political and legal foundations of the British Commonwealth, as well as the development of close cooperation between Great Britain and self-governing dominions is given. At the same time, special attention is paid to the study of the practical significance of the ideas of A. Milner, L. Curtis and other intellectuals who were part of the group of intellectuals for transforming the forms and methods of managing the vast domains of the British crown. This transformation was due to a complex of factors of a socio-economic, political, moral and psychological nature, which Great Britain was forced to face in the first decades of the 20th century. It is noted that the changes that took place in the governing system of the largest colonial empire in history, among other things, contributed to the subsequent formation of mechanisms of international influence, which at the beginning of the 21st century were called “soft power”. It is shown that, on the other hand, in their theoretical constructions A. Milner and his followers strove to preserve the continuity of the ideology of imperialism, which gained popularity in the British establishment in the late Victorian period.
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SMYTH, JAMES J. "THOMAS CHALMERS, THE ‘GODLY COMMONWEALTH’, AND CONTEMPORARY WELFARE REFORM IN BRITAIN AND THE USA." Historical Journal 57, no. 3 (2014): 845–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000016.
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ABSTRACTCurrent prescriptions for welfare reform and increased reliance on the voluntary sector often base their appeal on the lessons of history, in particular the apparent successes of Victorian philanthropy in combating ‘pauperism’. This article looks at how this message has become influential in the USA and the UK among the ruling parties of right and left through the particular prism of the neo-conservative appreciation of the work of Thomas Chalmers, the early nineteenth-century Scottish churchman and authority on poverty. The attraction of Chalmers, both to the Charity Organization Society then and neo-conservatives today, lies in the practical application of his idea of the ‘godly commonwealth’ in Glasgow and Edinburgh where voluntary effort, organized through the church, replaced the statutory obligations of the poor law. While Chalmers, and his followers, declared his ‘experiments’ to be great successes, modern Scottish historians have revealed these claims to be false and his efforts failures. Only by completely ignoring the evidence presented by this historiography and continuing to rely on Chalmers's own writings and earlier hagiographies can the neo-conservative approbation of Chalmers be sustained. Such wilful neglect raises questions both about their approach to history and their proposed remedies for tackling poverty today.
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Tosatti, Erio. "An eloquent and persuasive Mr. Smee." Journal of Science Communication 05, no. 04 (2006): C02. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.05040302.
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John Ziman with his old-fashioned ways, was a real British gentleman of the colonies. Born and raised in New Zealand, Ziman belonged to that large group of men and women that went back to their fathers’ land in the last century from the Commonwealth countries. In many cases, they were individuals with an outstanding intellect and, therefore, a real tresure trove for Great Britain, which drew from those remote places not only gems, tea, perfumes and raw materials, but also enlightened minds and reliable personalities.
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Mikheiev, Andrii. "The Image of Ukraine in Great Britain during 1919–1920s." Kyiv Historical Studies 12, no. 1 (2021): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.13.
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The article examines the evolution of the image of Ukraine in the intellectual discourse of the British Empire immediately after the First World War, i.e., during 1919–1920s. This period was marked, on the one hand, by the continuation of the national liberation struggle within Ukraine and, on the other hand, by discussions on the post-war arrangement of Europe and the world at the Paris Peace Conference. Great Britain, as one of the victors in the war, as well as one of the most powerful states at the time, took an active part in these discussions, and the future of Ukrainian lands significantly depended on its position. Therefore, it seems interesting to trace the image of Ukraine that has developed among British intellectuals and politicians at this time, because it also made impact on the attitude of British diplomats to the Ukrainian question at the Paris Peace Conference. To achieve that goal, the article will analyze the attempts of the UPR Directory to establish contacts with British diplomats, the works of the famous British geographer and geopolitician Gelford Mackinder, the views of a prominent British statesman of the 20th century, and during 1919–1920s the Minister of War Winston Churchill, a booklet on Ukraine, issued by the Foreign Office in 1920, as well as the position of the then first man in the UK, British Prime Minister David Lloyd-George. Such a comprehensive view will provide a better understanding of the British vision of the Central and Eastern Europe region in general, and Ukraine in particular, in the context of that time.
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Tarling, Nicholas. "Making a Difference: Overseas Student Fees in Britain and the Development of a Market in International Education." Britain and the World 5, no. 2 (2012): 259–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2012.0057.
