Academic literature on the topic 'Great Britain. Foreign and Commonwealth Office'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Great Britain. Foreign and Commonwealth Office.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Great Britain. Foreign and Commonwealth Office"
1
Shkitin, D. I. "The Problem of Sources and Proved Knowledge in History: Operation “Legacy” and Transfer of Power in India." History 18, no. 8 (2019): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2019-18-8-18-28.
Full textAbstract:
Great Britain implemented a model of transfer of power in India by granting independence to the country while preserving its place in the Commonwealth of Nations. The key element was handing over governance by Imperial authorities to local forces by legal means. The transfer of power led to the building of nation-states in former British India. The completion of the process marked a new stage for contemporary India and enabled Indian political institutions to operate on the basis of the British Empire’s legacy since that time. Therefore, the legacy’s values were important features of the power transfer. However, the Imperial legacy had material representation in numerous official documents kept in colonial offices. Some documents being witnesses of the British governance were eliminated by Britain’s ‘Operation Legacy.’ During the Operation, some of the official papers were incinerated, while others retained under the title of ‘legacy papers’. A connection between the transfer of power and Operation Legacy has not been explored to date, but one may exist. Some questions are: could the two processes, one of which had finished in 1947 and the other had commenced, supposedly, in 1947, be interconnected? Could the transfer of power have influenced Operation Legacy, and could Operation Legacy, in turn, have become a part of other colonial power transfers by Britain after Indian independence? The article aims to investigate how Britain’s experience in India influenced its developing Operation Legacy in other colonies and whether it later changed the practices of transfer of power. The author discusses why the first indications of a well-organized Operation Legacy emerged in Ceylon in late 1947, when Ceylon sought independence. This became known as the result of the internal inquiry by the Foreign Office, also known as the Cary Report.
2
Won, Tae Joon. "Britain's Retreat East of Suez and the Conundrum of Korea 1968–1974." Britain and the World 9, no. 1 (March 2016): 76–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2016.0215.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the discussions and decisions which occurred within the British government concerning Britain's military involvement in the Korean peninsula at a time when Britain was pulling out of its military obligations in Asia – colloquially known as the ‘retreat East of Suez’ – in the late 1960s and the early 1970s. After the end of the Korean War, Britain created the Commonwealth Liaison Mission in Seoul and provided a frigate for use in Korean waters by the American-led United Nations Command and British soldiers for the United Nations Honour Guard. When relations between North and South Korea reached crisis point at the end of the 1960s, London was concerned that Britain could be entangled in an unaffordable military conflict in the Korean peninsula. The Ministry of Defence therefore argued for the abolition of the commitment of the British frigate, but the Foreign Office opposed this initiative so as to mitigate the blow to Anglo-American relations caused by Britain's refusal to commit troops to Vietnam. When Edward Heath's government negotiated a Five Power Defence Agreement with Singapore, Malaysia, Australia and New Zealand in April 1971, the Ministry of Defence was, despite the objections of the Foreign Office, finally successful in repealing the frigate commitment for reasons of overstretching military resources. Furthermore, the Ministry of Defence then called for the abolition of the Commonwealth Liaison Mission altogether when it was then discovered that the British contingent of the United Nations Honour Guard would have to fight under the command of the United Nations Commander in case of a military conflict in the Korean peninsula. But this proposal too was rebuffed by the Foreign Office, concerned that such a move would greatly damage Anglo-Korean relations at a time when Britain was considering establishing diplomatic relations with North Korea.
