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1
Shkitin, D. I. "The Problem of Sources and Proved Knowledge in History: Operation “Legacy” and Transfer of Power in India." History 18, no. 8 (2019): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2019-18-8-18-28.
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Great Britain implemented a model of transfer of power in India by granting independence to the country while preserving its place in the Commonwealth of Nations. The key element was handing over governance by Imperial authorities to local forces by legal means. The transfer of power led to the building of nation-states in former British India. The completion of the process marked a new stage for contemporary India and enabled Indian political institutions to operate on the basis of the British Empire’s legacy since that time. Therefore, the legacy’s values were important features of the power transfer. However, the Imperial legacy had material representation in numerous official documents kept in colonial offices. Some documents being witnesses of the British governance were eliminated by Britain’s ‘Operation Legacy.’ During the Operation, some of the official papers were incinerated, while others retained under the title of ‘legacy papers’. A connection between the transfer of power and Operation Legacy has not been explored to date, but one may exist. Some questions are: could the two processes, one of which had finished in 1947 and the other had commenced, supposedly, in 1947, be interconnected? Could the transfer of power have influenced Operation Legacy, and could Operation Legacy, in turn, have become a part of other colonial power transfers by Britain after Indian independence? The article aims to investigate how Britain’s experience in India influenced its developing Operation Legacy in other colonies and whether it later changed the practices of transfer of power. The author discusses why the first indications of a well-organized Operation Legacy emerged in Ceylon in late 1947, when Ceylon sought independence. This became known as the result of the internal inquiry by the Foreign Office, also known as the Cary Report.
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Won, Tae Joon. "Britain's Retreat East of Suez and the Conundrum of Korea 1968–1974." Britain and the World 9, no. 1 (March 2016): 76–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2016.0215.
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This article examines the discussions and decisions which occurred within the British government concerning Britain's military involvement in the Korean peninsula at a time when Britain was pulling out of its military obligations in Asia – colloquially known as the ‘retreat East of Suez’ – in the late 1960s and the early 1970s. After the end of the Korean War, Britain created the Commonwealth Liaison Mission in Seoul and provided a frigate for use in Korean waters by the American-led United Nations Command and British soldiers for the United Nations Honour Guard. When relations between North and South Korea reached crisis point at the end of the 1960s, London was concerned that Britain could be entangled in an unaffordable military conflict in the Korean peninsula. The Ministry of Defence therefore argued for the abolition of the commitment of the British frigate, but the Foreign Office opposed this initiative so as to mitigate the blow to Anglo-American relations caused by Britain's refusal to commit troops to Vietnam. When Edward Heath's government negotiated a Five Power Defence Agreement with Singapore, Malaysia, Australia and New Zealand in April 1971, the Ministry of Defence was, despite the objections of the Foreign Office, finally successful in repealing the frigate commitment for reasons of overstretching military resources. Furthermore, the Ministry of Defence then called for the abolition of the Commonwealth Liaison Mission altogether when it was then discovered that the British contingent of the United Nations Honour Guard would have to fight under the command of the United Nations Commander in case of a military conflict in the Korean peninsula. But this proposal too was rebuffed by the Foreign Office, concerned that such a move would greatly damage Anglo-Korean relations at a time when Britain was considering establishing diplomatic relations with North Korea.
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Cullen, Poppy. "‘Why does Africa matter and what should be our aim?’ British Foreign Policy, the Commonwealth, and the 1965 East and Central African Heads of Missions Meeting." Britain and the World 15, no. 2 (September 2022): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2022.0388.
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This article explores British decolonisation through the lens of the first meeting of Britain’s Heads of Missions (Ambassadors and High Commissioners) in East and Central Africa in May 1965. The meeting gives a unique insight into the thoughts and ambitions of a select group of senior diplomats as they offered their ideas of what policy should be and assessed Britain’s historical and contemporary relationship with Africa. Mid-1965 was a moment when multiple, if limited, options were available as the British government sought to reconfigure relationships and preserve influence in former colonies. The meeting is significant in a number of ways. Firstly, the meeting was an expression of power relations between different government departments in Whitehall, with the Commonwealth Relations Office valuing Africa more than the powerful Foreign Office; secondly, it reinforced the diplomats’ sense of their position as supposed ‘experts’ on Africa, more advanced and rational than the Africans with whom they worked; thirdly, it revealed official beliefs that Britain was the more powerful partner in relationships with Africa, able to exert influence though ongoing bilateral relationships and the Commonwealth.
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Brown, Chris. "On Morality, Self‐interest and Foreign Policy." Government and Opposition 37, no. 2 (April 2002): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00093.
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A Change Of Government In Britain Does Not Necessarily Imply a change in foreign policy, but when Robin Cook entered the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) in May 1997 it was with the ambition of bringing about a break with the past. The FCO was endowed for the first time with a ‘Mission Statement’, in which spreading the values of human rights, civil liberties and democracy (‘mutual respect’) was described as a benefit to be secured through foreign policy; the new Foreign Secretary elaborated this ambition at the launch of the Mission Statement, asserting: The Labour Government does not accept that political values can be left behind when we check in our passports to travel on diplomatic business. Our foreign policy must have an ethical dimension and must support the demands of other peoples for the democratic rights on which we insist for ourselves. We will put human rights at the heart of our foreign policy.
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Antic, Cedomir. "Crisis and armament economic relations between Great Britain and Serbia 1910-1912." Balcanica, no. 36 (2005): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536151a.
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On the eve of the 1914-18 war, Great Powers had competed for influence in the Balkans. While preparing for the war with the Ottoman Empire the Balkan states were ready to take huge war credits and to place big orders for weapons and military equipment. Foreign Office did not show any interest in involving British capital and industry in this competition. British diplomacy even discouraged investments in Serbian military programme before 1914.
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Orlyk, Viktoriia. "The main trends in the formation of the Great Britain’s foreign policy after Brexit." European Historical Studies, no. 18 (2021): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.04.
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The article deals with the peculiarities of forming the new trends in the British foreign policy, due to the results of the referendum on Brexit and the country’s withdrawal from the European Union. Formation of the strategic priorities for the UK foreign policy course is becoming one of the most important tasks for the political, diplomatic and expert circles. The refusal to develop a common foreign policy of the EU as a result of Brexit, sets the essential challenge for Britain: to maintain existing influence and allied relations with continental European states (primarily, due to the strengthening of bilateral relations and the preservation of the Euro-Atlantic alliance), and at the same time to establish itself as an independent center of influence, not limited to the collective will of the EU. The main provisions of the “Global Britain” concept, presented in 2016 as the doctrinal basis of the foreign policy dimension of Brexit, are analyzed. The most significant of them are the next: the promotion of the UK`s economic and security interests around the world as the basis of foreign and security policy; alliance with the United States as a major foreign policy and security priority; rethinking the partnership with the EU and giving it a new depth in the name of protecting the international order and common values; the development of cooperation within the Commonwealth to strengthen Britain’s international presence and global influence. The author identifies the key foreign policy positions of London, which are not reflected in the concept presently, but will be of key importance for the European and global securities in the short and medium terms. The positions of leading regional and world players are analyzed, the risks of aggravation of relations with Russia and China are assessed. It is summarized that because of the new global threats and risks (first of all COVID-19 pandemic and its global impact and economic consequences) the “Global Britain” concept is still in its forming.
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Tarling, Nicholas. "Making a Difference: Overseas Student Fees in Britain and the Development of a Market in International Education." Britain and the World 5, no. 2 (September 2012): 259–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2012.0057.
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International education has long existed, but between the end of the Second World War and the late twentieth century it was largely a matter of aid and scholarships. How did the current market for international education come about? It was related to the ‘massification’ of tertiary education, and, no doubt, to a diminution in the sense of post-imperial obligation. Was it also the result of a new approach to education, even a new ideology? Or was it rather the result of series of pragmatic decisions, sometimes with unintended consequences, which ideological endorsement followed rather than preceded? This paper explores the British case through an examination of records of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and the Department of Education and Science. It is one of a number of studies that seek to deepen the understanding of an essentially novel development by placing it in an historical context.
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Young, John W. "‘States not Governments’: Reforming Britain’s Practice on Diplomatic Recognition, 1973-1980." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 9, no. 1 (2014): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341268.
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Summary The subject of recognition is basic to the way in which relations are conducted between states: they cannot easily communicate if they do not recognize one another’s existence. The question is also a difficult one in international law because, in practice, governments often adopt a pragmatic approach when specific instances of recognition arise. One important difference in practice was between countries — including Britain until 1980 — that extended recognition to particular governments and those that focused simply on the recognition of states. However, in April 1980, Britain’s Foreign Secretary, Lord Carrington, announced a change in practice, so that London would ‘recognize States in accordance with common international doctrine’. This announcement followed years of discussion within the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, a discussion that was influenced by complex legal considerations over recognition and by membership of the European Community. This article investigates how and why such a change in British practice on recognition came about, showing that the British also gave consideration to a compromise solution, which would have involved tacit recognition of new governments, short of dispensing with such recognition altogether.
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Trofymenko, Mykola. "British Council as an Instrument of Public Diplomacy of Great Britain." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 35-36 (December 20, 2017): 305–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.305-312.
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Public diplomacy of Great Britain is one of the most developed in the EU and in the world. The United Kingdom has developed an extremely efficient public diplomacy mechanism which includes BBC World Service (which due to its popularity boosts the reputation and the image of Great Britain), Chevening Scholarships (provides outstanding foreign students with opportunity to study in Great Britain and thus establishes long-lasting relations with public opinion leaders and foreign countries elite) and the British Council, which deals with international diplomatic ties in the field of culture. The British Council is a unique organization. Being technically independent, it actively and efficiently works on consolidating Great Britain’s interests in the world and contributes to the development of public diplomacy in Great Britain.
The author studies the efforts of the British Council as a unique public diplomacy tool of the United Kingdom. Special attention is paid to the role of British Council, which is independent of the governing board and at the same time finds itself under the influence of the latter due to the peculiarities of the appointment of Board’s officials, financing etc.
The author concludes that the British Council is a unique organization established in 1934, which is a non-departmental state body, charitable organization and public corporation, technically independent of the government. The British Council, thanks to its commercial activities covers the lack of public funding caused by the policy of economy conducted by the government. It has good practices in this field worth paying attention by other countries. It is also worth mentioning that the increment in profit was getting higher last year, however the issue of increasing the influence of the government on the activities of British Council is still disputable. Although the Foreign Minister officially reports to the parliament on the activities of the British Council, approves the appointment of the leaders of organizations, the British Council preserves its independence of the government, which makes it more popular abroad, and makes positive influence on the world image of Great Britain. The efficiency of the British Council efforts on fulfillment of targets of the United Kingdom public diplomacy is unquestionable, no matter how it calls its activities: whether it is a cultural relations establishment or a cultural diplomacy implementation.