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International education has long existed, but between the end of the Second World War and the late twentieth century it was largely a matter of aid and scholarships. How did the current market for international education come about? It was related to the ‘massification’ of tertiary education, and, no doubt, to a diminution in the sense of post-imperial obligation. Was it also the result of a new approach to education, even a new ideology? Or was it rather the result of series of pragmatic decisions, sometimes with unintended consequences, which ideological endorsement followed rather than preceded? This paper explores the British case through an examination of records of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and the Department of Education and Science. It is one of a number of studies that seek to deepen the understanding of an essentially novel development by placing it in an historical context.
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Saunders, Cheryl. "Australian Federalism and the Role of the Governor-General." International Journal of Legal Information 28, no. 2 (2000): 407–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500009185.
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Australia is both a federation and a constitutional monarchy. The Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act 1900, which made the Australian Constitution law, refers to the establishment of the federation “under the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.” In fact, however, since 1973, the appropriate style of the monarch in relation to Australia has been “Queen of Australia.” And ever since federation, the monarch has been represented in Australia by a Governor-General, who progressively has acquired a more significant role, in parallel with the acquisition of Australian independence.
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Hudson, Michelle, and Nirmala Bhogal. "An Analysis of the Home Office Statistics of Scientific Procedures on Living Animals, Great Britain 2004." Alternatives to Laboratory Animals 34, no. 1 (2006): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026119290603400107.
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Hudson, Michelle, and Nirmala Bhogal. "An Analysis of the Home Office Statistics of Scientific Procedures on Living Animals, Great Britain 2004." Alternatives to Laboratory Animals 34, no. 1 (2006): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026119290603400108.
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Gough, Judith. "The Unwavering Support." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 244–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-17.
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The interview with Judith Gough, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to Ukraine, reveals Her Excellency’s opinion on a range of issues and the position of Great Britain on security matters. The article states Great Britain was one of the pioneers of the campaign for the imposition of sanctions against the Russian Federation in response to its aggression against Ukraine. Great Britain also highly appreciates the support of Ukraine after the Salisbury incident. Specifically, here the reader will find articulated Great Britain’s position relating to the Minsk process, which can be succinctly described by a phrase ‘there is no such thing as an ideal peace process.’ The negotiations are always associated with difficulties and never finish at a pace desired. However, the paramount task of today is to stop hostilities in Donbas. The interview goes on to explore the role of the NATO Contact Point Embassy, which consists in that every NATO Member State undertakes the functions to carry out NATO public diplomacy, assists the NATO Liaison Office in communicating with citizens of the receiving state, and makes clear what the organization is and what its activities are. It is stressed it is the first time when such functions are jointly undertaken by two countries, Great Britain and Canada. Thus, Ukraine has gained the support of two states at the same time. The article also underlines that Great Britain does not intend to change its visa policy towards Ukraine. However, that is not a discriminatory model, as such a policy is applied to the entire world in the same manner. An important aspect of this matter in the relations between Ukraine and Great Britain is an ever-growing number of visas issued. It is mentioned that Brexit has not changed the policy of Great Britain towards Ukraine, has not affected the decision to support Ukraine, and has not decreased an interest to it. After the referendum, the support has become even more evident. The number of visits at the ministerial level has also increased. The article delineates the importance of such organisation as the British Council, providing not only English tutor lessons at a globally recognised level but also vigorously taking part in the realm of cultural diplomacy. Key words: Ukrainian-British relations, Brexit, NATO, Minsk process.
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Tłuczak, Agnieszka. "Specjalizacja i konkurencyjność krajów UE w zakresie produkcji zbóż." Zeszyty Naukowe SGGW w Warszawie - Problemy Rolnictwa Światowego 18(33), no. 3 (2018): 323–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22630/prs.2018.18.3.90.
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This paper presents the results of research on the specialization and competitiveness of crop production in European Union countries. The Esteban-Marquillas method of competitiveness changes was used for the research. This method indicates specialized countries and the nature of structural changes in the scope of crop production. The research was carried out on the basis of data on the size of crop production. All data was taken from the databases of the Central Statistical Office. The research covers the years 2005-2016. The obtained results distinguish (inseparable) groups of countries specializing in the production of particular cereal species. The following countries specialize in the production of wheat: Poland, Germany, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Italy, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland, Sweden and Austria; production of barley wheat: Finland, Great Britain, Germany, Italy and Greece; and rye: Portugal, Spain, France, Great Britain, Romania, Hungary, Slovakia.