3
Cullen, Poppy. "‘Why does Africa matter and what should be our aim?’ British Foreign Policy, the Commonwealth, and the 1965 East and Central African Heads of Missions Meeting." Britain and the World 15, no. 2 (September 2022): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2022.0388.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores British decolonisation through the lens of the first meeting of Britain’s Heads of Missions (Ambassadors and High Commissioners) in East and Central Africa in May 1965. The meeting gives a unique insight into the thoughts and ambitions of a select group of senior diplomats as they offered their ideas of what policy should be and assessed Britain’s historical and contemporary relationship with Africa. Mid-1965 was a moment when multiple, if limited, options were available as the British government sought to reconfigure relationships and preserve influence in former colonies. The meeting is significant in a number of ways. Firstly, the meeting was an expression of power relations between different government departments in Whitehall, with the Commonwealth Relations Office valuing Africa more than the powerful Foreign Office; secondly, it reinforced the diplomats’ sense of their position as supposed ‘experts’ on Africa, more advanced and rational than the Africans with whom they worked; thirdly, it revealed official beliefs that Britain was the more powerful partner in relationships with Africa, able to exert influence though ongoing bilateral relationships and the Commonwealth.
4
Brown, Chris. "On Morality, Self‐interest and Foreign Policy." Government and Opposition 37, no. 2 (April 2002): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00093.
Full textAbstract:
A Change Of Government In Britain Does Not Necessarily Imply a change in foreign policy, but when Robin Cook entered the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) in May 1997 it was with the ambition of bringing about a break with the past. The FCO was endowed for the first time with a ‘Mission Statement’, in which spreading the values of human rights, civil liberties and democracy (‘mutual respect’) was described as a benefit to be secured through foreign policy; the new Foreign Secretary elaborated this ambition at the launch of the Mission Statement, asserting: The Labour Government does not accept that political values can be left behind when we check in our passports to travel on diplomatic business. Our foreign policy must have an ethical dimension and must support the demands of other peoples for the democratic rights on which we insist for ourselves. We will put human rights at the heart of our foreign policy.
5
Antic, Cedomir. "Crisis and armament economic relations between Great Britain and Serbia 1910-1912." Balcanica, no. 36 (2005): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536151a.
Full textAbstract:
On the eve of the 1914-18 war, Great Powers had competed for influence in the Balkans. While preparing for the war with the Ottoman Empire the Balkan states were ready to take huge war credits and to place big orders for weapons and military equipment. Foreign Office did not show any interest in involving British capital and industry in this competition. British diplomacy even discouraged investments in Serbian military programme before 1914.
6
Orlyk, Viktoriia. "The main trends in the formation of the Great Britain’s foreign policy after Brexit." European Historical Studies, no. 18 (2021): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.04.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the peculiarities of forming the new trends in the British foreign policy, due to the results of the referendum on Brexit and the country’s withdrawal from the European Union. Formation of the strategic priorities for the UK foreign policy course is becoming one of the most important tasks for the political, diplomatic and expert circles. The refusal to develop a common foreign policy of the EU as a result of Brexit, sets the essential challenge for Britain: to maintain existing influence and allied relations with continental European states (primarily, due to the strengthening of bilateral relations and the preservation of the Euro-Atlantic alliance), and at the same time to establish itself as an independent center of influence, not limited to the collective will of the EU. The main provisions of the “Global Britain” concept, presented in 2016 as the doctrinal basis of the foreign policy dimension of Brexit, are analyzed. The most significant of them are the next: the promotion of the UK`s economic and security interests around the world as the basis of foreign and security policy; alliance with the United States as a major foreign policy and security priority; rethinking the partnership with the EU and giving it a new depth in the name of protecting the international order and common values; the development of cooperation within the Commonwealth to strengthen Britain’s international presence and global influence. The author identifies the key foreign policy positions of London, which are not reflected in the concept presently, but will be of key importance for the European and global securities in the short and medium terms. The positions of leading regional and world players are analyzed, the risks of aggravation of relations with Russia and China are assessed. It is summarized that because of the new global threats and risks (first of all COVID-19 pandemic and its global impact and economic consequences) the “Global Britain” concept is still in its forming.
7
Tarling, Nicholas. "Making a Difference: Overseas Student Fees in Britain and the Development of a Market in International Education." Britain and the World 5, no. 2 (September 2012): 259–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2012.0057.
