Academic literature on the topic 'Great Britain – Foreign relations – United States'
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Journal articles on the topic "Great Britain – Foreign relations – United States"
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Lutsenko, Nazarii. "FUNDAMENTAL INDICATION OF THE «SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP» BETWEEN THE USA AND GREAT BRITAIN." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 16 (2023): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2023.16.5.
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The aim of this article is to shed light on the phenomenon of «special relations» between the United States of America and Great Britain. Despite the fact that the topic gained considerable attention in the academic literature and the term «special relations» is applied to different states and regions, it is necessary to understand its origins. The purpose of the article is to investigate the phenomenon of American-British relations, to analyze the historical and political view of the problem, and to formulate the characteristics of the relations between the United States and the United Kingdom. Chronological limits are determined by the first mention of the term in 1946 and the presidential term of D.Trump, who managed the office in 2017–2021. Methodology of the article. Hypotheses were tested through historiographical analysis and the historical-comparative method were used to analyze published studies on the history of «special relations». The scientific novelty of the study consists in determining the peculiarities of relations between the United States and Great Britain during the tenure of Donald Trump. Therefore, the «special relationship» is a unique historically formed complex of interaction between the USA and Great Britain, which is manifested in various spheres of public life: political (to have an opportunity for better implementation of their own foreign policy), military (the USA and the United Kingdom have an unprecedented level of mutual trust and cooperation in the field of intelligence and nuclear programs), cultural (the historical memory of both nations makes American and British society sensitive to the problems of their «English-speaking neighbours»). We consider it necessary to highlight the following features of American-British relations:the long-term historical interaction that brought the two nations closer together and laid the foundation for relations between the United States and Great Britain; the common ideology of liberalism; cooperation provides an opportunity to better implement one’s own foreign policy; close relations between political figures of states; relations are characterized by periodic «approaching and distancing», which create new challenges for the allies. Each of these features is traced in the relations between the USA and Great Britain and during the administration of Donald Trump. Both states faced a number of challenges in international politics, due to the crisis state of the modern system of international relations. The governments of the United States and the United Kingdom have demonstrated the ability to compromise in critical situations, that proves the uniqueness of such an alliance.
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İlqar oğlu İlyasov, Mirpaşa. "Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period." SCIENTIFIC WORK 77, no. 4 (April 17, 2022): 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/77/232-236.
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Bu məqalədə XXI əsrdə Böyük Britaniyanın xarici siyasətində strategiyaları, əsas istiqamətləri, siyasi arenada fəaliyyəti analiz ediləcək. Böyük Britaniyanın qarşısına qoyduğu məqsədlər, Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması prosesi, xarici siyasəti ilə bağlı yanaşmalar və xarici siyasətdə dövlətlərlə olan əlaqələrinin təhlil olunması aparılacaq. Brexit-ə səbəb olan amillər, Böyük Britaniyanın Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması və Brexit-nin səbəb olduğu reaksiyaların analizləri öz əksini bu yazıda tapacaq. ABŞ və Rusiya ilə olan münasibətləri, gələcək geosiyasi mənzərəsi, marağı və əməkdaşlıq etmək istədiyi regionlar haqqında məlumatlar əks olunacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın təhlükəsizlik və müdafiə məsələlərindən, təhlükəsiz enerji mənbələri və dövlətlərlə iqtisadi-ticari əməkdaşlıqdan danışılacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın köhnə müstəmləkələri ilə olan əlaqələri və bu əlaqələrin gələcək perpektivləri nəzərdən keçirilib analiz ediləcək. Hazırkı dövrdə Ukrayna məsələsi ilə bağlı Böyük Britaniyanın mövqeyi təhlil olunacaq.Müasir dövrdə Böyük Britaniyanın aktiv rolunun artması və faəliyyətinin əsas prioritet istiqamətləri bu məqalədə təhlil olunub, ümumiləşdiriləcək. Açar sözlər: siyasət, strategiya, BREXİT, inteqrasiya, maraqlar, suverenlik, beynəlxalq nizam, müttəfiqlik, ABŞ, Rusiya Mirpasha Ilgar İlyas Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period Abstract This article is about the XXI century of the United Kingdom. will analyze the foreign policy strategies, main directions and activities in the 20th century. The goals set by the United Kingdom, the process