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Kobierecki, Michał Marcin. "The Commonwealth Games as an Example of Bringing States Closer Through Sport." Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 73, no. 1 (2017): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pcssr-2017-0004.
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Abstract The aim of the article is to investigate the issue of positive sports diplomacy directed at bringing countries closer and deepening cooperation between them. Generally, sports diplomacy is a broader term and may include various ways of utilizing sport, both negative and positive, even for the sake of nation-branding. Positive sports diplomacy most commonly refers to bringing hostile states closer together, but it may also be used to deepen political alliances or foster friendship and cooperation between states that are not mutually hostile. The research focuses on the latter form of positive sports diplomacy. The investigation is a case study concerning the Commonwealth Games, a sports event that is held once every four years and gathers countries and territories that used to belong to the former British Empire. The research therefore aims to determine whether this event, the second largest multisport event in the world, is significant from political and diplomatic perspectives. A second research question concerns whether the Commonwealth Games should be seen as an attempt by Great Britain to maintain influence in its former colonies. The research attempts to test the hypothesis that the Commonwealth Games are an important contributor to sustaining ties between states of the former British Empire.
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Hanulíková, Adriana, and Silke Hamann. "Slovak." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 40, no. 3 (2010): 373–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100310000162.
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Slovak (sometimes also called Slovakian) is an Indo-European language belonging to the West-Slavic branch, and is most closely related to Czech. Slovak is spoken as a native language by 4.6 million speakers in Slovakia (that is by roughly 85% of the population), and by over two million Slovaks living abroad, most of them in the USA, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Canada and Great Britain (Office for Slovaks Living Abroad 2009).
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Devereux, David R. "State Versus Private Ownership: The Conservative Governments and British Civil Aviation 1951–62." Albion 27, no. 1 (1995): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000018536.
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Studies of post-1945 Britain have often concentrated upon political and foreign policy history and are only just now beginning to address the question of the restructuring of the British economy and domestic policy. Civil aviation, a subject of considerable interest to historians of interwar Britain, has not been given a similar degree of attention in the post-1945 era. Civil aviation policy was, however, given a very high priority by both the 1945-51 Labour government and its Conservative successors. Civil aviation represented part of the effort to return Britain to a peacetime economy by transferring resources from the military into the civil aircraft industry, while at the same time holding for Britain a position of pre-eminence in the postwar expansion of civil flying. As such, aviation was a matter of great interest to reconstruction planners during World War Two, and was an important part of the Attlee government's plans for nationalization.Civil aviation was expected to grow rapidly into a major global economic force, which accounted for the great attention paid it in the 1940s and 1950s. Its importance to Britain in the postwar era lay in the value of air connections to North America, Europe, and the Empire and Commonwealth, and also in the economic importance of Britain's aircraft industry. In a period when the United States was by far the largest producer of commercial aircraft, the task of Labour and Conservative governments was to maintain a viable British position against strong American competition. What is particularly interesting is the wide degree of consensus that existed in both parties on the role the state should play in the maintenance and enhancement of this position.
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MacNeil, Heather, and Jennifer Douglas. "The Generic Evolution of Calendars and Guides at the Public Record Office of Great Britain, ca. 1838–1968." Information & Culture 49, no. 3 (2014): 294–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.7560/ic49302.
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MacNeil, Heather, and Jennifer Douglas. "The Generic Evolution of Calendars and Guides at the Public Record Office of Great Britain, ca. 1838–1968." Information & Culture: A Journal of History 49, no. 3 (2014): 294–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lac.2014.0012.
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Trofymenko, Mykola. "British Council as an Instrument of Public Diplomacy of Great Britain." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 35-36 (December 20, 2017): 305–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.305-312.
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Public diplomacy of Great Britain is one of the most developed in the EU and in the world. The United Kingdom has developed an extremely efficient public diplomacy mechanism which includes BBC World Service (which due to its popularity boosts the reputation and the image of Great Britain), Chevening Scholarships (provides outstanding foreign students with opportunity to study in Great Britain and thus establishes long-lasting relations with public opinion leaders and foreign countries elite) and the British Council, which deals with international diplomatic ties in the field of culture. The British Council is a unique organization. Being technically independent, it actively and efficiently works on consolidating Great Britain’s interests in the world and contributes to the development of public diplomacy in Great Britain. 
 The author studies the efforts of the British Council as a unique public diplomacy tool of the United Kingdom. Special attention is paid to the role of British Council, which is independent of the governing board and at the same time finds itself under the influence of the latter due to the peculiarities of the appointment of Board’s officials, financing etc.
