Relevant bibliographies by topics / Great Britain – Foreign relations – 18th century

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Great Britain – Foreign relations – 18th century'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023
Last updated: 19 July 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "Great Britain – Foreign relations – 18th century"

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Petrov, Alexander. "Aggravation of the Colonial Struggle in the Pacific Ocean in 1760—1770s." ISTORIYA 14, no. 10 (132) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028746-9.

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The article is devoted to the struggle for colonies in the North Pacific in the context of the interaction between Russia, Great Britain and Spain in the second half of the 18th century, with an emphasis on the voyage of J. Cook to the coast of Alaska. The activity of Russia and the Western European powers related to the intensification of efforts in the northern part of the Pacific Ocean is considered. The article notes that the region studied by us has long attracted the attention of European countries. The factors that contributed to the development of the North-West of America are revealed
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Parvev, Ivan, and Maria Baramova. "Beyond Geopolitical Logic – The Foreign Relations of the Austrian Habsburgs in The 18th Century." Istoriya-History 32, no. 6 (2024): 468–93. https://doi.org/10.53656/his2024-6-3-bey.

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The article employs the method of “retrospective geopolitical analysis” to examine the foreign relations of the Austrian Habsburgs in the 18th century. The article evaluates the degree to which Habsburg strategies were effective in navigating the evolving political landscape of Europe. At the beginning of the century, Austria was a powerful state that was expanding into Central and Southeastern Europe following its victory over the Ottomans. The Habsburgs had ambitions to conquer the entire Balkans, including Constantinople. However, Emperor Charles VI’s vision of restoring Habsburg dominance
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Petrov, A. Yu, A. N. Ermolaev, and M. M. Koskina. "The genesis of the struggle for colonys in the North Pacific region." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical studies 10, no. 1 (37) (2023): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2023.10(1).95-106.

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The article is devoted to the origins of the struggle for colonies in the north of the Pacific Ocean in the context of the interaction between Russia, Great Britain and Spain in the 18th century, up to the voyage of J. Cook to the shores of Alaska. The activity of the European powers, which was associated with the discovery and colonization in the northern part of the Pacific Ocean, is considered. The history of the colonization of these territories is shown, as well as expeditions are studied. The article proves that the North Pacific has long attracted the attention of the powers of Europe.
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Labutina, Tatyana. "Great Britain and Russia on the Way to Restoring Diplomatic Relations (1720–1731)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016152-5.

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The article deals with the process of restoring diplomatic relations between Great Britain and Russia in the first third of the 18th century. England was the first country with which Russia established diplomatic relations 465 years ago. During this time, the countries have passed a difficult and thorny path of interaction. Often there were open military conflicts between them, and sometimes it simply came to the severance of diplomatic relations. One of these events occurred in the reign of Peter I on 14 December in 1720 year. Although diplomatic relations were interrupted, trade between the
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Zakharov, Vitaliy Yu, and Tatiana R. Suzdaleva. "On the Eve of the “Great Game”: Specifics of the Russian Empire’s Policy in Central Asia in the 18th to the First Half of the 19th Centuries." Journal of Frontier Studies 8, no. 3 (2023): 15–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.v8i3.530.

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The article offers an analysis of the issues related to the policy of the Russian Empire in Central Asia during the 18th to the first half of the 19th centuries. Despite the seemingly thorough examination of this aspect of Russian foreign policy, there are still issues that want further investigation, clarification, or are subject to debate, particularly with regards to the period leading up to the mid-19th century. The article delves into the causes, chronological parameters, and participants of the Great Game, the methods employed by the parties to the conflict, the reasons for Russia’s rela
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Havrysh, Natalia, and Kateryna Slepnova. "International experience of legal ensuring the management of Land Cadastres in Ukraine." European Socio-Legal & Humanitarian Studies, no. 2 (August 10, 2024): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.61345/2734-8873.2024.2.2.

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The article describes the foreign experience of land cadastre management, which is a necessary element for the formation and improvement of the national cadastral accounting system, therefore it is useful for every country to use foreign experience. It has been established that in order to ensure the sustainable development of land relations in Ukraine, it is necessary to improve the current land cadastral system, but in the same way that foreign countries used, being at the same stage of development as Ukraine is now. It is well-founded that the state cadastre system plays an important role i
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Kurylev, Konstantin P., and Nickolay P. Parkhitko. "Russian Policy in the Mediterranean: Historical Continuity and International Context." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (2021): 609–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-609-624.