of leaving the European Union, its approaches to foreign policy and relations with states in foreign policy will be analyzed. The factors leading to Brexit, the UK's departure from the European Union and the analysis of the reactions caused by Brexit will be reflected in this article. Information about relations with the United States and Russia, the future geopolitical outlook, interests and regions with which it wishes to cooperate will be reflected. Britain's security and defence, secure energy sources and economic and commercial cooperation with states will be discussed. The relations with the former British colonies and the future prospects of these relations will be discussed and analyzed. At this time, the UK's position on Ukraine will be analysed. The growth of the UK's active role in modern times and the main priorities of its activities will be analyzed and summarized in this article. Key words: politics, strategy, BREXIT, integration, interests, sovereignty, international order, alliance, USA, Russia
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Lutsenko, Nazarii. "UKRAINE IN THE «SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP» BETWEEN UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN (2017–2021)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 14 (2022): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2022.14.2.
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The article deals with the relations between the United States of America, Great Britain and Ukraine. The major task of this study is to provide an analysis of the tripartite partnership between the states and to find out the place of Ukraine in the «special relations». The chronological boundaries of the article are determined by the presidential term of the 45th President of the United States, Donald Trump. Methodology of the article: historical-political and historical-comparative methods are used to determine changes in relations in the Washington-Kyiv-London triangle. The analysis method was applied to assess the place of Ukraine in the «special relations» of the United States and Great Britain. The article’s scientific novelty is rethinking Ukraine’s place in the «special relations» between the United States and Great Britain. Conclusions. It is especially noted that the United States of America and the United Kingdom began to develop relations with Ukraine during 2017–2022 intensively. It was caused by the geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe. The annexation of Crimea, the invasion of the Russian army in Ukraine and the Russian government’s support of separatists in the Luhansk and Donetsk regions made Ukraine a center of the US and the UK foreign policy. This investigation proves that the role of Ukraine in «special relations» has strengthened. In fact, the state has turned into a strategic ally of the United States and Great Britain in the region. The main reason for such changes was the desire of London and Washington to have a strong and stable ally in Eastern Europe in opposition to Moscow. The United States and Great Britain failed to respond in time to Russian military aggression in Ukraine and did not fulfill their obligations presented in the Budapest Memorandum. The re-awareness of the importance of Ukraine on the geopolitical map of the world by the British-American elite prompted the establishment of a strategic partnership in the period of 2017–2021.
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Trusova, Mariya A. "The evolution of Western Powers’ perceptions of the Soviet-German relations in 1918–1924." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 24, no. 1 (March 21, 2024): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2024-24-1-73-79.
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On the basis of the study of the Documents of foreign policy of Great Britain, France and the United States the author identifies the main stages of Soviet and German relations in the socalled Rapallo period. Eachstage has its own features of the perception and their prospects by these countries. The author concludes that Western countries’ assessments of German-Soviet relations are interdependent and interconnected with their foreign policy and foreign economic decisions.
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Gorfin, Vladislav L., and Alexander M. Rybakov. "RUSSIA’S ROLE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES." Historical Search 2, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-2-5-12.
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In the article the authors show the place of Russia in the struggle for the independence of the United States. They reveal the concept of «military neutrality», its essence and content. They define the basic principles of the world colonial system in the XVIII century, the foundations of interrelation between world powers and their colonies. They identify the priorities and interests for the development of foreign policy relations. They establish causal links between the war of the North American colonies of Great Britain for their independence and the policies of a number of European powers (Russia, Great Britain, France), as well as the consequences to which it led.