 The author concludes that the British Council is a unique organization established in 1934, which is a non-departmental state body, charitable organization and public corporation, technically independent of the government. The British Council, thanks to its commercial activities covers the lack of public funding caused by the policy of economy conducted by the government. It has good practices in this field worth paying attention by other countries. It is also worth mentioning that the increment in profit was getting higher last year, however the issue of increasing the influence of the government on the activities of British Council is still disputable. Although the Foreign Minister officially reports to the parliament on the activities of the British Council, approves the appointment of the leaders of organizations, the British Council preserves its independence of the government, which makes it more popular abroad, and makes positive influence on the world image of Great Britain. The efficiency of the British Council efforts on fulfillment of targets of the United Kingdom public diplomacy is unquestionable, no matter how it calls its activities: whether it is a cultural relations establishment or a cultural diplomacy implementation.
 Keywords: The British Council, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, cultural relations, Foreign Office, Her Majesty’s Government, official assistance for development
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Sokolov, V. "The Disintegration of the British Empire as a Restructuring of the Geoeconomic System (1947-1972)." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 8 (August 20, 2009): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2009-8-96-109.
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The article considers Great Britain as a "country-system" which organizes global economic structures. The article shows how the United Kingdom was gradually losing its exclusive position in the world trade. The high growth rates in the countries of continental Europe enhanced their attractiveness as trading partners and eventually caused Britains reorientation from preferential links with the countries of the Commonwealth to the European economic integration. The article criticizes widespread opinion that the refusal from colonialism and imperial ambitions was the consequence of developing free trade. Using the heritage of the Empire the United Kingdom ensured more favorable position in the world economy than it could get according to the competitiveness of the mother country.
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MADEIRA, VICTOR. "MOSCOW'S INTERWAR INFILTRATION OF BRITISH INTELLIGENCE, 1919–1929." Historical Journal 46, no. 4 (2003): 915–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003352.
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The celebrated ‘Cambridge five’ have hitherto been believed to be the first long-term communist penetration agents in HM government, beginning with Donald Maclean in 1935. However, new research indicates that by 1919 another Cambridge man – like four of the ‘five’, a Trinity graduate – had already begun working for Moscow. This article is the first to examine how William Norman Ewer, known as ‘Trilby’ to his co-conspirators, organized networks in Great Britain and France to target the governments of those two powers. Under close Soviet supervision, Ewer's subordinates infiltrated half-a-dozen Whitehall departments, foremost among them Scotland Yard. Operating under the aegis of the home office, the Yard was a vital cog in the machinery of government set up to combat the ‘red menace’ in this country immediately after the First World War. By compromising the lead agency tasked with fighting them, the Bolsheviks thus created the requisite conditions for the metastasis in Great Britain of Soviet espionage in the 1920s.
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Brown, Chris. "On Morality, Self‐interest and Foreign Policy." Government and Opposition 37, no. 2 (2002): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00093.
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A Change Of Government In Britain Does Not Necessarily Imply a change in foreign policy, but when Robin Cook entered the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) in May 1997 it was with the ambition of bringing about a break with the past. The FCO was endowed for the first time with a ‘Mission Statement’, in which spreading the values of human rights, civil liberties and democracy (‘mutual respect’) was described as a benefit to be secured through foreign policy; the new Foreign Secretary elaborated this ambition at the launch of the Mission Statement, asserting: The Labour Government does not accept that political values can be left behind when we check in our passports to travel on diplomatic business. Our foreign policy must have an ethical dimension and must support the demands of other peoples for the democratic rights on which we insist for ourselves. We will put human rights at the heart of our foreign policy.
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Pyper, K., M. Eddleston, DN Bateman, et al. "Hospital usage of TOXBASE in Great Britain: Temporal trends in accesses 2008 to 2015." Human & Experimental Toxicology 37, no. 11 (2018): 1207–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0960327118759405.