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The article considers the main directions of the Russian Federations foreign policy in the Mediterranean region in the period from 2015 to autumn 2021. The authors present a historical analysis of Russias military presence in the Mediterranean Sea since its first deployment in the 18th century and separately during the Cold War, since the key strategic goals and operational-tactical tasks facing the 5th Soviet Navy operational squadron in those years, as a whole, remained unchanged. Only their scale was adjusted. Three key aspects that determine the need for Russias presence in the Mediterrane
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Apryshchenko, V. Yu, and N. A. Lagoshina. "Features of State Institutions of Ireland of XVIII Century." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 6 (June 29, 2020): 386–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-6-386-400.

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The expansion of Great Britain in the 18th century greatly strengthened its influence both on the European continent and throughout the world. The nearby existence of Catholic Ireland, which had developed trade and socio-political ties with European countries, threatened the national security of Great Britain and determined the religious orientation of restrictive politics. In the first half of the 18th century, political, economic and religious struggles both within Ireland and between the British and Irish led to the fact that Ireland actually turned into an English colony. There are still d
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İlqar oğlu İlyasov, Mirpaşa. "Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period." SCIENTIFIC WORK 77, no. 4 (2022): 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/77/232-236.

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Bu məqalədə XXI əsrdə Böyük Britaniyanın xarici siyasətində strategiyaları, əsas istiqamətləri, siyasi arenada fəaliyyəti analiz ediləcək. Böyük Britaniyanın qarşısına qoyduğu məqsədlər, Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması prosesi, xarici siyasəti ilə bağlı yanaşmalar və xarici siyasətdə dövlətlərlə olan əlaqələrinin təhlil olunması aparılacaq. Brexit-ə səbəb olan amillər, Böyük Britaniyanın Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması və Brexit-nin səbəb olduğu reaksiyaların analizləri öz əksini bu yazıda tapacaq. ABŞ və Rusiya ilə olan münasibətləri, gələcək geosiyasi mənzərəsi, marağı və əməkdaşlıq etmək istədi
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Tajiyev, Babur T. "ANGLO-RUSSIAN RIVALRY OVER CENTRAL ASIAN KHANATES IN THE 19TH CENTURY." Oriental Journal of History, Politics and Law 02, no. 04 (2022): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/supsci-ojhpl-02-04-09.

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This article provides information about the foreign relations of Central Asian khanates in the 19th century and the aspirations of the Russian Empire and Great Britain to make these territories their colonies.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Great Britain – Foreign relations – 18th century"

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Szpakowicz, Błażej Sebastian. "British trade, political economy and commercial policy towards the United States, 1783-1815." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610189.

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Karges, Caleb William. ""So perverse an ally" : Great Britain's alliance with Austria in the War of the Spanish Succession." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11687.

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The War of the Spanish Succession saw the culmination in the development of European warfare during the “Military Revolution” period, which saw European states fielding larger armies with geographically more ambitious strategies under the umbrella of the nascent eighteenth‐century phenomenon of the “Fiscal‐Military State.” By investigating the Austro‐British alliance at the diplomatic, strategic, logistical, and operational levels during the war, greater insight can be gained into the mechanics of alliance warfare and how two allies reconcile independent war strategies in order to achieve a co
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Coudray, Pierre Louis. "Mourir à la guerre, survivre à la paix : les militaires irlandais au service de la France au XVIIIe siècle, une reconstruction historique." Thesis, Lille 3, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIL3H010/document.

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Cette thèse est une étude chronologique de la présence militaire irlandaise en France sous l’Ancien Régime associé à une analyse du mythe de la Brigade Irlandaise au XVIIIe siècle. En s’appuyant sur des sources primaires, dont certaines sont inédites, les quatre premiers chapitres proposent un cadre historique de la communauté militaire irlandaise et de l’acculturation progressive, mais parfois difficile, de ses membres. Le premier chapitre se concentre sur les écrits de l’élite française et de la littérature populaire d’Angleterre face aux Irlandais lors de la « Guerre des trois rois », tandi
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Walsh, Sebastian John. "Britain, Morocco and the development of the Anglo-French entente." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610042.

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Shen, Peijian. "Steps on the road of appeasement : British foreign policy-making, 1931-1939." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14262.