The article considers the history of the struggle for independence and the formation of a new state of the United States of America, the development of foreign policy relations. The authors focus on the history of Russian-American relations in the second half of the XVIII century in the political aspect, and emphasize the increasing penetration of Russia’s influence in the scientific and cultural spheres which directly influenced and enriched the two countries. The relations between Russia and the United States and their history are studied. The history of relations between Russia and Great Britain is shown. The authors analyze the history of attempts to involve the Russian Empire in the war on the side of Great Britain, the position of the Russian government and Catherine II, as well as their attitude to these attempts.
The authors give prominence to a number of world political figures and note their personal contribution to the process of struggle for independence and the further development of the United States of America. Unknown moments of their biographies are revealed.
Conclusions are drawn about the role and the place of the leading countries of the period under study in the struggle for freedom and independence of the future superpower.
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Orlyk, Viktoriia. "The main trends in the formation of the Great Britain’s foreign policy after Brexit." European Historical Studies, no. 18 (2021): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.04.
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The article deals with the peculiarities of forming the new trends in the British foreign policy, due to the results of the referendum on Brexit and the country’s withdrawal from the European Union. Formation of the strategic priorities for the UK foreign policy course is becoming one of the most important tasks for the political, diplomatic and expert circles. The refusal to develop a common foreign policy of the EU as a result of Brexit, sets the essential challenge for Britain: to maintain existing influence and allied relations with continental European states (primarily, due to the strengthening of bilateral relations and the preservation of the Euro-Atlantic alliance), and at the same time to establish itself as an independent center of influence, not limited to the collective will of the EU. The main provisions of the “Global Britain” concept, presented in 2016 as the doctrinal basis of the foreign policy dimension of Brexit, are analyzed. The most significant of them are the next: the promotion of the UK`s economic and security interests around the world as the basis of foreign and security policy; alliance with the United States as a major foreign policy and security priority; rethinking the partnership with the EU and giving it a new depth in the name of protecting the international order and common values; the development of cooperation within the Commonwealth to strengthen Britain’s international presence and global influence. The author identifies the key foreign policy positions of London, which are not reflected in the concept presently, but will be of key importance for the European and global securities in the short and medium terms. The positions of leading regional and world players are analyzed, the risks of aggravation of relations with Russia and China are assessed. It is summarized that because of the new global threats and risks (first of all COVID-19 pandemic and its global impact and economic consequences) the “Global Britain” concept is still in its forming.
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Levin, Yaroslav A. "Image of Ally." Galactica Media: Journal of Media Studies 4, no. 4 (December 12, 2022): 210–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/gmd.v4i4.267.
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World War II was a time of increased rapprochement between the United States and Great Britain. After a long rivalry and outright hostility in the XVIII-XIX centuries, by the beginning of the 20th century, these two countries began to get closer with time, which was reflected in the gradual design of the concept of “Special Relations” between the United States and the United Kingdom. The rapprochement required strong propaganda support to explain political changes to the population. Due to its accessibility, clarity and brightness, cinema has become one of the main tools for promoting the new paradigm of US foreign policy. In this study, we examined the problem of constructing the image of Great Britain in American cinema in 1942. The purpose of this article is to identify the main features and stereotypes of perception used by American filmmakers and propagandists in building the image of an ally. Based on an analysis of 1942 films, a number of specific features were identified that were used in cinema to form the image of Great Britain as an ally.
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Kaviaka, Iryna. "German Question, 1945–1990, in Anglo-American Historiography: Key Aspects of the Problem Study." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013665-9.