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Aim: To examine temporal trends in accesses to the UK’s National Poison Information Service’s TOXBASE database in Britain. Methods: Generalized additive models were used to examine trends in daily numbers of accesses to TOXBASE from British emergency departments between January 2008 and December 2015. Day-of-the-week, seasonality and long-term trends were analysed at national and regional levels (Wales, Scotland and the nine English Government Office Regions). Results: The long-term trend in daily accesses increases from 2.8 (95% confidence interval (CI): 2.6–3.0) per user on 1 January 2008 to 4.6 (95% CI: 4.3–4.9) on 31 December 2015, with small but significant differences in population-corrected accesses by region ( p < 0.001). There are statistically significant seasonal and day of the week patterns ( p < 0.001) across all regions. Accesses are 18% (95% CI: 14–22%) higher in summer than in January and at the weekend compared to weekdays in all regions; there is a 7.5% (95% CI: 6.1–8.9%) increase between Friday and Sunday. Conclusions: There are consistent in-year patterns in access to TOXBASE indicating potential seasonal patterns in poisonings in Britain, with location-dependent rates of usage. This novel descriptive work lays the basis for future work on the interaction of TOXBASE use with emergency admission of patients into hospital.
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Onishchenko, Anton Germanovich. "The evolution of Britain’s policy in Egypt after signing of the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936 (August 1936 – April 1938)." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 2 (February 2021): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.2.35391.
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The object of this research is the policy of Great Britain in Egypt from August 1936 to April 1938. The subject of this research is the trends in Foreign Office policy and local British authorities concerning Egypt in the context of external and internal challenges. Major attention is given to the situation that formed after signing the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936. The author explores Britain&rsquo;s responses to the aggressive policy of Italy in the region, as well as during the &ldquo;palace crisis&rdquo; in Egypt, which followed the death of King Fuad and transition of the throne to his son Farouk. These events threatened Britain&rsquo;s presence in the region, which the Empire has been fighting for since the middle of 1930s. The scientific novelty consists in introduction of new sources, namely the diaries of the British High Commissioner Miles Lampson. The author notes that Great Britain continues to soften the style of governance and avoid hash and radical decisions. For example, the antagonism with Italy was settled by diplomatic negotiation and led to signing the Anglo-Italian Agreement in April of 1938. In terms of the domestic political situation, the &ldquo;palace crisis had been overcome using soft means by creating a positive balance of power for Britain&rsquo;s presence in the Egyptian political system, as well as through negotiations with anti-British forces.
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Orlyk, Viktoriia. "The main trends in the formation of the Great Britain’s foreign policy after Brexit." European Historical Studies, no. 18 (2021): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.04.
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The article deals with the peculiarities of forming the new trends in the British foreign policy, due to the results of the referendum on Brexit and the country’s withdrawal from the European Union. Formation of the strategic priorities for the UK foreign policy course is becoming one of the most important tasks for the political, diplomatic and expert circles. The refusal to develop a common foreign policy of the EU as a result of Brexit, sets the essential challenge for Britain: to maintain existing influence and allied relations with continental European states (primarily, due to the strengthening of bilateral relations and the preservation of the Euro-Atlantic alliance), and at the same time to establish itself as an independent center of influence, not limited to the collective will of the EU. The main provisions of the “Global Britain” concept, presented in 2016 as the doctrinal basis of the foreign policy dimension of Brexit, are analyzed. The most significant of them are the next: the promotion of the UK`s economic and security interests around the world as the basis of foreign and security policy; alliance with the United States as a major foreign policy and security priority; rethinking the partnership with the EU and giving it a new depth in the name of protecting the international order and common values; the development of cooperation within the Commonwealth to strengthen Britain’s international presence and global influence. The author identifies the key foreign policy positions of London, which are not reflected in the concept presently, but will be of key importance for the European and global securities in the short and medium terms. The positions of leading regional and world players are analyzed, the risks of aggravation of relations with Russia and China are assessed. It is summarized that because of the new global threats and risks (first of all COVID-19 pandemic and its global impact and economic consequences) the “Global Britain” concept is still in its forming.
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Tsolacos, S., G. Keogh, and T. McGough. "Modelling Use, Investment, and Development in the British Office Market." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 30, no. 8 (1998): 1409–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a301409.
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The authors provide an empirical investigation of office market dynamics and model the user, investment, and development elements of this market. They recognise explicitly that the user and investment markets in office property influence trends in development and that development activity in turn affects office use and investment. This theoretical premise suggests that an analysis of these separate components of the market can make a significant contribution to a fuller understanding of office market dynamics, including swings in development activity. In the European context, there is a lack of research on modelling the functional elements of the office market individually, although such modelling is more common in US studies. Furthermore, most quantitative empirical work lacks an examination of the investment market for property and its intertemporal effects on development activity. In this paper, the authors estimate econometric models for rents, capital values, and development activity in the national office market in Great Britain. The results establish the significant influence of demand-side economic forces in the user market and the importance of use and investment market signals in the determination of office building output. However, the findings also strongly suggest that the investment market needs to be explored in more detail in order to identify and document the nature of the forces which interact in this sector of the office market.