Full textAbstract:
International education has long existed, but between the end of the Second World War and the late twentieth century it was largely a matter of aid and scholarships. How did the current market for international education come about? It was related to the ‘massification’ of tertiary education, and, no doubt, to a diminution in the sense of post-imperial obligation. Was it also the result of a new approach to education, even a new ideology? Or was it rather the result of series of pragmatic decisions, sometimes with unintended consequences, which ideological endorsement followed rather than preceded? This paper explores the British case through an examination of records of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and the Department of Education and Science. It is one of a number of studies that seek to deepen the understanding of an essentially novel development by placing it in an historical context.
8
Young, John W. "‘States not Governments’: Reforming Britain’s Practice on Diplomatic Recognition, 1973-1980." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 9, no. 1 (2014): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341268.
Full textAbstract:
Summary The subject of recognition is basic to the way in which relations are conducted between states: they cannot easily communicate if they do not recognize one another’s existence. The question is also a difficult one in international law because, in practice, governments often adopt a pragmatic approach when specific instances of recognition arise. One important difference in practice was between countries — including Britain until 1980 — that extended recognition to particular governments and those that focused simply on the recognition of states. However, in April 1980, Britain’s Foreign Secretary, Lord Carrington, announced a change in practice, so that London would ‘recognize States in accordance with common international doctrine’. This announcement followed years of discussion within the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, a discussion that was influenced by complex legal considerations over recognition and by membership of the European Community. This article investigates how and why such a change in British practice on recognition came about, showing that the British also gave consideration to a compromise solution, which would have involved tacit recognition of new governments, short of dispensing with such recognition altogether.
9
Trofymenko, Mykola. "British Council as an Instrument of Public Diplomacy of Great Britain." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 35-36 (December 20, 2017): 305–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.305-312.
Full textAbstract:
Public diplomacy of Great Britain is one of the most developed in the EU and in the world. The United Kingdom has developed an extremely efficient public diplomacy mechanism which includes BBC World Service (which due to its popularity boosts the reputation and the image of Great Britain), Chevening Scholarships (provides outstanding foreign students with opportunity to study in Great Britain and thus establishes long-lasting relations with public opinion leaders and foreign countries elite) and the British Council, which deals with international diplomatic ties in the field of culture. The British Council is a unique organization. Being technically independent, it actively and efficiently works on consolidating Great Britain’s interests in the world and contributes to the development of public diplomacy in Great Britain.
The author studies the efforts of the British Council as a unique public diplomacy tool of the United Kingdom. Special attention is paid to the role of British Council, which is independent of the governing board and at the same time finds itself under the influence of the latter due to the peculiarities of the appointment of Board’s officials, financing etc.
The author concludes that the British Council is a unique organization established in 1934, which is a non-departmental state body, charitable organization and public corporation, technically independent of the government. The British Council, thanks to its commercial activities covers the lack of public funding caused by the policy of economy conducted by the government. It has good practices in this field worth paying attention by other countries. It is also worth mentioning that the increment in profit was getting higher last year, however the issue of increasing the influence of the government on the activities of British Council is still disputable. Although the Foreign Minister officially reports to the parliament on the activities of the British Council, approves the appointment of the leaders of organizations, the British Council preserves its independence of the government, which makes it more popular abroad, and makes positive influence on the world image of Great Britain. The efficiency of the British Council efforts on fulfillment of targets of the United Kingdom public diplomacy is unquestionable, no matter how it calls its activities: whether it is a cultural relations establishment or a cultural diplomacy implementation.
Keywords: The British Council, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, cultural relations, Foreign Office, Her Majesty’s Government, official assistance for development
10
Devereux, David R. "State Versus Private Ownership: The Conservative Governments and British Civil Aviation 1951–62." Albion 27, no. 1 (1995): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000018536.