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Understanding and, after the unification of Germany in 1990, rethinking the process of evolution of the German Question, in particular its main components, is an important scholarly task. The origins of the modern power of Germany, its desire to establish itself as a world power, were formed in 1945–1990 with the active participation of the United States and Great Britain. Therefore, the assessment of the development of the German Question by researchers from these countries is important for its understanding. The study of the problem contributes to a comprehensive analysis of the post-war international policy of Great Britain and the United States as well as their modern relations with the FRG. Special attention to the German Question in the publications of the United Kingdom and the United States was shown at the stages of its qualitative transformation: the creation of the FRG, its rearmament, the implementation of a new Eastern policy, as well as the unification of Germany. Each of these events required a prompt response from the academic and expert community and the development of a balanced model of foreign policy response. Anglo-American historiography of the German question has not previously been the object of a special study by Russian historians. The purpose of this article is to analyze the main aspects of the German problem study in the works of British and American researchers. The article identifies four key aspects of the German question, around which the study of the problem in Great Britain and the United States was concentrated. The historiographic core consists of the works devoted to the issues of denazification, West Germany rearmament, Ostpolitik, as well as the unification of Germany and its consequences. Each aspect study was of particular importance and relevance for determining the further foreign policy strategy of the Western countries in Europe, mainly in relation to the FRG and USSR. Changes in approaches to evaluation of the aspects during the post-war period are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to identifying and studying stable geopolitical models that accompanied the perception of the German question by academic and expert communities of Great Britain and the United States: the concepts of “Finlandization” and “Mitteleuropa”, as well as the “Rapallo complex”.
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Lutsenko, Nazarii. "United States – United Kingdom military cooperation under Donald Trump’s administration (2017 – 2021)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 12 (2021): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.12.4.
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This article refers to military cooperation between the United States and Great Britain. Their relationship constitutes an important component of the system of the international relations. Both countries have nuclear weapons and the latest military technology. Both states are sending troops to resolve military conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa. The United States and the United Kingdom provide a significant support to Ukraine in its confrontation with the Russian Federation. Methodology. The research is based on chronological, historical-political and comparative methods. The purpose of the article is to study the changes and the development of the US-British bilateral relations in the context of military cooperation. Looking at the results of this study, the US-British military relations under the Donald Trump administration have not changed. The article illustrates that the United States and the United Kingdom are the main partners in the production of weapons and equipment, strategic planning of operations. British ships in the Asian-Pacific and Middle East plying with the US Navy, repeatedly conducted joint exercises. These are the only countries that conduct the bilateral military exercises almost every year. Under the premiership of Theresa May and Boris Johnson, the United Kingdom pursued a foreign policy strategy which is called Global Britain. The main goal is to make the country more powerful in the international arena. At the same time Donald Trump`s main strategy was to «Made America great again». So, sometimes there were some political discussions among political leaders how to react and to solve the problems in the Middle East, especially in Iraq. However, this did not affect the proximity of the military partnership. Both countries work closely together in the military force and in intelligence.
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Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.
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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Great Britain – Foreign relations – United States"
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McKercher, Asa. "Canada, Britain, the United States, and the Cuban revolution, 1959-1968." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648348.
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Blake, Timothy R. "British foreign relations with the United States during Lord Curzon's tenure as Foreign Secretary." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84477.
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This thesis is an attempt to examine Anglo-American relations at the end of World War One, when Great Britain was no longer preeminent in world affairs and the United States was as yet unwilling to continue the responsibilities that it had taken during the war. Lloyd George who sought to keep the threads of power in his hands appointed Auckland Geddes as Ambassador to the United States, a man who was personally loyal to him, thus seeking to bypass Lord Curzon's authority as Foreign Secretary. Matters were complicated by the declining influence of President Wilson and the growth of isolationist sentiment in the United States. The advent of the Harding administration created further difficulties as Harding felt compelled to yield to the influence of public opinion which rejected the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations.Various issues had to be resolved, the future of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, the war debt, differences over the mandate of Yap, and the question of oil from the Middle East. Here the dealings of Anglo-American relations during Curzon's tenure at the Foreign Office are examined. Curzon took a conventional approach to Anglo-American negotiations. While Great Britain struggled to improve conditions with the United States, the outcome was nothing like the special relationship that manifested itself after 1945. Curzon's conventional view of foreign policy clashed with Lloyd George's essentially personal approach to foreign affairs. Geddes who was intended to be the Prime Minister's confidential agent proved, except on the question of the war debt, inadequate to the task.