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Komisarenko, Serhii. "How We Started our Work in Not-So-Foggy Albion." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 186–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-9.
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The article describes separate and the most interesting episodes of work of its author Serhii Komisarenko during his service as the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Being the academician of the NAS and NAMS of Ukraine, Serhii Komisarenko was appointed Ambassador in London in 1992 and worked in this position for six years – until 1998.The article also describes the building of the Embassy, how it was established, reconstructed and designed, tells about authors of presented works of art. In his article, the author draws special attention to the communication with the Queen of the Great Britain – during the ceremony of presenting credentials in Buckingham Palace and the annual diplomatic royal reception of ambassadors. At the end of author’s appointment in London, he paid several parting visits to the members of the Royal family and ministers. The author had also an opportunity to meet the Queen before the leave. The author also mentions the fire at Windsor Palace, when the oldest and most important part of the palace, St. George’s Chapel, was destroyed. During the work, the Embassy constantly felt the support of the Foreign Office and other official circles of Britain. They showed great interest in the Ukrainian diplomatic mission and the development of cooperation with Ukraine. The result was the opening of the British-Ukrainian Chamber of Commerce in London in 1997, which still operates today. The author of the article expresses sincere gratitude to his colleagues for the creative and friendly atmosphere that prevailed at the Embassy, and for the fruitful work they have done in those years for the benefit of our country. Keywords: the United Kingdom, the Queen of the Great Britain, Antarctic station, Ukrainian-British Chamber, Ukraine, Embassy.
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Grimshaw, Patricia. "Comparative Perspectives on White and Indigenous Women's Political Citizenship in Queensland: The 1905 Act to Amend the Elections Acts, 1885 to 1899." Queensland Review 12, no. 2 (2005): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600004062.
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The centenary of the passage in early 1905 of the Act to Amend the Elections Acts, 1885 to 1899, which extended the right to vote to white women in Queensland, marks a moment of great importance in the political and social history of Australia. The high ground of the history of women's suffrage in Australia is undoubtedly the passage of the 1902 Commonwealth Franchise Act that gave all white women in Australia political citizenship: the right to vote and to stand for parliamentary office at the federal level. Obviously this attracted the most attention internationally, given that it placed Australia on the short list of communities that had done so to date; most women in the world had to await the aftermath of the First or Second World Wars for similar rights.
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Watters, Daniel, Alessandro Battaglia, Kamil Mroz, and Frédéric Tridon. "Validation of the GPM Version-5 Surface Rainfall Products over Great Britain and Ireland." Journal of Hydrometeorology 19, no. 10 (2018): 1617–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/jhm-d-18-0051.1.
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Abstract Instantaneous surface rain rate estimates from the Global Precipitation Measurement (GPM) mission’s Dual-Frequency Precipitation Radar (DPR) and combined DPR and multifrequency microwave imager (CMB) version-5 products are compared to those from the Met Office Radarnet 4 system’s Great Britain and Ireland (GBI) radar composite product. The spaceborne and ground-based rainfall products are collocated spatially and temporally and compared at 5- and 25-km resolutions over GBI during a 3-yr period (from May 2014 to April 2017). The comparison results are evaluated as a function of both the intensity and variability of precipitation within the DPR field of view and are stratified spatially and seasonally. CMB and DPR products underestimate rain rates with respect to the Radarnet product by 21% and 31%, respectively, when considering 25-km resolution data taken within 75 km of a ground-based radar. Large variability in the discrepancies between spaceborne and ground-based rain rate estimates is the result of limitations of both systems and random errors in the collocation of their measurements. The Radarnet retrieval is affected by issues with measuring the vertical extent of precipitation at far ranges, while the GPM system struggles in properly quantifying orographic precipitation. Part of the underestimation by the GPM products appears to be a consequence of an erroneous DPR clutter identification in the presence of low freezing levels. Both products are susceptible to seasonal variations in performance and decreases in precision with increased levels of heterogeneity within the instruments’ field of view.
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Labutina, Tatyana. "Great Britain and Russia on the Way to Restoring Diplomatic Relations (1720–1731)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016152-5.