Full textAbstract:
Studies of post-1945 Britain have often concentrated upon political and foreign policy history and are only just now beginning to address the question of the restructuring of the British economy and domestic policy. Civil aviation, a subject of considerable interest to historians of interwar Britain, has not been given a similar degree of attention in the post-1945 era. Civil aviation policy was, however, given a very high priority by both the 1945-51 Labour government and its Conservative successors. Civil aviation represented part of the effort to return Britain to a peacetime economy by transferring resources from the military into the civil aircraft industry, while at the same time holding for Britain a position of pre-eminence in the postwar expansion of civil flying. As such, aviation was a matter of great interest to reconstruction planners during World War Two, and was an important part of the Attlee government's plans for nationalization.Civil aviation was expected to grow rapidly into a major global economic force, which accounted for the great attention paid it in the 1940s and 1950s. Its importance to Britain in the postwar era lay in the value of air connections to North America, Europe, and the Empire and Commonwealth, and also in the economic importance of Britain's aircraft industry. In a period when the United States was by far the largest producer of commercial aircraft, the task of Labour and Conservative governments was to maintain a viable British position against strong American competition. What is particularly interesting is the wide degree of consensus that existed in both parties on the role the state should play in the maintenance and enhancement of this position.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Great Britain. Foreign and Commonwealth Office"
1
Polley, Martin Robert. "The Foreign Office and international sport, 1918-1948." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683112.
Full text
2
Blevins, Jeff T. (Jeff Taylor). "The British Foreign Office Views and the Making of the 1907 Anglo-Russian Entente, From the 1890s Through August 1907." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279078/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines British Foreign Office views of Russia and Anglo-Russian relations prior to the 1907 Anglo-Russian Entente. British diplomatic documents, memoirs, and papers in the Public Record Office reveal diplomatic concern with ending Central Asian tensions. This study examines Anglo-Russian relations from the pre-Lansdowne era, including agreements with Japan (1902) and France (1904), the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-05, and the shift in Liberal thinking up to the Anglo-Russian Entente. The main reason British diplomats negotiated the Entente was less to end Central Asian friction, this thesis concludes, than the need to check Germany, which some Foreign Office members believed, was bent upon European hegemony.
3
Attard, Bernard. "The Australian High Commissioner's Office : politics and Anglo-Australian relations, 1901-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7ab289a0-0ab1-4a3a-8f26-8bd3c791ee3f.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis is a history of the office of Australian High Commissioner in London from its creation in 1909 to the eve of the Second World War. It tests the validity of the conventional view that the office was invariably used as a political reward and, prior to the 1930s, marginal to the conduct of Anglo-Australian relations. It sets the office in the context of colonial representation in London since the 1850s, and notes the limits to the position of the High Commissioner created by the Agents- General of the Australian States and the institutions established by the Imperial government for the conduct of Anglo-Dominion relations. The careers of the first five High Commissioners are examined with reference to the principal issues in Anglo- Australian relations during their High Commissionerships, and their roles are analysed in terms of their relations with the Commonwealth government, the British authorities and, to a lesser extent, the Agents-General. The thesis argues that there was always scope for a High Commissioner to play a diplomatic role within Anglo- Australian relations, and that the post also gradually acquired functions in a more general system of inter-imperial consultation which mirrored the wider political development of the Dominions. The Australian government, however, was also hampered by a limited choice of candidates and invariably appointed senior politicians, as exercises in patronage, but also because they were the most eligible representatives. Yet, reflecting underlying values in Australian political culture, legislators were determined to create a non-political High Commissionership. The combination of political appointments and a non-political office, however, meant that High Commissioners often found it difficult to adapt to the demands of their new position and did not enjoy the full confidence of the government.