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This thesis studies the step-by-step process of foreign policy making within the British Government from 1931 to 1939. It aims to pin-point the origin, evolution and nature of appeasement, the principal policy-makers' viewpoints and activities in policy formulating and their responsibility for encouraging the aggressive powers. In the Introduction, the subjective and objective roots of appeasement are explored, and the Author examines the reasons why it was pursued for nine years without change. Highlighting the shortcomings in the past and current research on the subject, a summary of the app
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Talbot, Michael. "British diplomacy in the Ottoman Empire during the long eighteenth century." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.645966.

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Khan, Gulfishan. "Indian Muslim perceptions of the West during the eighteenth century." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:dacf23d8-28f4-40da-b781-4e7cb940828b.

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The present thesis, entitled "Indian Muslim Perceptions of the West during the Eighteenth century", deals with Muslim images of the West at the turn of the eighteenth century as they were formulated in the minds of Indian Muslim intellectuals. It examines the modalities of experience and categories of knowledge of the West as they were perceived by Muslim scholars who had come into contact with the contemporary West. The main purpose of the present enquiry is to analyze the origins and the nature of such perceptions as were articulated in their writings. With the expansion of British politica
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Marcuzzi, Stefano. "Anglo-Italian relations during the First World War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2e1d8ba7-53eb-4c29-8974-d1fa0e36cc65.

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This thesis examines how the newly-born Anglo-Italian alliance operated during World War I, and how it influenced each of Britain's and Italy's strategies. It argues that Britain was Italy's main partner in the conflict: Rome sought to make Britain the guarantor of the London treaty, which had brought Italy into the war on the side of the Allies, as well as its main naval and financial partner within the Entente. London, for its part, used its special partnership with Italy to reach three main objectives. The first was to have Rome increasingly involved in the Entente's global war, thus going
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Nanson, Steffanie Jennifer. "Fleet Street's dilemma : the British press and the Soviet Union, 1933-1941." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14303.

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British press opinion concerning the Soviet Union in the 1930s contributes to an understanding of the failed cooperation, prior to 1941, between the British and Soviet Governments. During the trial of six British engineers in Moscow in 1933, the conservative press jingoistically responded by demanding stringent economic action against the Soviet Union and possibly severing diplomatic cooperation. The liberal and labour press expected relations to improve to prevent similar trials of Britons in the future. Despite the strain in relations and ideological differences, between 1934 and 1935, Brita
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Gioe, David Vincent. "The Anglo-American special intelligence relationship : wartime causes and Cold War consequences, 1940-63." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708484.

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Books on the topic "Great Britain – Foreign relations – 18th century"

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Foundation, Voltaire, ed. Cultural transfers: France and Britain in the long eighteenth century. Voltaire Foundation, 2010.

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Black, Jeremy. A system of ambition?: British foreign policy 1660-1793. 2nd ed. Sutton, 2000.

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Black, Jeremy. America or Europe?: British foreign policy, 1739-63. UCL Press, 1998.

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Black, Jeremy. America Or Europe? Taylor & Francis Inc, 2004.

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Szechi, D. The Jacobites, Britain and Europe, 1688-1788. Manchester University Press, 1994.

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Boyce, David George. Decolonisation and the British Empire, 1775-1997. Macmillan Press, 1999.

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Burke, Edmund. Select works of Edmund Burke: A new imprint of the Payne edition. Liberty Fund, 1999.

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McLynn, Frank. 1759: The year Britain became master of the world. Atlantic Monthly Press, 2004.

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Edmund, Burke. Select works of Edmund Burke: A new imprint of the Payne edition. Liberty Fund, 1999.

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Edmund, Burke. Select works of Edmund Burke: A new imprint of the Payne edition. Liberty Fund, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "Great Britain – Foreign relations – 18th century"

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Robak, Piotr. "Rola i miejsce Afryki w angielskim handlu zewnętrznym (i kolonialnym) w XVIII wieku." In Afryka i (post)kolonializm. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/8088-260-7.03.