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The article deals with the process of restoring diplomatic relations between Great Britain and Russia in the first third of the 18th century. England was the first country with which Russia established diplomatic relations 465 years ago. During this time, the countries have passed a difficult and thorny path of interaction. Often there were open military conflicts between them, and sometimes it simply came to the severance of diplomatic relations. One of these events occurred in the reign of Peter I on 14 December in 1720 year. Although diplomatic relations were interrupted, trade between the states continued to develop. The trade volume was reduced due to political tensions, which caused significant damage to the economy of England. In this regard, the British began to take active steps to establish diplomatic relations. The analysis of the correspondence between two British diplomats, T. Ward and C. Rondeau, and the Secretary of State of Great Britain, first undertaken in historical science, the author concludes that it was England that initiated the restoration of diplomatic relations, primarily to strengthen the position of the English merchants in Russia. The analysis of the ambassadors&apos; dispatches gives valuable insights as to the strategy and tactics of the British Foreign Office in relation to Russia during the reign of Anna Ioannovna, as well as the motives that guided the diplomats involved in the preparatory process of establishing relations between the countries. The correspondence of the diplomats provides an opportunity to get acquainted with both their official and “secret” intelligence activities, which allows the author identify the true intentions of British diplomacy: to comprehensively study a potential rival which the British imagined Russia to be. It is also of great interest to learn more about how their mission went, what impressions they got from their visit to our country, what assessments they made about the top officials in the administration of the Russian Empire, as well as about the Russian people in general.
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Shafer, Byron E., and Marc D. Stears. "From Social Welfare to Cultural Values: The Puzzle of Postwar Change in Britain and the United States." Journal of Policy History 11, no. 4 (1999): 331–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600003377.
Full textAbstract:
On Thursday, 5 July 1945, the British electorate appeared to draw a line under the prewar political world. This electorate turned the wartime government, led by the Conservative party, out of office. Moreover, it dismissed the Conservatives in favor of a party that still harbored doubts about its proper governing role, namely, British Labour. The scale of this reversal was additionally unprecedented. Labour had only ever formed minority, shortlived governments before; its last such venture, in 1929, had seen the party take power just in time to acquire responsibility for the Great Depression. The Tories had thus returned to effective leadership in 1931, such that Tory electoral and governmental dominance was still the context for the 1945 election. Now, however, Labour had returned with not just an absolute but an enormous majority in Parliament: it gained more seats than the Tories were left holding. And this over a party that had arguably weathered the Great Depression and saved the nation in a world war.
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Vietrynskyi, I. "Specifics of the International Political Position of the Commonwealth of Australia in the first half of the ХХ-th century". Problems of World History, № 13 (18 березня 2021): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-13-6.
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The paper focuses on the initial stage of the formation of the Commonwealth of Australia, and the process of its establishing as an independent State. The international political context for the development of the country, from the period of creation of the Federation to the beginning of the Second World War, is primarily viewed. The Commonwealth’s international position, its place and role in the regional and global geopolitical processes of the early XX century, in particular in the context of its relations with Great Britain, are analyzed. The features of the transformation of British colonial policies on the eve of the First World War are examined. The specifics of the UK system of relations with Australia, as well as other dominions, are being examined. The features of status of the dominions in the British Empire system are shown. The role of the dominions and, in particular, the Commonwealth of Australia in the preparatory process for the First World War, as well as the peculiarities of its participation in hostilities, is analyzed. The significance of the actions of the First World War on the domestic political situation in Australia, as well as its impact on dominions relations with the British Empire, is revealed. The history of the foundation of the Australian-New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC) and its participation in imperial forces on the frontline of the First World War is analyzed. The success and failure of its fighters, as well as the role of ANZAC, in the process of formation an Australian political nation are analyzed. The economic, humanitarian and international political consequences of the First World War for the Commonwealth of Australia are examined, as well as the influence of these consequences on the structure of relations between the dominions and the British Empire. The socio-economic situation of the Commonwealth of Australia on the eve of World War II, in particular the impact of the Great depression on the development of the country as a whole and its internal political situation in particular, is analyzed. The ideological, military-strategic and international political prerequisites for Australia’s entry into the Second World War are being considered.
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Young, John W. "‘States not Governments’: Reforming Britain’s Practice on Diplomatic Recognition, 1973-1980." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 9, no. 1 (2014): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341268.