Keywords: The British Council, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, cultural relations, Foreign Office, Her Majesty’s Government, official assistance for development
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Devereux, David R. "State Versus Private Ownership: The Conservative Governments and British Civil Aviation 1951–62." Albion 27, no. 1 (1995): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000018536.
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Studies of post-1945 Britain have often concentrated upon political and foreign policy history and are only just now beginning to address the question of the restructuring of the British economy and domestic policy. Civil aviation, a subject of considerable interest to historians of interwar Britain, has not been given a similar degree of attention in the post-1945 era. Civil aviation policy was, however, given a very high priority by both the 1945-51 Labour government and its Conservative successors. Civil aviation represented part of the effort to return Britain to a peacetime economy by transferring resources from the military into the civil aircraft industry, while at the same time holding for Britain a position of pre-eminence in the postwar expansion of civil flying. As such, aviation was a matter of great interest to reconstruction planners during World War Two, and was an important part of the Attlee government's plans for nationalization.Civil aviation was expected to grow rapidly into a major global economic force, which accounted for the great attention paid it in the 1940s and 1950s. Its importance to Britain in the postwar era lay in the value of air connections to North America, Europe, and the Empire and Commonwealth, and also in the economic importance of Britain's aircraft industry. In a period when the United States was by far the largest producer of commercial aircraft, the task of Labour and Conservative governments was to maintain a viable British position against strong American competition. What is particularly interesting is the wide degree of consensus that existed in both parties on the role the state should play in the maintenance and enhancement of this position.
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Trystanto, Trystanto. "Small Governing Coalition in Hong Kong and its Impact on Political Freedom." Jurnal Sentris 4, no. 1 (June 16, 2023): 46–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v4i1.6346.46-60.
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Hong Kong has seen an upheaval in recent years. From the protests over the extradition law to the protests over the National Security Law, these protests are a response to the ever-encroaching hand of Beijing on political rights in Hong Kong. After the National Security Law was implemented, Hong Kong’s freedom was almost gone. One by one, pro-democracy protesters, opposition parliament members, and opposition media are being targeted and repressed. Despite the numerous protests and riots, the Hong Kong SAR government perseveres with little concession to the protesters. Why does the government of Hong Kong decided not to respect Hong Kong’s unique democratic system in China, arguably the system that has brought Hong Kong to one of the most prominent cities in the world for global interactions, and instead wish to turn it into another normal Chinese city? Why does the Hong Kong SAR government almost completely ignore the voice of the Hong Kong people? Using the framework developed by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and Alastair Smith in The Dictator’s Handbook, I argue that the small size of Hong Kong’s governing coalition (i.e., the minimum amount of support required for the leader to stay in power) and the ease in which the Chief Executive of Hong Kong rewards her allies play a significant role in this democratic backsliding. Furthermore, while the Western World reacted in outrage over this undemocratic encroachment of Beijing on Hong Kong, I argue that their sanctions on Hong Kong leaders will not play a significant role as the Chief Executive of Hong Kong does not need their support. Keywords: Hong Kong; democracy; protests; governing coalition;sanctions REFERENCES Allison, Graham. Destined for War: Can America and China Escape the Thucydides’s Trap? New York: Houghton Miflin Harcourt Publishing Company, 2017. Associated Press. “Only Hand-Picked Pro-Beijing ‘Patriots’ Get to Vote for Committee That Will Choose Hong Kong’s next Government.” The Globe and Mail, September 19, 2021. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/world/article-hong-kong-voters-to-choose-new-election committee-under-pro-beijing/. BBC News. “North Koreans Vote in ‘No-Choice’ Parliamentary Elections.” BBC News, March 10, 2019. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-47492747. Bloomberg News. “Xi Finalizes Hong Kong Election Changes, Cementing China Control.” Bloomberg, March 30, 2021. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-03- 30/china-to-form-small-group-to-vet-hong-kong-elections-scmp-says. Candice Chau. “Hong Kong Democratic Party May Breach Security Law If It Tells Members Not to Run in Election, Warns Pro-Beijing Figure.” Hong Kong Free Press, September 6, 2021. https://hongkongfp.com/2021/09/06/hong-kong-democratic-party-may-breach-security-law if-it-tells-members-not-to-run-in-election-warns-pro-beijing-figure/. CBS News. “Hong Kong Protesters Arrested as Trump Vows to Act ‘Powerfully’ against China.” www.cbsnews.com, May 27, 2020. https://www.cbsnews.com/news/hong-kong-protesters arrested-riot-police-china-2020-05-27/. Chen, Jiawen. “Why Economic Sanctions on North Korea Fail to Work?” China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 04 (January 2017): 513–34. https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500300. Cox, Gary. Making Votes Count: Strategic Coordination in the World’s Electoral Systems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. Drezner, Daniel W. “The United States of Sanctions: The Use and Abuse of Economic Coercion.” Foreign Affairs 100, no. 5 (2021): 142–54. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2021-08-24/united-states-sanctions. Foreign, Commonwealth, and Development Office, and Export Control Joint Unit. “UK Arms Embargo on Mainland China and Hong Kong.” GOV.UK, December 31, 2020. https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/uk-arms-embargo-on-mainland-china-and-hong kong. Government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. “Government Structure.” GovHK, September 2021. https://www.gov.hk/en/about/govdirectory/govstructure.htm. Grant, Charles. “Russia, China, and Global Governance.” London: Centre for European Reform, 2012. https://carnegieendowment.org/files/Grant_CER_Eng.pdf. Grundy, Tom. “‘Highly Necessary’: Beijing to Discuss Enacting National Security Law in Hong Kong Following Months of Protest.” Hong Kong Free Press, May 21, 2020. https://hongkongfp.com/2020/05/21/breaking-beijing-to-discuss-enacting-national-security law-in-hong-kong-following-months-of-protest/. Hathaway, Oona A, and Scott J Shapiro. The Internationalists: How a Radical Plan to Outlaw War Remade the World. New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 2017. Kirby, Jen. “Pro-Democracy Candidates Dominate Hong Kong’s Local Elections in a Rebuke to China.” Vox, November 25, 2019. https://www.vox.com/2019/11/25/20981691/hong-kong district-council-elections-pro-democracy. Kuo, Lily, and Verna Yu. “Hong Kong Protests: Carrie Lam Denies Offering to Resign.” The Guardian, September 3, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/sep/03/hong-kong protests-carrie-lam-denies-she-considered-resigning. Leung, Christy. “Extradition Bill Not Made to Measure for Mainland China and Won’t Be Abandoned, Hong Kong Leader Carrie Lam Says.” South China Morning Post, April 2019. https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3004067/extradition-bill-not-made measure-mainland-china-and-wont. Lo, Chloe. “Hong Kong Leader’s Approval Rating Falls to Lowest since Sept.” Bloomberg, February 17, 2021. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-02-17/hong-kong-leader-s approval-rating-falls-to-lowest-since-sept. Low, Zoe. “What Sparked Hong Kong’s Biggest Mass Arrests under National Security Law?” South China Morning Post, January 6, 2021. https://www.scmp.com/news/hong kong/politics/article/3116586/hong-kong-national-security-law-35-plus-ambition-colour. Mahbubani, Kishore, and Jeffery Sng. The ASEAN Miracle: A Catalyst for Peace. Singapore: National University of Singapore Press, 2017. Mahbubani, Kishore. Has China Won? The Chinese Challenge to American Primacy. New York: PublicAffairs, 2020. Mahtani, Shibani, Tiffany Liang, Anna Kam, and Simon Denyer. “Hong Kong’s Pro-Democracy Parties Sweeping Pro-Beijing Establishment aside in Local Elections.” The Washington Post, March 30,2020. https://web.archive.org/web/20200330160031/https://www.sfchronicle.com/news/article/Record-turnout-in-Hong-Kong-election-seen-as-a-14858897.php. Mesquita, Bruce Bueno de, and Alastair Smith. The Dictator’s Handbook : Why Bad Behavior Is Almost Always Good Politics. New York: Public Affairs, 2012. Olorunnipa, Toluse. “As Trump Puts Partisan Spin on Federal Aid for States, Republicans and Democrats Warn of Coming Financial Calamity.” Washington Post, April 27, 2020. https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/as-trump-puts-partisan-spin-on-federal-aid-for states-republicans-and-democrats-warn-of-coming-financial-calamity/2020/04/27/a542f19e 889a-11ea-8ac1-bfb250876b7a_story.html. Registration and Electoral Office of the Government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. “REO : Who May Register / How to Register - Functional Constituencies.” Reo.gov.hk. Accessed October 19, 2021. https://www.reo.gov.hk/en/voter/FC.htm. Reuters. “U.S. Condemns ‘Unjustified Use of Force’ in Hong Kong: Senior Official.” Reuters, November 18, 2019, sec. Emerging Markets. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hongkong protests-usa-idUSKBN1XS06A. ———. “U.S. Condemns China’s New Security Law for Hong Kong, Threatens Further Actions.” Reuters, June 30, 2020, sec. APAC. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-china hongkong-security-usa-idUSKBN2412N9. Roantree, Anne Marie, Greg Torode, and James Pomfret. “Special Report: Hong Kong Leader Says She Would ‘Quit’ If She Could, Fears Her Ability to Resolve Crisis Now ‘Very Limited.’” Reuters, September 3, 2019. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hongkong protests-carrielam-specialre-idUSKCN1VN1DU. Sanjaya, Trystanto. “Analyzing the ‘Democracy vs. Autocracy’ Advocacy of the Biden Administration in the Upcoming US-China Great Power Competition from the Perspective of National Interest .” Tamkang Journal of International Affairs 26, no. 4 (2023): 47–98. Subcommittee on Decision of the National People's Congress on Improving the Electoral System of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. The Amended Annex I and Annex II to Basic Law, LC Paper No. CB(4)703/20-21(01) § (2021). https://www.legco.gov.hk/yr20- 21/english/hc/sub_com/hs102/papers/hs10220210331cb4-703-1-e.pdf. Tong, Kurt. “Hong Kong and the Limits of Decoupling.” Foreign Affairs, July 26, 2021. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/asia/2021-07-14/hong-kong-and-limits-decoupling. United Nations Treaty Collection, Joint Declaration of the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of the People's Republic of China on the Question of Hong Kong, Vol. 1399, (New York, 1994), 62 United States Department of the Treasury. “Treasury Sanctions Individuals for Undermining Hong Kong’s Autonomy | U.S. Department of the Treasury.” home.treasury.gov, August 7, 2020. https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/sm1088. Weeks, Jessica L.P. Dictators at War and Peace. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2014. Xinhua. “Hong Kong Must Be Governed by Patriots.” Global TImes, November 12, 2020. https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1206580.shtml. 香港中联办. “中华人民共和国香港特别行政区基本法附件二香港特别行政区立法会的产生办法和表 决程序.” Hong Kong Liaison Office, March 30, 2021. https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/h6q6yzNwNXuJZ55bx98lFQ.