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Peterson, Jody L. "Anglo-American Relations and the Problems of a Jewish State, 1945- 1948." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501226/.
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This thesis is concerned with determining the effect of the establishment of a Jewish state on Anglo-American relations and the policies of their governments. This work covers the period from the awarding of the Palestine Mandate to Great Britain, through World War II, and concentrates on the post-war events up to the foundation of the state of Israel. It uses major governmental documents, as well as those of the United Nations, the archival materials at the Harry S. Truman Library, and the memoirs of the major participants in the Palestine drama. This study concludes that, while the Palestine problem presented ample opportunities for disunity, the Anglo-American relationship suffered no permanently damaging effects.
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Thompson, Maximillian. "Making friends : amity in American foreign policy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:314db049-15df-4c1d-8a58-feaad76b1c28.
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This thesis examines an important but understudied phenomenon in international politics: the role of amity in foreign policy. The core research question is "how have American friendships for specified others been made possible?" Drawing on the logic of securitization, this thesis employs Aristotle's notion of character friends as Other Selves and Judith Butler's concept of performativity to elaborate an international process of friendship or amitization. In doing so, the thesis employs critical discourse analysis of presidential rhetoric and popular culture to elucidate the process through which discourses of similarity become naturalized frames of reference within the conduct of foreign policy. It argues that friendship emerges when a state comes to see itself in an other and that this similarity (re)produces a certain form of state identity that enables and forecloses certain policy options vis-à-vis friends. Friendship manifests in a habitual, or naturalized, disposition to treat friends better than others. As such, it can account for how certain policies and postures, such as uncritical and often unconditional support for subjects positioned as "friends," have come to be pursued as common sense. Amitization is illustrated by assessing three case studies: the Anglo-American "special relationship;" the US-Israel "unbreakable bond;" and America's membership of "the Atlantic Community." Specifically, the thesis similarly demonstrates the ways in which amity accounts for how supererogatory commitments such as vast financial assistance, diplomatic support, information sharing, security guarantees and concern for the welfare of these specified others have come to be seen as unquestionably legitimate policies in the broader trajectory of American foreign policy. Amity matters and the practices of amitization are inseparable from intelligible foreign policy.
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Thompson, David Scott. "This Crying Enormity: Impressment as a Factor in Anglo-American Foreign Relations." PDXScholar, 1993. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4677.
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As an issue affecting the foreign relations of the United States and Britain, impressment has been given varying emphasis by different authors. This thesis is first a chronological outline of the events and correspondence that trace the subject. Beyond this basic delineation I will consider exactly how important impressment was to the two countries. James F. Zimmerman, in Impressment of American Seamen, posits that impressment was of paramount significance while other authors have attempted to down grade it into a status of utter inconsequence. This paper will show that the actual influence of impressment varied from one time, one set of circumstances, to another. Finally, my thesis will attempt to show more of the British side of the question, heretofore primarily ignored. It will be shown that members of the British government had what they felt to be perfectly valid reasons for continuing the practice, even though it eventually led to war. Chapter one serves as an introduction and explanation of the legal and historical backgrounds of impressment. The chapter also covers the first difficulties the two countries had over the issue, when England and France nearly went to war in 1787. These would serve as a model for the problems to come. Chapter two looks into the reasons behind the need for impressment and America's argument against it. Britain needed men to man the navy, America needed these same men for its merchant marine, out of this the basic conflict was born. Chapter three deals with American efforts to contain or eliminate impressment, mostly through acts of Congress to protect United States sailors. The problem America had with issuing proofs of citizenship and Britain's requirement that America issue them began to bring impressment to the fore. James Monroe was sent to London for talks of which impressment was to be a major topic. Chapter four covers the parallel careers of Monroe, United States envoy to London, and Anthony Merry, British minister to America. Both men had troubles dealing with what they felt were obstinate foreign governments and both mens' missions were, in the end, failures. Merry, feeling America to be inflating the reaction against impressment, paid little attention to the complaints and ended up having to deal with harsh anti-British legislation. Monroe's lack of success took longer and forms the basis of chapter five. This chapter details how the Jefferson administration and Monroe were incapable of getting Britain to give an inch on the subject. This culminated in the Treaty of 1806, which was silent on impressment. Chapter six shows how this lack of action set the stage for the encounter between the Chesapeake and the Leopard. This skirmish almost led to war and represents the peak of impressment's importance as an issue in foreign affairs. Chapter seven details other differences between the two countries as they slid toward the War of 1812. Impressment was but one of many causes of the conflict, though one which both sides contributed to keeping alive. Finally, chapter eight covers war-time diplomacy and shows how impressment quickly became the only subject the two countries were fighting over. Later actions on America's part reveal that impressment, as a single complaint, was no longer considered a war-worthy topic, or even much of a cause for complaint.