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Summary The subject of recognition is basic to the way in which relations are conducted between states: they cannot easily communicate if they do not recognize one another’s existence. The question is also a difficult one in international law because, in practice, governments often adopt a pragmatic approach when specific instances of recognition arise. One important difference in practice was between countries — including Britain until 1980 — that extended recognition to particular governments and those that focused simply on the recognition of states. However, in April 1980, Britain’s Foreign Secretary, Lord Carrington, announced a change in practice, so that London would ‘recognize States in accordance with common international doctrine’. This announcement followed years of discussion within the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, a discussion that was influenced by complex legal considerations over recognition and by membership of the European Community. This article investigates how and why such a change in British practice on recognition came about, showing that the British also gave consideration to a compromise solution, which would have involved tacit recognition of new governments, short of dispensing with such recognition altogether.
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Hultquist, Clark Eric. "Americans in Paris: The J. Walter Thompson Company in France, 1927–1968." Enterprise & Society 4, no. 3 (2003): 471–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700012684.
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J. Walter Thompson (JWT), the leading American advertising agency until the 1970s, established a branch office in Paris in 1927. While many of JWT's worldwide branches became the leading agencies in their respective countries, notably Great Britain and Germany, JWT-Paris foundered from the late 1920s through the early 1960s. This article focuses on the reasons why: cultural clashes between the French and Americans, a regulated and protected French market, anti-Americanism among French businesses, and American condescension and insensitivity. It concludes with an analysis of and the reasons for JWT-Paris's achievement of limited success by the late 1960s.
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Meyer, Lorenzo. "El ocaso británico en México. De las causas profundas a los errores políticos." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 11, no. 1 (1995): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051909.
Full textAbstract:
At the beginning of the twentieth century, British investors maintained a close relationship with the Mexican government. By 1940 the relationship had ended. Such an ending was as much the result of Britain's decline as a world power as the consequences of a series of political mistakes made by the British Foreign Office. The Mexican Revolution and its nationalism were incomprehensible and unacceptable to British decision makers. In the political struggle that followed between the two countries, Great Britain lost an opportunity to reestablish its influence in Mexico, leaving the United States in a more advantageous position.
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Fainstein, S. S. "Government Programs for Commercial Redevelopment in Poor Neighborhoods: The Cases of Spitalfields in East London and Downtown Brooklyn, NY." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 26, no. 2 (1994): 215–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a260215.
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Since the economic crisis of the mid-1970s, urban governments in the United States and Great Britain have used programs to stimulate office development as their main vehicle for encouraging economic growth. Two cases of government-sponsored redevelopment are compared: Spitalfields in East London and downtown Brooklyn, New York. Both are in impoverished peripheral areas and involve the creation of large projects that require a transformation of land uses; each involves the activity of a public-private partnership. Despite some differences in types of governmental activity that result from different ideological and institutional traditions, the elements of the two projects are strikingly alike.
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Fry, Michael. "Political Change in Britain, August 1914 to December 1916: Lloyd George Replaces Asquith: the Issues Underlying the Drama." Historical Journal 31, no. 3 (1988): 609–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00023517.
Full textAbstract:
On 7 December 1916 David Lloyd George became prime minister, leading the second coalition government of the war. No archival sources of significance remain to be consulted to help explain how and why the particular composition of the new government emerged. A great deal has been written on the first years of the war, from many perspectives, but a satisfactory political history of Asquith's two administrations remains to be crafted. A sustained narrative, set in the appropriate context, which relates the political significance of the issues to the drama of politics, to the way individuals lose office and governments fall, which establishes trends, and measures cumulative effects is still unwritten.
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Beckers, Jos. "Audit als functie van het Rekenhof." Res Publica 31, no. 2 (1989): 205–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v31i2.18880.
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The Belgian Auditor's Office is not competent to judge good management. Parliamentary initiatives have been taken to extend its competence towards an efficiency, effectiveness and economy control. Up till 1985 the Belgian budget was drawn up according toa classification system with insufficient regard for the application ofmanagement objectives to budgetary allocation. Based on notions originating from the P.P.B.S. system the budget is drawn up now by programmes assigned to organisation divisions. In the future the parliamentary budget procedure could be transformed into a ratification of the General Budget of Expenses and a supervision of the execution of the departmental budgets. The General Budget will contain the programmes. A similar system offers the external controller a better management and control instrument.An efficiency control exists in various farms in Germany, Great-Britain, Ireland, the Netherlands, France, Spain and Canada. The European Auditor's Office evaluates good financial management too.