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Meyer, Lorenzo. "El ocaso británico en México. De las causas profundas a los errores políticos." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 11, no. 1 (January 1, 1995): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051909.
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At the beginning of the twentieth century, British investors maintained a close relationship with the Mexican government. By 1940 the relationship had ended. Such an ending was as much the result of Britain's decline as a world power as the consequences of a series of political mistakes made by the British Foreign Office. The Mexican Revolution and its nationalism were incomprehensible and unacceptable to British decision makers. In the political struggle that followed between the two countries, Great Britain lost an opportunity to reestablish its influence in Mexico, leaving the United States in a more advantageous position.
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Mikheiev, Andrii. "The Image of Ukraine in Great Britain during 1919–1920s." Kyiv Historical Studies 12, no. 1 (2021): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.13.
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The article examines the evolution of the image of Ukraine in the intellectual discourse of the British Empire immediately after the First World War, i.e., during 1919–1920s. This period was marked, on the one hand, by the continuation of the national liberation struggle within Ukraine and, on the other hand, by discussions on the post-war arrangement of Europe and the world at the Paris Peace Conference. Great Britain, as one of the victors in the war, as well as one of the most powerful states at the time, took an active part in these discussions, and the future of Ukrainian lands significantly depended on its position. Therefore, it seems interesting to trace the image of Ukraine that has developed among British intellectuals and politicians at this time, because it also made impact on the attitude of British diplomats to the Ukrainian question at the Paris Peace Conference. To achieve that goal, the article will analyze the attempts of the UPR Directory to establish contacts with British diplomats, the works of the famous British geographer and geopolitician Gelford Mackinder, the views of a prominent British statesman of the 20th century, and during 1919–1920s the Minister of War Winston Churchill, a booklet on Ukraine, issued by the Foreign Office in 1920, as well as the position of the then first man in the UK, British Prime Minister David Lloyd-George. Such a comprehensive view will provide a better understanding of the British vision of the Central and Eastern Europe region in general, and Ukraine in particular, in the context of that time.
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Osojnik, Janez, Gorazd Bajc, and Mateja Matjašič Friš. "Koroška leta 1919 in ozadje sprejetja odločitve o plebiscitu – britanski pogled in reakcije v slovenskem tisku." Studia Historica Slovenica 20 (2020), no. 2 (September 30, 2020): 525–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.32874/shs.2020-15.
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On the one hand, the article, basing on the analysis of British sources and most relevant scientific literature, discusses events in the Southern part of Carinthia through the perspective of the Foreign Office of Great Britain which was, at the time, one of the countries who determined the post-war world. On the other hand, the article shows how the situation, especially the question of indivisibility of the Klagenfurt Basin, was viewed by the most important Slovenian papers. The article chronologically encompasses the period between the beginning of the year 1919 and the signing of the Saint Germain Peace Treaty, which sealed the fate of the Klagenfurt Basin with the plebiscite.
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Onishchenko, Anton Germanovich. "The evolution of Britain’s policy in Egypt after signing of the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936 (August 1936 – April 1938)." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 2 (February 2021): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.2.35391.
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The object of this research is the policy of Great Britain in Egypt from August 1936 to April 1938. The subject of this research is the trends in Foreign Office policy and local British authorities concerning Egypt in the context of external and internal challenges. Major attention is given to the situation that formed after signing the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936. The author explores Britain’s responses to the aggressive policy of Italy in the region, as well as during the “palace crisis” in Egypt, which followed the death of King Fuad and transition of the throne to his son Farouk. These events threatened Britain’s presence in the region, which the Empire has been fighting for since the middle of 1930s. The scientific novelty consists in introduction of new sources, namely the diaries of the British High Commissioner Miles Lampson. The author notes that Great Britain continues to soften the style of governance and avoid hash and radical decisions. For example, the antagonism with Italy was settled by diplomatic negotiation and led to signing the Anglo-Italian Agreement in April of 1938. In terms of the domestic political situation, the “palace crisis had been overcome using soft means by creating a positive balance of power for Britain’s presence in the Egyptian political system, as well as through negotiations with anti-British forces.
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Lutsenko, Nazarii. "FUNDAMENTAL INDICATION OF THE «SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP» BETWEEN THE USA AND GREAT BRITAIN." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 16 (2023): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2023.16.5.
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The aim of this article is to shed light on the phenomenon of «special relations» between the United States of America and Great Britain. Despite the fact that the topic gained considerable attention in the academic literature and the term «special relations» is applied to different states and regions, it is necessary to understand its origins. The purpose of the article is to investigate the phenomenon of American-British relations, to analyze the historical and political view of the problem, and to formulate the characteristics of the relations between the United States and the United Kingdom. Chronological limits are determined by the first mention of the term in 1946 and the presidential term of D.Trump, who managed the office in 2017–2021. Methodology of the article. Hypotheses were tested through historiographical analysis and the historical-comparative method were used to analyze published studies on the history of «special relations». The scientific novelty of the study consists in determining the peculiarities of relations between the United States and Great Britain during the tenure of Donald Trump. Therefore, the «special relationship» is a unique historically formed complex of interaction between the USA and Great Britain, which is manifested in various spheres of public life: political (to have an opportunity for better implementation of their own foreign policy), military (the USA and the United Kingdom have an unprecedented level of mutual trust and cooperation in the field of intelligence and nuclear programs), cultural (the historical memory of both nations makes American and British society sensitive to the problems of their «English-speaking neighbours»). We consider it necessary to highlight the following features of American-British relations:the long-term historical interaction that brought the two nations closer together and laid the foundation for relations between the United States and Great Britain; the common ideology of liberalism; cooperation provides an opportunity to better implement one’s own foreign policy; close relations between political figures of states; relations are characterized by periodic «approaching and distancing», which create new challenges for the allies. Each of these features is traced in the relations between the USA and Great Britain and during the administration of Donald Trump. Both states faced a number of challenges in international politics, due to the crisis state of the modern system of international relations. The governments of the United States and the United Kingdom have demonstrated the ability to compromise in critical situations, that proves the uniqueness of such an alliance.
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Komisarenko, Serhii. "How We Started our Work in Not-So-Foggy Albion." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 186–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-9.
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The article describes separate and the most interesting episodes of work of its author Serhii Komisarenko during his service as the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Being the academician of the NAS and NAMS of Ukraine, Serhii Komisarenko was appointed Ambassador in London in 1992 and worked in this position for six years – until 1998.The article also describes the building of the Embassy, how it was established, reconstructed and designed, tells about authors of presented works of art. In his article, the author draws special attention to the communication with the Queen of the Great Britain – during the ceremony of presenting credentials in Buckingham Palace and the annual diplomatic royal reception of ambassadors. At the end of author’s appointment in London, he paid several parting visits to the members of the Royal family and ministers. The author had also an opportunity to meet the Queen before the leave. The author also mentions the fire at Windsor Palace, when the oldest and most important part of the palace, St. George’s Chapel, was destroyed. During the work, the Embassy constantly felt the support of the Foreign Office and other official circles of Britain. They showed great interest in the Ukrainian diplomatic mission and the development of cooperation with Ukraine. The result was the opening of the British-Ukrainian Chamber of Commerce in London in 1997, which still operates today. The author of the article expresses sincere gratitude to his colleagues for the creative and friendly atmosphere that prevailed at the Embassy, and for the fruitful work they have done in those years for the benefit of our country. Keywords: the United Kingdom, the Queen of the Great Britain, Antarctic station, Ukrainian-British Chamber, Ukraine, Embassy.
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Labutina, Tatiana L. "“Two-Faced Janus”: Was Chancellor Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin in the Service of the British?" Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (July 19, 2024): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0130386424030035.
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Reviewing the policy pursued by a prominent Russian statesman, head of the foreign policy department during the reign of Empress Elizaveta Petrovna, Chancellor Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin, the author assesses his relations with the British ambassadors in the period between 1746 and 1756 somewhat differently compared to other historians. Great Britain, which was actively participating at that time in the War of the Austrian Succession (1740–1748), and then, preparing for the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763), negotiated the lease of the Russian auxiliary military corps in exchange for the payment of cash subsidies. Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin played an active role in the negotiation process. However, whose interests was he protecting and was his service in a high public office entirely selfless? From the analysis of diplomatic correspondence between British ambassadors and the Secretary of State, the author concludes that Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin supported the British more often than not, as he was in the secret service of the British government. This is confirmed by the actions of the Chancellor, aimed at accelerating negotiations on subsidies in the interests of Great Britain, seeking to reduce their size, supporting the privileges of English merchants to the detriment of Russian interests, as well as supplying ambassadors with secret information about the armed forces of the country. The biography of the Chancellor, containing a number of dubious facts, such as documents forged by his father to prove the English ancestry of his family, an unusual acquaintance with the future King George I of Great Britain and service under him, receiving a permanent pension and expensive gifts from the British, suggests that Alexey Bestuzhev-Ryumin was recruited by the British while in the service of King George I, and therefore frequently acted in the interests of Great Britain.
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Nevezhin, V. A. "Soviet diplomat and foreign correspondents in the USSR during war: through the pages of an Palgunov’s office diary (1941-1942)." History: facts and symbols, no. 4 (December 20, 2023): 130–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2410-4205-2023-37-4-130-143.
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Introduction. This study is concerned with a problem of current interest, namely, the everyday political life of workers at the USSR Peoples’ Commissariat of Foreign Affairs during the Great Patriotic War. The novelty of the present study lies in the fact that the problem has been little investigated, while several documents are thereby introduced into general use for the first time. Materials and methods. The sources were the document complex in the Archive of Foreign Politics of the Russian Federation. The methodology is based on general scholar, special historical and source studies methods. Results. One of the components in the everyday political life of the Soviet diplomat Palgunov, who headed the Press Department in the Peoples’ Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, consisted of contacts with foreign correspondents who represented the mass media of the Allies, namely, Great Britain and the US. The correspondents were eager for getting the information concerning the war effort of the Soviet Union and the contributions into the defense of the country on the part of its citizens in the rear. However, this was hindered by the presence of strict political censorship in the USSR. The situation was aggravated by acute competition between British and American correspondents. Given these conditions, Palgunov acted as a kind of referee who was called upon to aid, both in obtaining information on the situation on the front and for help in the needs of their everyday life. Conclusions. The present author used the unpublished job diary of Palgunov for 1941–1942 to get a more accurate list of the British and American correspondents who were accredited in the USSR during that period of time. When combined with Palgunov’s memoirs, this source was used to present a true picture of how the Press Department was interacting with foreign correspondents. This author emphasized subjects such as the peculiarities in the activity of foreign correspondents in Moscow and Kuibyshev and in questions relating to the organization of their trips to the front zone. It has been found why they blamed Palgunov for bureaucracy and incompetence.