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Szpakowicz, Błażej Sebastian. "British trade, political economy and commercial policy towards the United States, 1783-1815." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610189.
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Jenkins, Ellen Janet. ""Organizing Victory:" Great Britain, the United States, and the Instruments of War, 1914-1916." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279079/.
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This dissertation examines British munitions procurement chronologically from 1914 through early 1916, the period in which Britain's war effort grew to encompass the nation's entire industrial capacity, as well as much of the industrial capacity of the neutral United States. The focus shifts from the political struggle in the British Cabinet between Kitchener and Lloyd George, to Britain's Commercial Agency Agreement with the American banking firm of J. P. Morgan and Company, and to British and German propaganda in the United States.
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Gioe, David Vincent. "The Anglo-American special intelligence relationship : wartime causes and Cold War consequences, 1940-63." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708484.
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Morris, Katherine-Anne. "Oil, power, and global hegemony." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97090.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores the impact of primary energy on the measurement of state power and hegemony. Through an examination of British and American hegemonies, the role of coal, oil and petroleum on the hegemonic cycle is assessed, and the argument is presented for the inclusion of energy as a primary element underpinning the state power base. Utilising the Hegemonic Stability Theory approach to the study of global hegemony, a framework for the assessment of the role of energy on international hegemony is constructed. The Hegemonic Stability Theory approach employed in this study is augmented through the incorporation of several complimentary theoretical approaches, in order to improve the theory’s applicability to multiple cases. Through an examination of the economic, financial, and military/naval ‘pillars’ of the respective hegemonic powers, the study determines that energy has had a marked impact on both British and American hegemonies. Technological developments, notably the steam engine, and the subsequent conversion of the Royal Navy, the cornerstone of British hegemony, from sail to steam, made coal vital to the British Empire. In contrast, the use of oil and petroleum during the United States hegemonic reign indicate that access to oil and petroleum not only benefitted the United States material power base, but has become vital to sustaining American hegemony. This study makes a plausible case for the inclusion of energy as a factor in the assessment of state power, and draws attention to the importance of ensuring energy security and maintaining technological leads.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verhandeling ondersoek die impak wat grond-energie het as maatstaf op staatsmag en hegemonie. Na afleiding van ‘n gevalle studie van beide Britse en Amerikaanse hegemonies - die rol wat steenkool, olie en petroleum speel op die hegemoniese siklus – stel hierdie navorsingstuk voor dat grond-energie ingesluit moet word as ‘n kriterium van hoe staatsmag gemeet word. Hierdie tesis wend Hegemoniese Stabiliteitsteorie aan om internasionale hegemonie te ondersoek. ‘n Raamwerk om die belang van energie te meet in internasionale hegemonie word opgestel. Die Hegemoniese Stabiliteitsteorie aanslag word aangepas deur verskeie komplimentêre teoretiese benaderings te inkorporeer en sodoende die teorie meer toepaslik te maak op verskeie gevallestudies. Deur die ekonomiese, finansiële en militêle/vloot ‘pilare’ van die onderskeie hegemoniese magte te ondersoek, bevind hierdie verhandeling dat energie ‘n bepalende invloed gehad het op beide Britse en Amerikaanse hegemonies. Tegnologiese ontwikkelings, mees opmerklik die stoomenjin en die gevolglike oorgang van die Koninklike Vloot (die hoeksteun van Britse hegemonie) van seil- na stoomenjins, was die gevolg dat steenkool van uiterse belang geword het vir die Britse Ryk. In kontras word aangedui dat die gebruik van en toegang tot olie en petroleum tydens die hegemoniese bewind van die Verenigde State van Amerika nie net die materiële magsbasis bevoordeel het nie, maar asook bepalend geword het om Amerikaanse hegemonie te handhaaf. Hierdie verhandeling maak die aanneemlike voorstelling dat energie ingesluit moet word as ‘n faktor om staatsmag te meet, en dui die belang daarvan aan om tegnologiese vooruitgang te onderhou en sodoende energie sekuriteit te verseker.