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Western Africa was a very important feature of the Euroatlantic trade system created by England, and later by Great Britain, from the second half of the 17th century. The factories, founded here on the Atlantic coast (or taken away from the Dutch and French colonial area) together with Portugeuse trade settlements (thanks to the peace treaty from 1703) existed in the scheme of socalled Atlantic triangle. The merchandises were exported from the British Isles to Western Africa where these were exchanged for the local materials (especially gold and ivory). These materials were transported (legally or not) to both Americas. The slave trade was also the very important element of this exchange system in the period. The British trade with Western Africa was initially organized by trade companies. The individual tradesmen, however, took part in this commercial traffic in the 18th century (especially in the slave trade) to the significant degree. These individual commercial activities disorganized earlier created Euroatlantic mercantile system of British foreign (and colonial) trade. It is necessary to stress here that the direct trade exchange between Western Africa and Great Britain was developing at that time together with the British reexport of tropic merchandises on European markets. In spite of it, the African market played the smaller role in the British system of foreign trade than the American and Asian markets. The African market, however, developed its position to the significant degree in the Atlantic trade sphere in the 18th century.
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Frei, Gabriela A. "Conclusion." In Great Britain, International Law, and the Evolution of Maritime Strategic Thought, 1856–1914. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198859932.003.0009.

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Custom, state practice, and codification provided important reference points for the legal framework governing international relations in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The Conclusion explores the shifts from custom to codification in international maritime law. It also outlines how Great Britain used international maritime law as an instrument in foreign policy to protect its economic and strategic interests as a sea power. This last chapter then discusses how international maritime law in turn affected visions of future warfare. Great Britain’s neutrality policy, and in particular the Foreign Enlistment Act, shaped the country’s state practice in the second half of the nineteenth century, and the conclusion discusses the importance of state practice in foreign policy at the time.
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Wight, Martin, and DAVID S. YOST. "Spain and Portugal in The World in March 1939." In History and International Relations. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192867476.003.0013.

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Abstract The Nationalists led by Franco won the 1936–1939 civil war in Spain. “With the victory of the Nationalist Government, Spain’s will to empire, her imperial and Catholic mission, became the constant theme of propaganda.” However, Wight pointed out, “the foreign ambitions of the Nationalist Government, when its authority was at last established throughout the territory of Spain, were limited by physical exhaustion and political instability.” Franco estimated in 1939 that “at least five years’ peace were necessary” before Spain could be ready to enter a war supporting the Axis. In contrast with Franco’s alignment with the Axis, Portuguese policy had been based on alliance with Britain since the fourteenth century. “Even after Spain had ceased to be a Great Power, Britain considered it necessary for her control of the Atlantic that Portuguese independence should be maintained under British protection.… Salazar’s policy towards the Spanish Civil War and the Non-Intervention Agreement, approximating to that of Germany and Italy, was in some degree a declaration of independence from Britain. Nevertheless Portugal had no common interest with the Axis. If as a Catholic and authoritarian Power she supported Franco, equally as a Catholic and a weak colonial Power she must fear the rise of Nazi Germany.… Therefore, while signing the treaty of friendship with the victorious Franco, Portugal was concerned to emphasize discreetly her former ties” with England.
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Murray, Michelle. "Recognition and Rapprochement." In The Struggle for Recognition in International Relations. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190878900.003.0007.

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This chapter explores how the United States’ growing power and expansionist foreign policy came to be viewed as legitimate, thereby constructing its peaceful rise to world power status. It argues that the acts of recognition that emerged during the Venezuelan Crisis expressed a normative acceptance of American power and were routinized so as to structure Anglo-American relations at the turn of the twentieth century. Specifically, during the Spanish–American War British leaders—drawing from the recognitive speech acts that defined the Anglo-Saxon collective identity—restrained the European great powers from becoming involved in the war, enabling the United States to establish a sphere of influence in the Caribbean and an imperial presence in the Pacific. Likewise, the negotiations between Britain and the United States over the Isthmian Canal highlight the importance of mutual recognition in sustaining a peaceful power transition. The chapter shows how acts of recognition contributed to the social construction of the United States as a legitimate power, despite its aggressive and expansionist foreign policy.
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Forró, Lajos, and Srđan Cvetković. "The Birth of Modern Serbia (1804–2004) : Integration, concepts, ideas, and great powers." In The Development of European and Regional Integration Theories in Central European Countries. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.mgih.doleritincec_6.