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Graff, Karol. "Review: Kaczorowski, B. (2022). Wojna Salazara. Polityka zagranicz-na Portugalii w okresie drugiej wojny światowej." Perspektywy Kultury 43, no. 4/2 (December 29, 2023): 703–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2023.430402.40.
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The book written by Bartosz Kaczorowski depicts Portuguese foreign policy in the period of World War II which is silhouetted against the international situation and the ideological rudiments of Estado Novo. The author presents the goals of Salazar’s policy and its methods in this period. This topic, as Kaczorowski shows, was almost unknown not only to Polish historiography, but also did not find an objective and holistic approach nor in Portuguese publications, nor in texts of other foreign scholars. Even though, some aspects of Portuguese foreign policy during World War II have their comprehensive studies (the question of the Azores, relations with the Jewish population). That is why the author was supposed to conduct the extensive query in libraries and archives primarily abroad (the archive of Portuguese Foreign Office, other archives in Portugal, USA, Spain, Great Britain, France, Italy and Ireland). Thanks to this query was completed significantly the source material known by historians and thorough and conscientious work of the author is definitely commendable. The big advantage of the book is also the presence of original quotes (mainly in English or Portuguese) in the notes, because they can help in better understanding of the test.
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Knyazeva, Irina G., and Daria M. Ivanova. "Broadkast of the film’s box office." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Economics 18, no. 2 (August 31, 2020): 24–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/1812-3988.2020.18(2).24-37.
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The film industry is a relatively young, but at the same time, promising and continuously growing branch of the world economy with a market volume of more than 100 billion US
dollars. Russia is also an active participant in the global film industry. This is due to both the
growth of film production and the growth of consumption of products of the world film industry.
The possibility of obtaining high returns, which is accompanied by high risks, makes market
participants, from producers to potential investors, to look for any ways to reduce the risks of
investing in this industry. The film as an investment project has its own risks, profitability and
other characteristics of any other investment project. That is why it is important to find a way to
predict the success of this film project in the form of a forecast of its box office, as the main
source of profitability. Because of the globalization process here are also importance of searching any universal tool for predicting the success of box office not only in the country of origin,
but also beyond, in the territory of other countries. In this paper, the authors will select a universal tool for forecasting box office of both foreign films and films of domestic production in order
to reduce investment risks of investing in the film as an investment project. According to the
results of the research, the selected tool was tested in practice by creating an interface for its
application in Microsoft Exel and then calculating the forecast of box office, finding the forecast
error of two projects: the box office of a foreign film co-produced by the United States and Great
Britain named "Three billboards on the border of Ebbing, Missouri" in the Russian film market
and the film produced by Russian company "Ice" in the Russian and Chinese film markets.
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PERUZZI, ROBERTO. "Leading the Way: The United Kingdom's financial and trade relations with Socialist China, 1949–1966." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 1 (December 21, 2016): 17–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000317.
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AbstractThis article aims to deepen scholarly understanding of the special political and economic connection between Britain and Socialist China during the 1950s and the 1960s. After 1949, the British government had substantive reasons to preserve a link with Beijing, despite the unfolding of the Cold War. First, British assets in China were numerous. Second, the Crown colony of Hong Kong was an indispensable strategic enclave, although militarily indefensible. Third, the Foreign Office considered that Asia should represent an exception to unquestioned British loyalty to the Atlantic alliance, since the United Kingdom needed to prove that it was able to represent and preserve Commonwealth interests in the area. The article will point out that the United Kingdom maintained a privileged role as the main trading partner of the People's Republic of China (PRC) outside the Socialist bloc, thanks to the financial and commercial role played by Hong Kong. This is proved through an analysis of the fate of British financial institutions in China, which represented a favourable exception in the bleak scenario of the PRC nationalization process, as well as of the industrial development of the British colony, which was based on importing food and labour from the mainland, while serving as a financial hub in support of the PRC economy.
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KHUDAYBERDIEV, AZIZ. "Italian and British policy in Yemen between two world wars." Sharqshunoslik. Востоковедение. Oriental Studies 02, no. 02 (September 1, 2022): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/os/vol-01issue-02-13.
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Based on the documents of the National Archives of India, including diplomatic correspondence of the Foreign Office, the Ministry of Colonies, minutes of meetings classified as "secret", this article reveals the features of the policy of Italy and Great Britain in the south of the Arabian Peninsula in the 20-30s of the XX century. The relevance of this article topic lies in the fact that even after 100 years, in the 20s of the XXIst century, Yemen remains as the object of interference by the external actors, rivalry and attempts to divide this country. The article examines the methods used by Italy and Great Britain to expand their influence in the Red Sea, in particular, attempts to win over the ruler of Asir al-Idrisi and the ruler of Northern Yemen Imam Yahya. It was revealed that Great Britain and Italy focused their efforts on unleashing the Saudi-Yemeni war, aiming to weaken Yemen and Hijazo-Nejd. At the same time, each of the parties hoped to strengthen their own influence in the Red Sea basin. The article shows that Italy had certain economic interests in Yemen. The use of Yemen as a market for Italian products, the profitable trade of the famous Yemeni coffee, the monopoly on the sale of petroleum products in Yemen and other trade advantages provided by Imam Yahya in return for Italian aid, allowed the Italians to receive some additional profits. The reorientation of Yemeni trade from Aden to Massawa would significantly reduce the role of the British colony and increase the importance of Italian colony Eritrea. As a result of the study, it is concluded that the rivalry in the south of the Arabian Peninsula between Great Britain and Italy, in which the ruler of Northern Yemen, Imam Yahya, saw the threat of a new enslavement of Yemen, largely contributed to the choice of isolation policy, which, on the one hand, helped to preserve the independence of the country, but, on the other hand, slowed down the economic and socio-political progress of Yemen.
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Ivanov, Alexander G. "To the Question of Origin of the Policy of Non-Intervention in Spain in 1936 (On Materials of the Foreign Office’s Archives)." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 4 (216) (December 28, 2022): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2022-4-49-58.
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The article presents an analysis of the origin of the policy of non-intervention in the civil war in Spain in 1936. The archival materials of the Foreign Office’s fund (National Archives, London) make it pos-sible to widen greatly our knowledge about genesis and character of that policy, to argue the version about Great Britain as an initiator of non-intervention. Many factors influenced this process: interests of British monopolies, strategic and political considerations, such as anti-Communism of the elite of British society, their sympathy towards the rebels of Franco, wish of official London to make it possible for the left parties in France, neighbouring to Spain, not to acquire stronger positions. Non-intervention turned against the Spanish Republic, made it easier for Germany and Italy under cover of it to carry massive intervention on side of the rebels which ensured Franco’s victory in the civil war. On the basis of unknown documents of the Foreign Office the author gives an analysis of complicated diplomatic struggle of the Powers in the beginning of the civil war in Spain.
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Zametica, Jovan. "Sir Austen Chamberlain and the Italo-Yugoslav crisis over Albania February - May 1927." Balcanica, no. 36 (2005): 203–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536203z.
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In the Spring of 1927 a major European crisis was developing in the Balkans It concerned the rivalry between Mussolini?s Italy and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes over Albania in which, though a small and backward country, both Rome and Belgrade claimed to have legitimate political and security interests. At the time, the Italo-Yugoslav crisis was seen by many observers as containing the potential of turning into a war the Italian government in particular insisting that Belgrade was engaged in military preparations in order to launch an invasion of Albania. An important factor that made the Italo-Yugoslav rivalry over Albania possible in the first place was the country?s perennial political instability. Thus the crisis attracted considerable attention in Europe. Given the fact that France and Italy experienced strained relations, and that the Weimar Germany had only recently returned to the mainstream of the affairs of Europe following the treaties of Locarno, it was Great Britain that emerged as the chief player in attempts to defuse the emergency. Historians have paid relatively little attention to this, by now largely forgotten, episode in the diplomatic history of interwar Europe. The existing literature, however mistakenly tends to interpret the efforts of Great Britain as favoring the Italian claims in Albania. This article, which makes extensive use of primary sources from the Foreign Office, demonstrates that Foreign Secretary Sir Austen Chamberlain and all his relevant officials handled the crisis in an even-handed manner throughout and that, at times, if London exhibited any sympathy and understanding at all for either side, it was towards Belgrade rather than Rome.
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Hooper, Hayley J. "THE FUTURE IS A FOREIGN COUNTRY." Cambridge Law Journal 74, no. 1 (March 2015): 23–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197315000173.
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IN R. (Lord Carlile) v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2014] UKSC 60; [2014] 3 W.L.R. 1404, the Supreme Court held by a four to one majority (Lords Sumption, Clarke, Neuberger and Lady Hale, Lord Kerr dissenting) that the exclusion of an Iranian dissident from the UK was a proportionate interference with the Article 10 ECHR right to freedom of expression of both the dissident herself and the cross-party group of parliamentarians litigating on her behalf. The parliamentarians had wished to invite Mrs. Maryam Rajavi, the exiled leader of the former terrorist group the People's Mojahedin Organisation of Iran, to the Palace of Westminster to speak about democracy and human rights in Iran. The Home Secretary had excluded the invitee on the basis of a risk assessment formulated in cooperation with the Foreign Office. The risk assessment had concluded that admission of Mrs. Rajavi might endanger foreign relations between Britain and Iran, and British national security because of the potential risk to the safety of British diplomatic personnel based in Iran. Lord Sumption put the matter succinctly: “the future is a foreign country” and the Courts should therefore be reticent to interfere with Executive predictions in the realm of “high policy” (at para. [46]). The judgment is of great interest not only for its background facts, which concern the often fraught and complicated diplomatic relationship between the UK and Iran, but principally because the decision engages central constitutional questions regarding the institutional competence of the courts in judicial review.
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Sreberny, Annabelle, and Massoumeh Torfeh. "The BBC Persian Service and the Islamic Revolution of 1979." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 3, no. 2 (2010): 216–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187398610x510029.