4
Thieme, Ulrike. "Armed peace : the Foreign Office and the Soviet Union, 1945-1953." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2010. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1735/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the role of the Northern Department of the British Foreign Office and its perception of, and attitude towards, the Soviet Union between 1945 and 1953. In these formative years after World War II many assumptions and policies were shaped that proved decisive for years to come. The Northern Department of the Foreign Office was at the centre of British dealings with the Soviet Union after 1945 in an atmosphere of cooling diplomatic relations between both camps. Keeping channels of communications open in order to exploit every opportunity for negotiation and the settlement of post-war issues, officials built up an extensive expertise of Soviet domestic and foreign policy. Their focus on all aspects of Soviet life accessible to them, for example, Soviet domestic and international propaganda, revealed in their view a significant emerging future threat to British interests in Europe and worldwide. This view provided the basis of the analysis of new information and the assessment of the best possible policy options for the British government. The Northern Department tried to exploit those traits of Soviet policy that could persuade the USA and Western Europe to follow British foreign policy initiatives vis-à-vis the Soviet Union in the early Cold War while attempting to balance those weaknesses that could harm this effort. The focus of the Department often varied as a result of Soviet action. Some issues, like the Cominform were of momentary importance while other issues, like the Communist threat and the issue of Western European defence remained on the agenda for many years. A realistic approach to foreign policy allowed officials to exploit and counter-act those Soviet foreign policies seen as most threatening to Britain and those most likely to aid Britain’s recovery of her much desired world role. While the initial optimism after 1945 soon faded and consolidation on both sides was followed by confrontation, officials in London and the embassy in Moscow tried to maintain diplomatic relations to aid Western recovery efforts and support the new foreign policy doctrine of containment. When by the early 1950s entrenchment was speeding up in East and West, the Northern Department nevertheless utilised the available information to support British foreign policy worldwide as well as strengthen the domestic effort to explain the increasing international tension to the British people. Realism on the part of officials, and awareness of the information and options available to them meant that a Britain closely allied to the USA but one that continued to talk to the Kremlin was seen as the best way to achieve a continued world role for Britain and a safe Europe.
5
Stocksdale, Sally A. "British diplomatic perspectives on the situation in Russia in 1917 : an analysis of the British Foreign Office correspondence." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26927.
Full textAbstract:
During the third year of the Great War 1914-1918 Russia experienced the upheaval of revolution, precipitating the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II and installation of the Provisional Government in March, and culminating in the Bolshevik takeover of November, 1917. Due to the political, military, and economic chaos which accompanied the revolution Russia was unable to continue the struggle on the eastern front.
Russia was not fighting the war against the Central Powers of Germany and Austria-Hungary alone, however, and her threat to capitulate was of the gravest concern to her Allies, Great Britain and France. In fact the disintegration of Russia's war effort was the pivotal issue around which Anglo-Russian relations revolved in 1917. Britain's war policy was dominated by the belief that the eastern front had to be maintained to achieve victory. It appeared that any interruption to the eastern front would allow Germany to reinforce her lines on the western front, then to win and control the economic destiny of Europe. Britain could not allow this to happen.
This study focuses on the reportage from British diplomats and representatives in and outside of Russia to their superiors at the Foreign Office in London from December 1916 to December 1917. A vast wealth of documentation is available in the Foreign Office Correspondence. Analysis of these notes reveals certain trends which were dictated by the kaleidoscopic turn of events in Russia and the national ethos of these representatives. A minute analysis demonstrates a great diversity of opinion regarding the situation in Russia, ranging from optimism to pessimism and objectivity to prejudice in all phases of the year 1917. To a limited degree this diversity can be correlated with the geographical location and diplomatic status of the individual representatives. Above all it is clear that when historians quote from these sources, they choose the quotations which support the conclusions they have already reached because they know the outcome of the developments that they are describing. The individuals on the spot at the time were far less prescient and insightful. They were much more affected by their own historical prejudices and rumours, as well as the vagaries and short-term shifts of their immediate environment. Many of them believed in the great-man theory of history; a number attributed all developments and difficulties to some aspect of the Russian national character; some explained certain events during the year by conspiracies, especially of the Jews, with whom they tended to equate the Bolsheviks. Only a few were consistently solid and realistic in their appraisal of events, attributing them to factors favoured by our most respected historians.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
6
McElrea, Patrick D. "The office of the High Commissioner : Canada's public link to gentlemanly capitalism in the City of London, 1869-1885." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ29500.pdf.
Full text
7
HEINLEIN, Frank. "Britain and the Empire-Commonwealth, 1945-63 : a metropolitan perspective." Doctoral thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5833.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 3 June 1999Examining Board: Kirti Chaudhuri, European University Institute (supervisor) ; Prof. Robert Holland, Institute for Commonwealth Studies London (co-supervisor) ; Prof. Bo Stråth, European University Institute ; Prof. Clemens Wurm, Humboldt-Universität Berlin
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Examine the views of the Empire and Commonwealth held by British policy makers during the two decades after World War II, arguing that the institutional framework of the formal and informal empire and the Commonwealth was considered necessary and useful to promote British interests.