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This chapter follows the origin and development of the modern Serbian state in the last two centuries. At the crossroads of great empires, the Serbian state ascended in the 19th century. The national program formed in the first half of the 19th century as the basis of its foreign policy meant gathering the Serbian national corps into one state. It was gradually realized by maneuvering between the great powers, but also through conflict with them. In the 19th century, Serbian politics was most often correlated or in conflict with the interests of Austria, Russia, and Turkey. During Yugoslavia’s time in the first half of the 20th century, France, Britain, and Germany took over, while in Socialist Yugoslavia during the Cold War, relations with the US, the USSR, and some non-aligned countries prevailed. In the post-communist era, the main problems in Serbia’s foreign policy were its relationships with the US and NATO and with the EU and Germany. Geostrategic interests and Serbia’s position meant that it was exposed to severe exclusions and numerous wars with both its neighbors and the great powers.
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Smirnova, Irina. "The Athos Question in the Context of European Diplomacy in the Second Quarter of the 19th Century." In 1821 in the History of Balkan Peoples (On the 200th anniversary of the Greek Revolution). Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences; Hellenic Cultural Center, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/0469-5.08.

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The chapter touches upon issues related to the history of Athos and the position of Orthodox monasticism in the second quarter of the 19th century, when, after the Greek war for independence from the Ottoman Empire, Athos begins to be perceived by the great powers as an important Orthodox outpost in the Christian East. Particular attention is paid to such little-studied issues as the role of European diplomacy in the normalization of the situation on the Holy Mountain after the Greek Revolution of 1821, the Russian-Turkish war of 1828/1829, the recognition of the independence of Greece (1830); the reaction of European diplomats to the growth of Russian monasticism on Athos; “British” factor in the development of Russian-Greek relations. The author traces the measures of the British government and the public organizations for the study of Athos, indicating that starting from the 1830s the Holy Mountain was perceived in British political circles as an important strategic foothold, which was associated with the inclusion of Mount Athos in the general naval strategy of Great Britain in the Eastern Mediterranean. Russian-British foreign policy rivalry, which led to confrontation in the ecclesiastical sphere, characterizes the policy of Britain in relation to the Ecumenical Patriarchs, which is shown by the example of the activities of Constantinople Patriarchs Constanty I (1830–1834) and Gregory VI (1835–1840) and the participation of the latter in the “case Ionian Islands”, when British patronage over the Ionian Islands was used as a pretext for the intervention of British diplomats in the affairs of Orthodox Athos. These facts indicate that the “ecclesiastical” vector of the foreign policy of the great powers in the Eastern Mediterranean leads to the need to consider the “Athos question” in the context of the Eastern question as an important and organic component of it.
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Hahn, Peter L. "Introduction." In Libya and the West. Oxford University Press, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190223021.003.0001.

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Because the Western powers of Italy, Great Britain, France, and the United States identified Libyan resources as valuable, Libya played an integral role in various twentieth-century events including World War II, the Arab–Israeli conflict, and the war on terror. Because the Western powers placed great importance on Libyan oil reserves, Libya played an outsized role in the Cold War. Libya’s leadership, especially Muammar al-Qaddafi, made crucial decisions that shaped the country’s internal political, social, and cultural development and affected the course of its relations with foreign powers. The Introduction lists the limitations of researching Libya including issues with the voices of the average Libyan not being readily available and the fact that conditions in Libya have not been favorable to visiting historians.
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"Theodore Roosevelt 1858–1919." In Milestone Documents of American Leaders. Schlager Group Inc., 2009. https://doi.org/10.3735/9781935306047.book-part-100.

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In style and in substance, Theodore Roosevelt, who occupied the White House from 1901 to 1909, was the first modern American president. A gifted and courageous politician and a natural leader with an intuitive grasp of the value of public relations, Roosevelt employed the “bully pulpit” of the presidency to great effect as he pursued pathbreaking, transformative programs in both domestic and foreign affairs. Roosevelt’s various initiatives pertaining to workers’ rights, consumer protection, and restrictions on corporate behavior in the public interest were labeled the Square Deal, and they launched the process of progressive reform that was to become a central feature of American life in the twentieth century. Roosevelt also was the first— and remains the most ambitious and the most significant— environmentalist president in U.S. history. Regarding foreign policy, Roosevelt determinedly built up the U.S. Navy (particularly its battleship fleet) and brought America into the center of global diplomacy by establishing U.S. hegemony in the Caribbean, upholding U.S. interests in the western Pacific, constructing a strong partnership between the United States and Great Britain, and employing personal mediation to end one great power war and to prevent another. In the process, Roosevelt greatly enhanced the international image and stature of the United States.
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Teschke, Benno. "Capitalism, British Grand Strategy, and the Peace Treaty of Utrecht: Towards a Historical Sociology of War- and Peace-making in the Construction of International Order." In The Justification of War and International Order. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198865308.003.0006.