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AbstractThis paper is the second part of a work in progress that examines the impact of seventy years of BBC Persian broadcasts to Iran. The Persian Service, established in December 1940, was originally set up by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) as one of thirty-eight language services broadcasting to strategically important areas of the world during World War Two. The first piece of research looked at three historic moments when the influence of BBC Persian broadcasts was hotly debated: the toppling of the pro-German Shah of Iran, Reza Pahlavi, in 1941; the late 1940s, when Iran's nationalist leader, Mohammad Mossadeq, championed oil nationalization and challenged the rights hitherto enjoyed by the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company; and the US-led coup of 1953 that returned the young Mohammad Reza Pahlavi to the throne. The present research focuses on a period that many Iranians consider the most influential in terms of all BBC broadcasts to Iran. The BBC Persian Service (BBCPS) became a household name during 1978, the year leading up to the revolution of 11 February 1979. Many Iranians at home and abroad tuned in to hear the latest news and developments, even as the Shah of Iran accused the BBC of fomenting revolution, an argument echoed thirty years later in the responses of the Islamic Republic to the launch of the new Persian television channel in January 2009. The research shows clearly how difficult it had become for the FCO to uphold the independence of the BBC and support their closest friend in the region when he believed that the British government must be in charge. There was indeed heated debate and discussion inside the Foreign Office as to whether Britain was sacrificing its long-term interests by allowing the BBC to continue its broadcasts when even the British ambassador in Tehran was suggesting the service should be closed down.
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Khrystova, Yuliia, Oleksiy Titarenkо, Oleksandr Cherviakov, Oleksandr Marushchak, and Serhіi Shkolа. "Experience of Some Countries of The Commonwealth of Nations in Ensuring Criminological Protection of Justice." Khazanah Hukum 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/kh.v6i1.33619.
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The article describes the experience of Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand in the field of criminological protection of justice. A combination of philosophical, general scientific and specific scientific research methods was used in the preparation of this article to find out which special actors are authorized to carry out such criminological activities, to analyze the powers and guarantees for their exercise to fulfill their tasks. The article reveals the peculiarities of interaction of special actors of ensuring the security of justice with other actors in the system of combating offenses and crimes against justice. The author emphasizes the role of the sheriff, police, and private security companies in ensuring security during the judicial process. The experience of these Commonwealth countries in identifying and counteracting possible threats to the security of justice is analyzed. The purpose of this work was to single out positive foreign experience that may be promising for implementation into the national legislation with the aim of improving activities of the Court Security Service, which is a special subject performing implementation of the function of criminological protection of justice in Ukraine. In particular, firstly, to find out which special entities are authorized to carry out the specified criminological function in certain countries of the British Commonwealth and what powers they have; secondly, what other law enforcement agencies are involved in the mechanism of ensuring criminological protection of justice and what are the features of their interaction with special subjects; thirdly, what measures they take to detect and counter possible threats to the security of justice.
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Sadova, Lyudmila. "Organization of the Russian Diplomatic Representation in the United Kingdom of Sweden and Norway at the turn of the 19th — 20th Centuries." ISTORIYA 14, no. 9 (131) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028007-6.
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The Scandinavian vector in the foreign policy of the Russian Empire was far from a priority, but at the turn of the 19th — 20th centuries, the calm and non-conflicting European North, which it remained for many years, became involved in the political and strategic interests of the great powers, primarily Russia, Germany and Great Britain, and therefore attracted the attention of Russian diplomacy. The aggravation of the Swedish-Norwegian political crisis in the 1890s — 1900s, which ended with the dissolution of the Swedish-Norwegian union and Norway's independence in 1905, caused a lot of concern to the Russian Foreign Ministry, forced it to pay attention to many issues of bilateral relations with Sweden and Norway, which had previously remained in the shadows, to closely monitor not only the development of the conflict between two Scandinavian states, but also the position of other interested great powers. The reports of the Russian envoys in the United Kingdom, who closely watched the course of events, were one of the main sources for the Foreign Ministry. The main objective of this article is to identify the peculiarities of the work of the Russian diplomatic corps in Sweden and Norway at the turn of the 19th — 20th centuries. An attempt was also made to determine the range of sources of information of Russian diplomats, the degree of influence of foreign policy tasks on the selection and presentation of information by envoys to the central office, as well as the presence of their personal attitude to the events on the Scandinavian Peninsula in diplomatic correspondence. It was concluded that the specifics of the activities of the Russian imperial mission in the United Kingdoms of Sweden and Norway was due to the peripheral position of small countries in the region in the foreign policy of the Russian Empire. The work of the mission was influenced by current foreign policy tasks, legal features of the Swedish-Norwegian union, personal preferences and the existing experience of the diplomatic representative of Russia.
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Abera, Communist G. "English-Ethiopian Relations: from the Establishment of the First Consulate to the War between the Two Countries (1848-1868)." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 2 (218) (June 23, 2023): 44–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2023-2-44-50.
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Ethiopia's international relations with Great Britain obtained their modern form under Tewodros II. It happened during his reign when the British representative office and its diplomatic mission in Ethiopia were opened. The United Kingdom was the first country to open its consulate in Ethiopia in 1848. For the British, Palmerston's opening of the consulate in Ethiopia in 1848 was a very important undertaking. However, this event was doomed to failure, as the political situation in the UK and Ethiopia made the effec-tive trade relations between them impossible. The English-Ethiopian policy of 1848-1868 can be considered as a kind of triumph of Foreign Ministers Palmerston, Russell and Prime Minister Stanley. At the same time, Emperor Tewodros of Ethiopia was very wary of the true motives of the British. The absence of an immediate response from Queen Victoria to his letter in 1862, which contained a request for military supplies, and Britain's general preference for Ethiopian neighbors did not contribute to the warm attitude of the Emperor of Ethiopia to the British consulate. Subsequently, this led to an open conflict between the two countries.
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Labutina, Tatyana. "Great Britain and Russia on the Way to Restoring Diplomatic Relations (1720–1731)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016152-5.
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The article deals with the process of restoring diplomatic relations between Great Britain and Russia in the first third of the 18th century. England was the first country with which Russia established diplomatic relations 465 years ago. During this time, the countries have passed a difficult and thorny path of interaction. Often there were open military conflicts between them, and sometimes it simply came to the severance of diplomatic relations. One of these events occurred in the reign of Peter I on 14 December in 1720 year. Although diplomatic relations were interrupted, trade between the states continued to develop. The trade volume was reduced due to political tensions, which caused significant damage to the economy of England. In this regard, the British began to take active steps to establish diplomatic relations. The analysis of the correspondence between two British diplomats, T. Ward and C. Rondeau, and the Secretary of State of Great Britain, first undertaken in historical science, the author concludes that it was England that initiated the restoration of diplomatic relations, primarily to strengthen the position of the English merchants in Russia. The analysis of the ambassadors' dispatches gives valuable insights as to the strategy and tactics of the British Foreign Office in relation to Russia during the reign of Anna Ioannovna, as well as the motives that guided the diplomats involved in the preparatory process of establishing relations between the countries. The correspondence of the diplomats provides an opportunity to get acquainted with both their official and “secret” intelligence activities, which allows the author identify the true intentions of British diplomacy: to comprehensively study a potential rival which the British imagined Russia to be. It is also of great interest to learn more about how their mission went, what impressions they got from their visit to our country, what assessments they made about the top officials in the administration of the Russian Empire, as well as about the Russian people in general.
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Zidaru, Marian. "The Position of NATO and Great Britain on the Crisis in Soviet-Romanian Relations During the Autumn 1968 As Reflected in British Documents." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 25, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 184–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2019-0030.
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Abstract During September-November 1968 there was a crisis situation in the Romanian-Soviet relations, generated by the criticism that the Romanian government formulated for the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia on August 23, 1968. This crisis came to the attention of decision-makers in the United Kingdom and Allied bodies within NATO. Both the British Cabinet and the representatives of the North Atlantic Alliance member countries held several meetings in which the issue of Romania and Yugoslavia was discussed in the context of Soviet threats. The Secretary of State of the Foreign Office visited Romania and discussed with Nicolae Ceauşescu, Ion Gheorghe Maurer and Corneliu Mănescu. This article aims to present debates within the NATO and the UK bodies on the political crisis in the Romanian-Soviet relations from the autumn of 1968 and the position adopted by them against a possible Soviet invasion in Romania and Yugoslavia.
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Grachov, Artem. "The break-through of “Goeben” and “Breslau” in British Foreign policy." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 33 (October 7, 2021): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2021-33.113-127.
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The work analyzes the events around cruisers “Goeben” and “Breslau” in British foreign policy, and their connection with the broader problems of Foreign Office diplomacy in the Ottoman Empire and neighboring countries. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, objectivity, systematics and the use of general scientific (analysis, synthesis) and special-historical (historical-genetic, historical-comparative, problem-chronological) methods. The scientific novelty lies in the fact the multimethodology is used to the problem of cruisers “Goeben” and “Breslau” and their connection with the foreign policy of Great Britain concerning the Ottoman Empire, Constantinople, the Bosphorus and Dardanelles and the states of the region. Conclusions. The breakthrough of “Goeben” and “Breslau” is closely connected with numerous British foreign policy issues: the struggle for the Ottoman Empire, the problem of Constantinople and the Bosphorus and Dardanelles, and the confiscation of the British-built “Sultan Osman” and “Reshadie” ships. We must agree with the generally accepted opinion in historiography that the incident around “Sultan Osman” and “Reshadie” upset British-Ottoman relations and allowed German diplomacy to seize the initiative and arrange a risking undertaking with “Goeben” and “Breslau.” The result of the latter allowed the Germans to strengthen their control over the political and military affairs of the Ottoman Empire and had a corresponding effect on British foreign policy toward Bulgaria and Greece, as well as the Entente’s ally – the Russian Empire. The Foreign Office’s passivity regarding the “Goeben” and “Breslau” incidents in Russian and Soviet historiography had often been interpreted as deliberate action against Petrograd, which encroached on Constantinople, the Bosporus, and the Dardanelles. However, British sources have convincingly shown the groundlessness of these allegations.
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Ларин, А. Б. "The Ups and Downs of the Agreed Course: Russia, Britain and the Persian Crisis of 1911." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 2 (April 10, 2021): 11–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v083.
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This article covers the interaction between Russia and Great Britain on the Persian Question in 1911, when a number of internal and external factors caused a serious political crisis in Qajar Iran, which directly affected international relations in the Middle East. In late 1910 – early 1911, the Persian government initiated an invitation of foreign experts to reorganize the finances of Qajar Iran. As a result of a rather complex discussion between St. Petersburg, London and Tehran, it was decided to invite a group of American specialists headed by William Morgan Shuster, an American financial adviser who had previously been involved in similar activities in the Philippines. This choice was later proven unfortunate: in many ways, it was Shuster’s approach that provoked the emergence and contributed to the deepening of the 1911 crisis. In addition, the paper considers the main factors and stages of development of the crisis, Shuster’s role in the events, St. Petersburg’s and London’s policies on the issue, as well as the differences in the approaches of Russian and British diplomacy to its resolution. It is demonstrated that in the face of a significant threat to the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907, the Foreign Office (represented by Sir Edward Grey) displayed a willingness to make compromises on the Persian Question in order to prevent a break in diplomatic relations with Russia. At the same time, the crisis clearly demonstrated how fragile the balance of positions of the two Powers in the region was and how easily even a regional conflict can jeopardize the relationship between the two Powers in a wider context.