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Rogers, Karen N. "The Indian neutral barrier state project: British policy towards the Indians south and southeast of the Great Lakes, 1783-1796." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/45925.
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Great Britain's policy towards British North America between 1783 and 1796 reflected the confusion caused by the loss of the thirteen Atlantic seaboard colonies. Britain proposed the Indian neutral barrier state project in an attempt to solve post-American Revolution British imperial and Anglo-American problems. According to the plan the American 'Old Northwest' would have become an Indian neutral barrier state between Canada and the United States. With the barrier state project, Great Britain hoped to regain limited control over the vast territory she had ceded to the United States in the Peace Treaty of 1783. Britain desired control over this region for two main reasons: 1) the protection of Canada from both Indian and American raids, and 2) control over the fur trade. This work traces the development of the barrier state project from the conclusion of the American Revolution until the end of the British presence in that region in 1796.
Master of Arts
Books on the topic "Great Britain – Foreign relations – United States"
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Lindop, Edmund. Great Britain and the United States: Rivals and partners. Brookfield, Conn: Twenty-First Century Books, 1999.
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Edmonds, Robin. Setting the mould: The United States and Britain, 1945-1950. New York: Norton, 1986.
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Hathaway, Robert M. Great Britain and the United States: Special relations since World War II. Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1990.
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Murray, Anne. The United States, Great Britain, and the Middle East: Discourse and dissidents. Boulder: Social Science Monographs, 1999.
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1952-, Smith Steve, and Clarke Michael 1950-, eds. Foreign policy implementation. London: G. Allen & Unwin, 1985.
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Hedley, Bull, and Louis William Roger 1936-, eds. The " Special relationship": Anglo-American relations since 1945. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989.
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1964-, Hollowell Jonathan, ed. Twentieth-century Anglo-American relations. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave, 2001.
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Renwick, Robin. Fighting with allies: America and Britain in peace and at war. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996.
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Danchev, Alex. On specialness: Essays in Anglo-American relations. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998.
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Danchev, Alex. On specialness: Essays in Anglo-American relations. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan Press in association with St. Antony's College, Oxford, 1998.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Great Britain – Foreign relations – United States"
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Berrutti, Camilo Rodriguez. "Diplomacy of the United States and Great Britain in the History of Argentine Borders." In Great Power Relations in Argentina, Chile and Antarctica, 29–38. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10075-0_3.
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Ferris, John R. "The Symbol and the Substance of Seapower: Great Britain, the United States and the One-Power Standard, 1919–1921." In Anglo-American Relations in the 1920s, 55–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11919-6_3.
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Murray, Michelle. "Recognition and Rapprochement." In The Struggle for Recognition in International Relations, 167–90. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190878900.003.0007.