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Benno Teschke offers a specific focus on the historical sociology of normative change in the transition from early modernity to modernity in Europe. How can we explain international diplomacy and peace accords from within critical International Relations (IR) Theory? Teschke addresses this question by focusing on the Peace of Utrecht (1713) that concluded the War of the Spanish Succession. It tracks the relations between the domestic sources of the rise of Britain as a great power, the revolutionary transformations of its post-1688 foreign policy institutions, the formulation of a new British grand strategy—the blue water policy—in the context of the War of the Spanish Succession, and its strategic ability to impose through coercive and secret diplomacy a new pro-British ‘normative’ set of rules for post-Utrecht early modern international relations during the ‘long eighteenth Century’ (1688–1815). This British-led reorganization of early modern international order cannot be captured through prevailing IR concepts, including automatic power-balancing, off-shore balancing, hegemony, international society, formal or informal imperialism, or collective security.
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Beinart, William, and Lotte Hughes. "Oil Extraction in the Middle East: The Kuwait Experience." In Environment and Empire. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199260317.003.0020.

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Oil has been the lubricant of international relations and industry since the turn of the twentieth century. The fabulous wealth it has generated for a clutch of individuals, states, and corporations has skewed global politics, fed human greed, fuelled conflict, and brought as much destruction as delight in its wake. The struggle for access to and control over oil was central to the final stages of imperial expansion, and the Middle East saw a regional equivalent of the ‘scramble for Africa’. European powers sought to carve up the area as the twentieth century turned, their eyes fixed on oil as the main prize. Central to our argument is that empire followed natural resources, in unpredictable ways. It created commodity frontiers that had enormous implications for routes of expansion and relations with local societies. The future of the Middle East, then under the sway of the crumbling Ottoman Empire, was already of great concern to Britain at the beginning of the twentieth century. But oil provided a new urgency, and shaped patterns of intervention; the history of the Middle East over the next century would have been profoundly different without it. Although capital became more mobile from the late nineteenth century, some of the most valuable natural resources in the twentieth-century Empire proved to be rooted to specific regions. In this sense, oil as a natural resource shaped the geography of empire, as had fur and forests before it. But the specific character of oil and of imperialism in the region (our focus is on Kuwait), resulted in rather different outcomes for local societies than those experienced on some other earlier commodity frontiers. Although the oil companies were largely foreign-owned, Middle Eastern people were, to a much greater degree, beneficiaries of resource extraction. In this respect, there are parallels with Malaysia. An important concern in this chapter is to chart the impact of oil on Bedouin pastoralists in Kuwait, their use of the desert, and its environmental implications. We also explore briefly other environmental impacts of oil exploitation. These are issues less frequently rehearsed than the political and economic consequences. The energy needs of the metropolitan world led to increasing demands for oil as the twentieth century advanced.
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Conference papers on the topic "Great Britain – Foreign relations – 18th century"

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VİRİYEVİÇ, Vladan. "Yugoslav Diplomacy and Public on “The Hatay Question” (the Sanjak of Alexandretta) in the Period of 20s and 30s of the 20th Century." In 10. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-6044-9.23.

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The development of bilateral relations between the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (known as the Kingdom of Yugoslavia since 1929) and the Republic of Türkiye during the second half of the 20s and 30s of the 20th century was characterized by intensive rapprochement within all spheres – politics, economy, defense, education, culture etc. Owing to that very rapprochement diplomatic societies and the wider Yugoslav public carefully followed the events in Türkiye, considering internal as well as internal aspects. Atatürk's extensive reform activities as well as those performed by Turkish aut
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Сергеев, Е. Ю. "War Scare in Soviet-British Relations of 1923." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.026.

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Феномен так называемых «военных тревог» в отношениях между Россией (СССР) и Великобританией исследован недостаточно. Между тем периоды обострения напряженности и шаги, которые предпринимали обе державы для ее смягчения с целью избежать прямого вооруженного противостояния, оказывали заметное влияние на характер и динамику развития двусторонних контактов в политической, экономической и социокультурной сферах последней трети XIX – первой четверти ХХ в. Статья раскрывает важнейшие особенности «военной тревоги» мая 1923 г., которая была вызвана жесткой дипломатической нотой министра иностранных дел
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