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Goncharenko, A. V., and T. O. Safonova. "Great Britain and the tvolution of the colonial system (end 19th – beginning 20th centuries)." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.60.
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The article investigates the impact of Great Britain on the evolution of colonialism in the late ХІХ and early ХХ centuries. It is analyzed the sources and scientific literature on the policy of the United Kingdom in the colonial question in the late ХІХ – early ХХ century. The reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of British policy in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s initiatives in the colonial question during the period under study is studied. It is considered the position of Great Britain on the transformation of the colonial system in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The resettlement activity of the British and the peculiarities of their mentality, based on the idea of racial superiority and the new national messianism, led to the formation of developed resettlement colonies. The war for the independence of the North American colonies led to the formation of a new state on their territory, and the rest of the “white” colonies of Great Britain had at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries had to build a new policy of relations, taking into account the influence of the United States on them, and the general decline of economic and military-strategic influence of Britain in the world, and the militarization of other leading countries. As a result, a commonwealth is formed instead of an empire. With regard to other dependent territories, there is also a change in policy towards the liberalization of colonial rule and concessions to local elites. In the late ХІХ – early ХІХ centuries the newly industrialized powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to seize the colonies to reaffirm their new status in the world, the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands) sought to retain what remained to preserve their international prestige, and Russia sought to expand. The largest colonial empires, Great Britain and France, were interested in maintaining the status quo. In the colonial policy of the United Kingdom, it is possible to trace a certain line related to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not to get involved in conflicts and costly measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government showed some flexibility and foresight – the relative weakening of the military and economic power of the empire due to the emergence of new states, as well as the achievement of certain self-sufficiency, made it necessary to reconsider traditional foreign policy. Colonies are increasingly no longer seen as personal acquisitions of states, and policy toward these territories is increasingly seen as a common deal of the international community and even its moral duty. The key role here was to be played by Great Britain, which was one of the first to form the foundations of a “neocolonial” system that presupposes a solidarity policy of Western countries towards the rest of the world under the auspices of London. Colonial system in the late ХІХ – early ХІХ century underwent a major transformation, which was associated with a set of factors, the main of which were – the emergence of new industrial powers on the world stage, the internal evolution of the British Empire, changes in world trade, the emergence of new weapons, general growth of national and religious identity and related with this contradiction. The fact that the First World War did not solve many problems, such as Japanese expansionism or British marinism, and caused new ones, primarily such as the Bolshevik coup in Russia and the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the implementation of the above trends stretched to later moments.
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Pribicevic, Ognjen. "British diplomacy of money and trade." Medjunarodni problemi 71, no. 2 (2019): 137–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1902137p.
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Leaving the EU is one of the major political decisions made in the UK over the past half-century. Brexit brought about a virtual political earthquake not only in EU-UK relations but also in terms of UK future place and role on the international scene. Immediately after the decision of UK citizens to leave the EU at a referendum held on 23 June 2016, the question arose as to whether the UK will lose some of its international influence, whether Scotland will remain part of the Union, whether the UK will retain its privileged relations and special status with the USA, and what its future relations with the EU will be. The purpose of this article is to point to the basic priorities of the contemporary British foreign policy as well as to place and role of the UK on the contemporary international scene particularly in view of its decision to leave the EU. We shall first try to define the status of present-day Britain in international relations. Second, we shall address the traditional dilemma of the UK foreign policy - what should be given priority - relations with the USA, Europe or the Commonwealth? After that, we shall discuss in more detail the phases the UK foreign policy went through following the end of the cold war. In the third phase, we shall analyze the British contemporary foreign and economic policy towards Gulf countries and China. In the fourth part of the article, we shall discuss relations with the USA. It should be pointed out that the article does not seek to analyze all aspects of British foreign policy, even if we wanted to, due to a shortage of time. Of course, the topic of Brexit will be present in all chapters and especially in the last one and conclusion remarks. By its decision to leave the EU, the UK appears to have given priority to its relations with the USA, China, Gulf countries as well as Commonwealth countries instead of the EU which has been economically and politically dominant over the past few decades. This decision taken by UK citizens will no doubt have a great impact not only on their personal lives and standard of living but on the UK role in international relations. Despite its military, political, economic and cultural capacities, it is highly unlikely that the UK will manage to overcome the consequences of an exit from the single market, currently generating 18 trillion dollars on an annual basis as well as the loss of a privileged partner role with the USA within the Union. We are, therefore, more likely to believe that in the foreseeable future, the role of the UK on the international scene will continue to decline and be increasingly focused on its economic and financial interests. Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. III 47010: Drustvene transformacije u procesu evropskih integracija - multidisciplinarni pristup]
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Vietrynskyi, I. "Historical, Socio-cultural and International Political Preconditions for the Emergence and Formation of the Australian Union." Problems of World History, no. 12 (September 29, 2020): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-12-4.
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The article examines the prerequisites for the creation and early stages of development of the Commonwealth of Australia from the founding of the first European colonies prior to the legal formalization of the federation. Also mentioned are the variability of approaches to the development of Australia’s historiography, in particular from the positions of classical English and modern Australian views. Also, the early stages of the development of the continent that preceded the discovery of Australia by Europeans are considered. It analyzes the wide context of geopolitical processes in Europe in the era of imperialism (XVI-XIX centuries), as well as the circumstances of the formation of large colonial empires. In particular, features of the status, place and role of England in the international political processes of the XVIІ and XVIII centuries are shown, and the stages of the formation of the British colonial empire are also considered. The complex of internal socio-economic as well as foreign policy prerequisites for the beginning of the colonization of Australia by Great Britain is analyzed, in particular the attention paid to the consequences of the British Industrial Revolution XVIII. The stages of formation of the British colonies in Australia, as well as the development of the mainland from the establishment of the first settlement - New South Wales until full control of the continent are investigated. The characteristics of the economic, social, political, demographic and other aspects of the development of Australian colonies are analyzed. The article discusses the evolution of trade and administrative relations between individual colonies, as well as the stages of preparation for the creation of a federation, which was called the Commonwealth of Australia and changed the country's colonial position to the dominion status in the British Empire. Particular attention is paid to the international political processes that accompanied the development of the Australian continent, as well as the role of colonial administrations in regional geopolitical processes, in particular the colonization of New Guinea.
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Soloviov, Borys. "The right to information in the legislation on corporate relations: national and foreign regulation experience." Scientific and informational bulletin of Ivano-Frankivsk University of Law named after King Danylo Halytskyi, no. 11(23) (June 11, 2021): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33098/2078-6670.2021.11.23.133-145.
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The purpose of the article is to carry out a theoretical and legal analysis of the right to information in national and foreign legislation on corporate relations and to develop substantiated theoretical conclusions on the improvement of national corporate legislation. Methodology. The following general scientific methods were used in the process of research object analysis: the method of analysis, synthesis, deduction, abstraction, comparison, system-structural, structural-logical methods. Comparative legal and formal legal methods have become the basis for the analysis of national and foreign corporate legislation, identification of similarities and differences in the general principles of respective legal relations regulation. Results. The study found that the right to information is a guarantee of corporate rights and legally protected interests of corporate legal entity (corporation) members, as information enables corporation members to exercise their corporate rights properly. The analysis of national legislation gives grounds to state that the legal norms enshrining the right to information in corporate legal relations and the order of its realization, are formulated unsystematically and in an abstract way. National corporate legislation acts do not contain a detailed list and types of information to which a corporation member is entitled. Scientific novelty Analysis of the main corporate legislation acts of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the Commonwealth of Australia and Canada gives ground to state that the right to information in corporate relations is considered to be the right to any information about the corporation in the Anglo-Saxon legal family. Practical significance. The need of making changes to national corporate legislation acts in the process of recodification of the civil legislation of Ukraine has been proven. It has been proposed to recognize any information about the corporation and its activities as an object of corporate relations whether this information directly or indirectly concerns the exercise of members’ corporate rights or performance of respective duties, and to detail the way of the right to information realization in corporate legal relations.
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Santalova, M. S., I. V. Soklakova, V. V. Gorlov, and A. M. Kublanov. "IMPROVING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF MANAGEMENT IN THE FIELD OF HOUSING AND COMMUNAL SERVICES: FOREIGN EXPERIENCE." Scientific Journal ECONOMIC SYSTEMS 13, no. 4 (2020): 223–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.29030/2309-2076-2020-13-4-223-229.
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The article discusses the experience of selected countries (Canada, USA, Sweden, Finland, France, great Britain) in the management of social indicators of quality of life in the housing utility complex (HUC); the conclusion is that in Russia it is necessary to change the control system for the FCC and the evaluation of management effectiveness. It is revealed that. the US experience is focused on effective achievements in this area; the UK experience allows us to highlight the constantly updated “ standards of the greatest value of public services”; the Swedish experience suggests using models of housing and communal services management that interact with the authorities. It was revealed that in Finland housing and communal services (housing and utilities) is a business. In the research the principles of assessing the performance of managers taking important public decisions in the housing sector, examines not only economic but also social efficiency of housing services in the office. It is proposed to apply the process approach the efficiency of the management of HMO (system, expert, calculation and estimation), the model «discounts», model «depreciation», to introduce a unified system of assessment of housing management in the whole country, taking into account international experience. Expert evaluation of management efficiency in housing should be charged to public organizations, operating without the intervention of the state, municipal authorities, for example, homeowners or people with housing in hiring, which will create a competitive environment in the market of housing and communal services will lead to greater choice for consumers and improve the efficiency of managerial labor in this field.
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Magadeev, I. E. "Ideas of Multipolarity in the Conceptual Frame of the Soviet Diplomacy during the Final Phases of the Great Patriotic war (1943–1945)." MGIMO Review of International Relations 16, no. 6 (January 17, 2024): 124–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2023-6-93-124-152.