8
Fialová, Barbora. "Zahraniční politika Majorovy vlády. Příspěvek ke studiu dějin ostrovního státu v posledním desetiletí 20. století." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-328264.
Full textAbstract:
Barbora Fialová The Foreign Policy of John Major᾽s Cabinet (1990-1997). Contribution to the History of the Island State in the 1990s Master's Thesis - the Abstract The master's thesis deals with a period of John Major's conservative government in the Great Britain (1990-1997). Main interest of this thesis is a foreign policies' analysis of the Major's government. Primarily, it puts an emphasis on a development of relationships with the European Communities and later the European Union. Nevertheless, it also deals with the relationship with the United States or with the Commonwealth of Nations. Moreover, the personality of John Major and his impact on British foreign policies is studied. Major's government's domestic policies were influenced by foreign policies and vice versa, the key factors are described in the thesis. The author uses mainly British sources and literature.
9
Makin, Michael Philip. "An analysis of South Africa's relationship with the Commonwealth of Nations between 1945 and 1961." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17305.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis provides a survey and an analysis of South Africa's relations with the British Commonwealth (Commonwealth of Nations) between the years 1945 and 1961. It outlines and explains the deterioration of this relationship in the context of the crisis in South Africa's foreign relations after World War II. Documentary evidence is produced to throw more light on the relationship with Britain and, to a lesser extent, other Commonwealth countries. This relationship is analysed in the context of political, economic and strategic imperatives which
made it necessary for Britain to continue to seek South Africa's co-operation within the Commonwealth.
This thesis also describes how the African and Asian influence began to be felt within the Commonwealth on racial issues. This influence was to become particularly important during the crucial period after the Sharpeville incident. The attitudes of Britain and other Commonwealth countries at the two crucial conferences of 1960 and 1961 are re-examined. The attitude of extra-parliamentary organisations in South Africa towards the Commonwealth connection is an important theme of this thesis in addition to the other themes mentioned above. It is demonstrated how Indian and African opinions became increasingly hostile towards what was seen as British and "white" Commonwealth "appeasement" of South Africa. These attitudes are surveyed in the context of an increasing radicalisation of black politics in South Africa. The movement by English and Afrikaans-speaking white South Africans toward a consensus on racial and foreign policy is also examined. Finally, the epilogue to this thesis discusses the return of South Africa to the Commonwealth in 1994. It includes a brief survey of developments in the Commonwealth attitude to South Africa since 1961.History
D. Litt. et Phil. (History)
10
Valkoun, Jaroslav. "Postoj Velké Británie a jejích dominií ke konstitucionálním otázkám v rámci Britského impéria v letech 1917 - 1931." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-333579.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is focused on the analysis of constitutional relations between the mother country and its Dominions. The constitutional problems along with foreign and economic policy formed one of the most significant and interesting chapters in British imperial history. The thesis analysed the formation of the first Dominions, the question of the constitutional position of the Dominions, a gradual change of the then used imperial terminology (the term British Empire vs. the term Commonwealth), and a working of system of Colonial (Imperial) Conferences in connection with the significance of the second influential imperial institution - the Imperial Defence Committee. The thesis deals with establishment of the Imperial War Cabinet, and organising the Imperial War Conference. A constitutional resolution was adopted that once and for all rejected the vision of the federalisation of the Empire and launched post-war discussions on the modification of constitutional relations between individual autonomous countries of the Commonwealth, which culminated during the Imperial Conference of 1921. The circumstances and discussions that accompanied the Chanak Incident, the Lausanne Conference, the British- Japanese alliance, the Imperial Conference of 1923, the Geneva Protocol and the Locarno Pact, all were...
Books on the topic "Great Britain. Foreign and Commonwealth Office"
1
Great Britain. Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Foreign & Commonwealth Office. 2nd ed. London: HMSO, 1993.
Find full text
2
Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons. Committee of Public Accounts. Foreign and Commonwealth Office manpower. London: H.M.S.O., 1991.