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This article endeavors to delineate the conceptual landscape occupied by the notions of prospective multipolarity within the strategic discourse of Soviet diplomacy during the latter phases of the Great Patriotic War. Particular emphasis is placed on the intellectual contributions of two prominent Soviet diplomats, M.M. Litvinov and I.M. Maisky. The author substantiates these insights by drawing upon both published and archival source materials, including the diaries and records maintained by officials within the Soviet Foreign Office, as well as documents emanating from the "Litvinov commission."While the diplomatic theories formulated by Litvinov and Maisky during the years 1943–1945 have been subject to analysis by Russian and international scholars, the majority of extant scholarship has traditionally focused on the content and nuances of their perspectives on specific international "questions." Departing from this convention, this article adopts a methodological approach that seeks to explore the underlying conceptual foundations upon which the ideas of Litvinov and Maisky were constructed. Additionally, the essay introduces a novel dimension by surveying the viewpoints of other Soviet diplomats (S.A. Lozovskii, B.E. Shtein, Ia.Z. Surits, E.V. Tarle), who have garnered relatively less scholarly attention.Of paramount interest is the manner in which Litvinov and Maisky envisaged the post-World War II international landscape, albeit without explicitly employing the term "multipolarity." The article addresses critical questions, such as their perception of the global scenario following WWII, their consideration of the inevitability of Soviet-American bipolarity, and the factors and circumstances that influenced their conceptualizations. The contemporary resurgence of discussions surrounding the trajectory of multipolarity in the twenty-first century underscores the pertinence of this historical inquiry.The article's key conclusion posits that the conceptual framework embraced by Soviet diplomats during 1943–1945 was not centered on notions of bipolarity or an imminent Cold War. While acknowledging the potential escalation of tensions between the USSR and Western nations led by the USA and Great Britain, they favored collaboration among the principal powers of the antiHitlerite coalition, grounded in an implicit understanding of their respective "spheres of influence." Although Soviet Foreign Office officials did not discount the possibility of the formation of a united Anglo-American front against the USSR, they believed that Soviet diplomacy should actively work to prevent such an outcome by capitalizing on the fissures between Washington and London.
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Kupchyk, O. "ITALY IN THE FOREIGN TRADE OF SOVIET UKRAINE, 1921-1923." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 141 (2019): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.141.3.
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The circumstances under which the Soviet Ukraine established trade relations with the Kingdom of Italy in the early 1920s are revealed. The contractual basis, organizational forms of trade activity of Soviet Ukraine in Italy have been clarified. Persons of sales representatives were established (V. Vorovskyi, A. Feinstein). The role of the Ukrainian SSR Trade Representation in Rome in the foreign trade activities of Soviet Ukraine is revealed. The place of the Italian market in export and import operations of Soviet Ukraine has been determined. After studying national historiography, it was found that the trade relations of the Ukrainian SSR in the early 1920s with the Kingdom of Italy were not the subject of scientific study in contemporary Ukrainian historians. In turn, it was found that in trying to forge trade relations with Italy, the Ukrainian adviser noted that she sought to rebuild the international influence, lost after the First World War through Great Britain and France. It was informed that after the conclusion of the Preliminary Trade Agreement on December 26, 1921, Soviet Ukraine and Italy exchanged trade representatives. The duties of Soviet Ukraine’s sales representative in Italy were first performed by Russian Trade Representative V. Vorovskyi and then by Russian Trade Representative A. Feinstein. There were 5 people employed in the Ukrainian SSR’s sales office in Italy. They thoroughly explored the Italian markets (Genoa, Milan, Roman). The article shows the interest of Italian traders in Ukrainian timber, coal, scrap metal, linen cake. It is noted that the sales representatives of Soviet Ukraine initially studied the possibility of selling on the Italian market of guts, skin, horse hair, wool. They then explored the possibility of selling cattle, wheat, barley, corn, caustic soda and soda ash. It was noted that together with Russian and Italian traders the Russian-Italian Trading Company was created, which had the task not only for export-import of goods, but also for obtaining concessions by the Italian entrepreneurs in Ukraine. It has been reported that Italian workers sent food aid (sowing grain) to Ukraine for the money raised.
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Zhornokui, Yurii. "Participants in Venture Investment Relations of Innovation Activities: European Experience and Ukrainian Legal Reality." Law and innovations, no. 2 (42) (June 25, 2023): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37772/2518-1718-2023-2(42)-2.
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Problem setting. In modern economic and legal studies one may observe the tendency of refusing the usage of traditional forms of getting speculative profit and starting to use the sphere of venture investment into innovation activities, which is caused by unstable economic situation and a high probability of unpredictable crisis phenomena. However, such instability is caused by the issue of determining the range of persons who can participate in the field of venture entrepreneurship and acquire the appropriate status. At the same time, we should analyze not only the legislation and legal doctrine in Ukraine, but also the law-enforcement practice of the EU countries and Great Britain, which is stipulated by the European integration aspirations of our country. Analysis of recent researches and publications. Nowadays, it is possible to note the imperfection of the current legislation and the inadequacy of the legal doctrine in the context of determining the parties to the studied legal relations. It is applied to both Ukraine and the EU countries and Great Britain. Although it should be noted that the countries of the European Commonwealth and especially Great Britain, compared to Ukraine, have more progressive positions in this aspect. Therefore, their experience should form the basis for the further progress of the venture sector on the territory of our country. Doctrinal results of domestic and foreign experts, such as Yu. Ye. Atamanova, O. R. Kibenko, O. E. Simson, O. P. Sushch, J. Levin, G. Sutton, A. Mancuso, although contain analysis and arguments in favor of classifying certain persons or certain organizational and legal forms as participants in venture investment relations of innovative activities, but do not give an unambiguous answer to it. Purpose of the research is to analyze of European practice and legal doctrine in regard to defining the composition of participants in venture investment relations of innovative activities and the possibility of their application in the legal reality of Ukraine. Article’s main body. The Ukrainian legislator’s approach regarding the definition of the range of subjects of innovation activities does not provide answer to the question on the criterion for classifying certain individuals or legal entities as subjects of venture investment into innovation activities. We believe that such a criterion can be the fact of a person’s participation in the process of creating a new product and bringing it to its implementation into production or other spheres of activities. Venture investment accomplished by venture funds / private equity funds is significantly different from investing into debt and share financial instruments conducted by co-investment funds or other professional asset managers. Venture funds are not the separate type of legal entity, and therefore different organizational and legal forms are used for their creation abroad – starting from a joint-stock company to a simple company. Such examples of organizational and legal forms used for the placement of venture investments are the Limited Liability Company (USA), the Limited Liability Partnership (Great Britain) and the Kommanditgesellshaft auf Aktien (Germany). These organizational and legal forms occupy an intermediate position between corporations (as legal entities) and partnerships (as contractual entities). This key characteristic feature that unites the specified forms of activity and is the main reason for the orientation of their use for the development of venture investment into innovation activities, which requires a flexible legal approach in regulatory principles. At the same time, the specified organizational and legal forms, despite the fact that they were created to be used in those areas of activity that are associated with increased risk, have general legal capacity and can be used in any area of activity not prohibited by law. Conclusions and prospects for the development. The foreign legislator still has not fully resolved all the needs of the field of venture investments: 1) there is still the issue of ensuring equal or the most favorable legal conditions for the participation of foreign investors at venture investment markets; 2) creation of tax conditions and benefits of venture activities; 3) special attention is focused on the legal status of legal entities and their organizational and legal forms (at the same time, there is almost no attention to individuals, with the exception of cases when such persons place investments into objects of venture entrepreneurship or when it is related to the sphere of intellectual property relations in regard to the distribution of property and personal non-property rights to the relevant objects). Taking into account the best global experience of using organizational and legal forms for venture investment into innovative activities of the USA, EU countries and Great Britain, we offer to enshrine the norms at the legislative level (while adopting the Law «On Venture Activity in the Innovation Sphere» or «On Venture Funds») that joint-stock companies and limited liability companies are organizational and legal forms of legal entities who can be used in the field of venture investment and innovative activities
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Chernyavsky, S. I. "The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR in the City of Kuibyshev (1941-1943)." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 4 (September 4, 2020): 178–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-178-198.
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This article analyzes the work of the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR in the city of Kuibyshev (now Samara), where it was evacuated in 1941- 1943 together with other central government agencies and the diplomatic corps accredited in the USSR. Although this period was quite short, and though key decisions were, of course, made in Moscow, intense rough work was being carried out in the “reserve capital”, which ensured the solution of the tasks set by the country's leadership to the NKID apparatus.The aggression of Nazi Germany found the Soviet Union poorly prepared not only militarily, but also diplomatically. Due to the opposition of the Western powers, domestic diplomacy failed to create a collective security system to prevent the aggression of Germany, Italy and Japan. Negotiations with representatives of Great Britain and France, which were conducted in 1939, were interrupted and relations with these countries were virtually frozen.Some important strategic tasks were set before Soviet diplomacy. First of all, it was about the concentration of diplomatic activity in specific areas that could provide real assistance to the Red Army in obtaining the necessary weapons and strategic raw materials. Among other tasks were the search for allies, establishing effective military, economic and political cooperation with them, counteracting the expansion of the Nazi coalition at the expense of Sweden and Turkey, and conducting an extremely balanced policy in the Far East in order to avoid a military clash with Japan.Due to the deterioration of the military situation on the Western Front and the imminence of the capture of Moscow, on October 16, 1941, the main staff of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, headed by its Deputy Chairman A. Vyshinsky, as well as members of the diplomatic corps were evacuated to Kuibyshev (now Samara). V. Molotov and a small group of assistants remained in Moscow.The relations between the NKID and the embassies evacuated to Kuibyshev evolved differently. The level and the intensity of contacts with them largely depended on bilateral relations with the respective nations. Contacts with the embassies of Great Britain and the USA were naturally at the top of the agenda. By way of ambassadors of these countries the key tasks of forming the anti-Hitler coalition were being solved, and the dates of summit meetings were agreed upon.The crowding of the central office staff and foreign diplomats in a small regional city certainly introduced difficulties into the practical implementation of many tasks. Nevertheless, the striving for a common victory and the awareness of responsibility to their own country, united this motley crew of diplomats, and facilitated the search for compromise solutions. The return to Moscow of the employees of the People’s Commissariat and the diplomatic corps took place after the victory in the Battle of Kursk in the summer of 1943. Only at the end of 1943 Kuibyshev did finally cede its status of the capital of the USSR to Moscow.
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Tarasov, Maxim Yu. "A New Element in the Extradition Procedure." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 464 (2021): 261–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/464/29.
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The aim of the article is to justify a new element in the procedure for the extradition of a person for criminal prosecution or sentence execution. This element is the checking for compliance with internationally recognized standards of the conditions of the possible detention before trial, incarceration, as well as during transfer, in the country this person is extradited to. The source basis of the study were materials of the European Court of Human Rights, courts of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation, the Federal Penitentiary Service of Russia, the Main Directorate of International Legal Cooperation of the Prosecutor General’s Office of the Russian Federation, materials of checks of confinement conditions in Russian penitentiary institutions. Materials of checks of confinement conditions in specific penitentiary institutions have been supplemented with materials of checks of conditions for transferring prisoners in the Russian Federation. The study is based on the application of the method of participatory observation expressed in the collection of factual material during direct participation in the work of the Main Directorate of International Legal Cooperation of the General Prosecutor’s Office of the Russian Federation in organizing checks by foreign experts of the confinement conditions of prisoners when deciding on extradition. Methods of observation, interviewing, experiment, analysis, comparison, and others were also used. The analysis of the available materials and the author’s own practice showed that foreign partners began to actively use information about unsatisfactory confinement conditions in prisons in specific cases as a basis for refusal to extradite people to Russia. When deciding on the extradition of persons detained at the request of the Russian side for criminal prosecution, the practice of foreign partners has introduced the organization of regular checks of the alleged confinement conditions in the Russian Federation on specific criminal cases in relation to specific persons. In order to overcome the emerging problems, on a contractual basis, foreign authoritative specialists are organizing inspections of the conditions in various penitentiary institutions. The results of such inspections in specific penitentiary institutions are of direct importance in matters of extradition in specific cases. On the basis of this material, the need was justified to include an additional element in the theoretical and legislative model of extradition, which no one has yet mentioned in the legal literature – checking the conditions of the possible detention of the extradited person before trial and incarceration. In order to overcome the negative trends, a set of measures at three different levels has been proposed to bring the conditions of the person extradited during the transfer to Russia in line with internationally recognized standards.
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Magadeev, Iskander. "“Shadow of Empires”: Ways and Means of Stability in Central and Eastern Europe Viewed by the British Diplomats and Political Leaders in the 1920s." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013654-7.
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Using the evidence from the National Archives of Great Britain and published diplomatic documents, this article analyses the role, which the “shadow of empires” played in the British diplomatic estimates of the 1920s regarding the international stability in Central and Eastern Europe. This “shadow” is interpreted as the influence caused by the idea that the past images and realities of the international relations in Central and Eastern Europe before 1914, dominated by empires, could re-emerge. The author defined three main manifestations of this pattern. First, the fears that Germany and Russia would drift towards each other at the expense of Poland, and the feeling of risks, which emanated from the eventual growth of the Russian influence in the Balkans. Second, the British desire to reestablish the common economic space of the former Austro-Hungary in Danubian Europe. Finally, the criticism of nationalism of created/re-created states and the attempts to group them in confederations or blocs, which was rather widespread in the Foreign Office circles. The author concludes that the “shadow of empires” played a significant role in the British estimates of the post-war stability in Central and Eastern Europe though its influence and nature remained controversial. It was characterised, on the one hand, by the pragmatism and the desire to defend the British strategic and economic interests, but on the other, by the stereotypes and biased conceptions.
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Weinberg, Gerhard L. "German Documents in the United States." Central European History 41, no. 4 (November 14, 2008): 555–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938908000848.
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At the end of World War II, vast quantities of German documents had fallen into the hands of the Allies either during hostilities or in the immediately following weeks. Something will be said near the end of this report about the archives captured or seized by the Soviet Union; the emphasis here will be on those that came into the possession of the Western Allies. The United States and Great Britain made agreements for joint control and exploitation, of which the most important was the Bissell-Sinclair agreement named for the intelligence chiefs who signed it. The German naval, foreign office, and chancellery archives were to be physically located in England, while the military, Nazi Party, and related files were to come to the United States. Each of the two countries was to be represented at the site of the other's holdings, have access to the files, and play a role in decisions about their fate. The bulk of those German records that came to the United States were deposited in a section of a World War I torpedo factory in Alexandria, Virginia, which had been made into the temporary holding center for the World War II records of the American army and American theater commands. In accordance with the admonition to turn swords into plowshares, the building is now an artists' boutique.
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Antonova, Lyudmila, and Stanislav Larin. "IMPLEMENTATION OF STATE MECHANISMS FOR THE PROTECTION OF NATIONAL VALUES IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES (THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, THE UNITED KINGDOM, JAPAN)." Public Administration and Regional Development, no. 24 (January 24, 2024): 487–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.34132/pard2024.24.08.
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The protection of national interests in states outside the EU has one extremely important difference - such states do not have the necessary political, institutionalized mechanism to consolidate all resources without exception to solve this problem. Such states outside the EU have to create the necessary level of resources, including political ones, on their own to solve the problem of protecting their own national values. In this case, a situation arises in which their own resource base becomes insufficient, which requires such states to seek additional external sources of resources. This process is cyclical, and therefore forms a new global reality, when, in defense of their systems of national values, states consolidate around them either states that are identical in ethnic and cultural composition, common historical past; or through direct expansion and imposition of their own ideologies. In the article, the authors emphasize two types of states: the first, which actually defend their systems of national values, and the second, which only proclaim the values of their states. The first type of states includes the Commonwealth of Nations, which unites the countries of the Anglo-Saxon legal family. The second type includes states united by the totalitarian camp of the communist regime that existed from 1923 to 1991 and had the USSR as its center. Using the method of historicism and historical and legal analysis, the authors have made a quite logical and only correct conclusion about the effectiveness of the approaches underlying the existence of each agglomeration and union of countries. That is why the article focuses on the analysis of the process of implementation of the State mechanisms for protection of national values in countries which implement, rather than proclaim, the democratic path of development and the system of civil rights and freedoms, recognizing a person as the highest value of the State, in particular, the United States of America, Great Britain, and Japan. The authors of the article determine the application of a systematic approach to the implementation of state mechanisms for the protection of national values in foreign countries and identify their main conclusions for implementation in the domestic practice of functioning of state mechanisms for the protection of national values in Ukraine.
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Żurawski, Damian. "Implementation of intelligence and diplomatic tasks by the military attache office of the legation of the republic of poland in berlin in 1928-1932." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 189, no. 4 (October 1, 2018): 70–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.0724.
Full textAbstract:
The article presents the origins and functioning of the Military Attaché Office in Berlin in the years 1928-1932 led by Lieutenant Colonel Witold Dzierżykraj-Morawski, who carried out the intelligence activities under the guise of a military diplomat. Within the scope of his operational activities, Lieutenant Colonel Morawski established contacts with other military attachés and gathered and transmitted information on the country of residence in order to identify its military potential as well as internal and external political situation in the Weimar Republic. In his work, Lieutenant Colonel Morawski did not conduct intelligence activity of a purely operational nature, however, he managed to obtain a wide range of contacts for intelligence work, in which he used the meetings with military attachés of foreign countries, people from various circles from German pacifists and the Union of Poles in Germany as well as the environments related to the armaments industry. From 1929 to 1932 he expanded his activity to include open sources, i.e. the official press and announcements of the Ministry of the Reichswehr that gave him knowledge about the dates of the next maneuvers and detailed information about their course, which he received in a wider range from Japanese or Spanish military attachés. Moreover, he obtained information about the cooperation between Germany and the USSR, which was to serve to devalue contacts between the military attaché of Great Britain and the German military authorities. One of such information was obtained in 1931 from the military attaché of Sweden through the Finnish military attaché office. In spite of quite secretive action, in November 1931 he was accused of espionage and was expelled in March 1932. He also gave a lecture at the Center for Higher Military Studies in Warsaw (February 1932) where he presented the possible directions of attack of the German Army and the entire doctrine of combat activity of the Reichswehr.
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Zawojska, Aldona. "BREXIT IMPLICATIONS FOR AGRI-FOOD TRADE BETWEEN POLAND AND THE UK." Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XXI, no. 4 (October 17, 2019): 589–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5365.
Full textAbstract:
The article is a contribution to the discussion on the anticipated consequences of the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union for Poland’s trade relations with this country, with particular emphasis on the likely impacts of a hard or no-deal Brexit on Polish exporters. Its aim is to provide readers with an understanding of how agri-food flows between Poland and the UK (especially Poland’s exports) could be affected once the UK departs the EU. The question is important considering that, in recent years, the UK has been the second biggest importer and a net importer of agricultural and food products from Poland. The study is based on trade data from the UN Comtrade Database and Poland’s Central Statistical Office, and on tariff data from the UK’s Department for International Trade. Taking into account the possible imposition of customs duties announced thus far by the British government on the import of agri-food products from third countries in the event of a no-trade agreement with the EU, the introduction of additional non-tariff barriers, as well as increased transactional (friction) costs and complexity of doing business with foreign partners, a hard Brexit would have serious implications for Poland’s fast growing agri-food exports to the UK. It would even lead to a collapse of some Polish supplies, particularly of meat and dairy commodities, to Great Britain. The loss of two-way preferences in trade now arising from participation in the EU single market will undermine the competitiveness of Polish producers on UK’s market both against British producers and lower cost exporters from outside the EU.
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Zenkina, Elena V. "STRATEGIES AND METHODS FOR DIGITAL BUSINESS TRANSFORMATION AND THEIR USE IN COMPANY MANAGEMENT PROCESSES." Science and art of management / Bulletin of the Institute of Economics, Management and Law of the Russian State University for the Humanities, no. 1 (2023): 10–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2782-2222-2023-1-10-25.
Full textAbstract:
The article reflects strategies and methods that ensure the efficiency and performance of managing existing business processes in small and mediumsized enterprises through the use of digital technologies and digitized data. It analyzes in detail the UK’s experience in developing digital transformation policies for small and medium-sized businesses. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that in the 21st century it is a strong economic system that determines the stability and well-being of modern states. Today it is impossible to imagine a market economy without small and medium-sized businesses. In conditions of global instability, the experience of Great Britain is of particular interest, which, after more than forty years of membership in the European Union, decided to withdraw from the union and since then has been in search of new optimal models of internal and external functioning. Taking into account the qualitatively new stage of development at which the United Kingdom is now, as well as the challenges such as the consequences of Brexit, the COVID-19 pandemic, world trade wars, rising energy prices, etc., the analysis of development management and the role of the digital transformation of small and medium-sized enterprises on the example of Great Britain can be of applied use to research economists and government officials in the process of implementing appropriate measures in other countries. The research methodology includes a set of general scientific methods; historical, logical, comparative, graphic and statistical. An assessment of the impact of the innovative small and medium-sized enterprises on UK economic growth was formulated. That served as a basis for the short-term prognosis building in the development of the latter. Scientific innovation consists in a comprehensive study of strategies and methods that ensure the efficiency and performance of managing existing business processes in small and medium-sized enterprises through the use of digital technologies. In particular, the author analyzes programs aimed at developing innovations and their introduction into the real sector of the economy. She studies the UK’s experience in implementing digital transformation policies and assesses its impact on economic growth. Based on the results obtained, a shortterm forecast of trends in the level of economic sustainability of innovative small and medium-sized enterprises is made. The information base of the study was official documents and reports of the UK government, especially the Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, the Department for International Trade, the Office for National Statistics, UK legislation and regulations, analytical materials of the international consulting companies “McKinsey and Company”, “Boston Consulting Group” and “Bain and Company”. Reviews of the world trade statistics of the WTO, monographs and scientific articles of Russian and foreign specialists, as well as resources of the global Internet.