Find full text
3
Great Britain. National Audit Office., ed. Foreign and Commonwealth Office: Manpower. London: H.M.S.O., 1990.
Find full text
4
Great Britain. Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The Foreign & Commonwealth Office: British diplomacy in action. London: Foreign & Commonwealth Office, 1995.
Find full text
5
Great Britain. Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The Foreign & Commonwealth Office: British diplomacy in action. London: The Office, 1995.
Find full text
6
Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons. Committee of Public Accounts. Foreign and Commonwealth Office: Qualification of accounts, 1989-90. London: H.M.S.O., 1991.
Find full text
7
Great Britain. Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Foreign & Commonwealth Office: The Government's expenditure plans 2000-01 to 2001-02. London: Stationery Office, 2000.
Find full text
8
Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons. Committee of Public Accounts. Foreign and Commonwealth Office: Visa entry to the United Kingdom : the entry clearance operation : seventh report of session 2004-05. London: Stationery Office, 2005.
Find full text
10
Office, Great Britain Foreign and Commonwealth. British diplomacy in action. London: HMSO, 1995.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Great Britain. Foreign and Commonwealth Office"
1
Boxhoorn, Bram, and Giles Scott-Smith. "Appendix: Memorandum from the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Global Britain), March 2018." In The Transatlantic Era (1989–2020) in Documents and Speeches, 206–12. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003159551-62.
Full text
2
Frankel, Francine R. "Kashmir." In When Nehru Looked East, 54–99. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190064341.003.0003.
Full textAbstract:
India’s suspicion of US motives set in during the first India-Pakistan war over Kashmir in 1950, after the Hindu maharaja of Muslim majority Kashmir acceded to India. Great Britain, considering that Kashmir should join Muslim-majority Pakistan and that India-Pakistan cooperation was essential to Commonwealth defense, feared India could exercise its legal right to self-defense after tribesmen aided by Pakistan invaded across the northern border. Foreign Office records reveal how the British acted behind the scenes in the UN Security Council to block a discussion of India’s request to remove the tribesmen from Azad Kashmir as the condition for holding a plebiscite. The United States, influenced by the British, appeared to Nehru as the power behind the hostility toward India, while seeking a Cold War bastion in Kashmir.
3
Wight, Martin, and DAVID S. YOST. "British Policy in the Middle East." In History and International Relations, 112–24. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192867476.003.0009.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract After the Second World War, Britain withdrew from many overseas possessions and spheres of influence. “No Great Power in history has ever given up so much, in so short a time, so gracefully.” However, Nasser’s nationalization of the Suez Canal in 1956 evoked “profound emotion” in Britain. The Suez crisis brought the British back to their foreign policy debate of the 1870s, including the principled protests against Disraeli’s policy. Britain’s greatest material interests in the Middle East were control of the Suez Canal (shares purchased by Disraeli in 1875) and the Anglo Persian Oil Company (shares purchased by Asquith in 1914), both regarded as essential elements of continuing British command of the seas. The settlement in the Middle East after the First World War left London with various responsibilities, including “a general tutelage of the Arab world, and a Jewish National Home.” Both represented a “move out of the field of concrete interests into the more dangerous and uncertain realm of emotions and loyalties.” Britain’s “long balancing act between Arabs and Jews went through three phases”: believing it possible to satisfy both Zionist and Arab aspirations, making concessions to the Arabs, and pursuing incoherent policies regarding Palestine and the establishment of Israel. The pro-Arab biases of the Foreign Office may be attributed to oil interests and anti-Semitic attitudes, among other factors. The Suez crisis is “singularly rich” in irony, including Britain’s undermining its Commonwealth ties and its role as a champion of international law.
4
"Letter dated 16 June 1995 from the legal adviser to the foreign and commonwealth office of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, together with written comments of the United Kingdom." In Pleadings, Oral Arguments, Documents, 162–243. United Nations, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/9789210014274c012.
Full text
5
"Letter dated 16 June 1995 from the legal adviser to the foreign and commonwealth office of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, together with written comments of the government of the United Kingdom." In Pleadings, Oral Arguments, Documents, 674–778. United Nations, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/9789210014298c039.
Full text
6
"2 ‘The most important event since the armistice’: the Foreign Office and Rapallo." In Great Britain, Germany and the Soviet Union, 19–32. Boydell and Brewer, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781846150821-005.
Full text
7
Hansen, Randall. "Labour and Party Competition: The Race Relations Act, 1965." In Citizenship and Immigration in Post-war Britain, 127–52. Oxford University PressOxford, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198297093.003.0006.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In the end, the sound and fury of Gaitskell’s embittered attack on immigration control signified nothing, and both parties settled into a quiet acceptance of the 1962 system of control. The Colonial Office continued to resist the Ministry of Labour’s position—it disagreed with the Ministry of Labour’s pessimistic view of the economic situation in early 1962 and argued for a generous quota on Category C vouchers (for the unskilled) —but its intluence was on the wane. It had decisively lost the argument over control, and the process of decolonization led inevitably to its marginalization within the Cabinet. The winding down of Empire removed the Colonial Office’s raison d’etre; the ministry was merged with the Commonwealth Relations Office (CRO) in 1966, closed in 1967, and the CRO was in turn merged with the Foreign Office in 1968. There was after 1962 no question of rescinding the 1962 Act. The continued pressure of immigration, particularly from India and Pakistan, meant that no one would seriously consider abandoning controls that had been presented as temporary. ll n’yarien d’aussi permanent que le provisoire, as the French say.
8
Frei, Gabriela A. "The Law of Neutrality and State Practice." In Great Britain, International Law, and the Evolution of Maritime Strategic Thought, 1856–1914, 43–87. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198859932.003.0004.
Full textAbstract:
Chapter 3 explores how Great Britain applied and implemented its neutrality policy after 1870, building a coherent state practice based on its Foreign Enlistment Act. Several case studies from various conflicts after 1870 highlight the main areas of dispute between neutral Great Britain and belligerent powers, dealing with the sale of ships, coaling, contraband, and the destruction of ships. More broadly, the chapter shows the challenges which Great Britain faced in the application of its domestic legislation. It shows the important role of the Foreign Office and the Law Officers of the Crown in dealing with these matters, and how they shaped the understanding of neutrality more generally.
9
Aganson, Olga I. "Great Britain and the problem of the "Balkan equilibrium" in 1939." In Russia: A Look at the Balkans. Eighteenth - Nineteenth Centuries. On the 100th anniversary of Irina S. Dostyan's, 513–28. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8570.2021.21.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyses British policy in the Balkans in the context of the aggravated international instability on the eve of the Second World War. London’s actions appeared to be reactive as it had to modify its approaches to Southeastern Europe due to advancing expansion of the Third Reich aiming at making Balkan economies dependent from Berlin as well as interfering with internal affairs of local countries. It is revealed that incoherency and controversies of the British policy in the Balkan region were caused by the weakening British position within the international system, on the one hand, and Foreign Office ignorant attitude to the specific character of Balkan developments, on the other hand.
10
Ingram, Edward. "Shows of Strength, 1818-1823." In Britain’s Persian Connection 1798-1828, 217–42. Oxford University PressOxford, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198202431.003.0009.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract At the foreign office Castlereagh was failing to persuade the Russians to treat Europe and the Middle East as one states system or to concede that Great Britain, as an Asiatic power, had as much right as Russia to influence in the Ottoman Empire and Persia. At the same time the government of India, following Lord Minto’s rule, was trying to separate the Middle East from India. A forward policy designed to protect trade in the Persian Gulf should not be jeopardized by Qajar claims to sovereignty. By 1822, however, the government of India was asking the question the foreign office would try to avoid answering for another ten years: what would happen if the Qajars, crossed by the British, turned to Russia for support? And if Russia did take up the issues left unresolved by the treaty of Bucharest in I 8 I2 and the treaty of Gulistan in I8I3, would the Qajars give way to Russia in Transcaucasia in return for compensation in areas in which Great Britain must bar their way?