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This chapter explores how the United States’ growing power and expansionist foreign policy came to be viewed as legitimate, thereby constructing its peaceful rise to world power status. It argues that the acts of recognition that emerged during the Venezuelan Crisis expressed a normative acceptance of American power and were routinized so as to structure Anglo-American relations at the turn of the twentieth century. Specifically, during the Spanish–American War British leaders—drawing from the recognitive speech acts that defined the Anglo-Saxon collective identity—restrained the European great powers from becoming involved in the war, enabling the United States to establish a sphere of influence in the Caribbean and an imperial presence in the Pacific. Likewise, the negotiations between Britain and the United States over the Isthmian Canal highlight the importance of mutual recognition in sustaining a peaceful power transition. The chapter shows how acts of recognition contributed to the social construction of the United States as a legitimate power, despite its aggressive and expansionist foreign policy.
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Brady, Steven J. "Epilogue." In Chained to History, 180–84. Cornell University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501761058.003.0008.
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This chapter explains that slavery is one of the issues that shaped and compelled the United States to engage in international relations. It notes how the nation was forced to deal with Great Britain and Spain in order to avoid legitimation of slave escape. Policymakers and laypeople deemed slavery to be central to US interactions with four continents. Moreover, racism persists in shaping US foreign relations even though the United State finally managed to abolish slavery. The chapter highlights the significance of race within American decisions. It clarifies that the impact and legacy of slavery on America's relations with the world are needed to understand the diplomatic history of America.
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Mandelbaum, Michael. "The Continental Republic, 1815–1865." In The Four Ages of American Foreign Policy, 74–112. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197621790.003.0004.
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In the four decades leading up to the Civil War the United States maintained peaceful relations with Great Britain, the European power of greatest importance to Americans because of its maritime supremacy. At the same time, it increased its power in three ways. Its population grew. It expanded its territory all the way to the Pacific Ocean, incorporating Florida, Texas, and Oregon. Under the leadership of President James K. Polk it waged a victorious war against Mexico that ended with the acquisition of the territories that became the American Southwest. Meanwhile, the country’s economy grew rapidly. The dispute between the Northern and Southern States over slavery, which had been building since independence, culminated in the Civil War of 1861 to 1865. Led by President Abraham Lincoln and General Ulysses S. Grant, the North won the war, thereby not only preserving the federal Union and abolishing slavery but also determining that the United States would be an industrial rather than an agrarian country and thus capable of becoming a great power.
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Fry, Joseph A. "Victory and the Death of the Partnership, 1863–1865." In Lincoln, Seward, and US Foreign Relations in the Civil War Era, 114–53. University Press of Kentucky, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813177120.003.0005.
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This chapter examines US foreign policy challenges over the final two years of the war. Those challenges included the repercussions arising from US efforts to restrict neutral trade with the South, Confederate shipbuilding efforts in Great Britain and France, Confederate attempts to provoke an Anglo-American crisis by attacking the United States from Canada, and Napoleon III’s military and political intervention in Mexico and attempt to install a European monarch in the Western Hemisphere. By continuing their policy of belligerent warnings and timely conciliation, Lincoln and Seward successfully resolved all of these issues. Finally, this chapter includes coverage of the military and imperial dimensions of Lincoln’s policies toward Native Americans.
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"Britain, Canada, and the United States." In The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations, 200–229. Cambridge University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521382090.009.
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Shamir, Haim. "Trade with Great Britain and the United States, 1930–1936." In Economic Crisis and French Foreign Policy 1930-1936, 121–45. BRILL, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004618640_007.
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Preston, Andrew. "3. Global America." In American Foreign Relations: A Very Short Introduction, 42–62. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199899395.003.0003.
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By the end of the nineteenth century, the United States had become the world’s preeminent economic power. Yet for such a large and wealthy country, by 1890 the United States was in a curious position: it was an economic colossus, but a diplomatic and military dwarf. In comparison to the great powers of Europe or Japan, America was a minor actor on the world stage. That would all soon change. ‘Global America’ explores two phenomena—globalization and world war—that brought America deeper into world affairs. By the end of the period, in 1919, the United States had become one of the greatest powers of the world—and yet refused to play its part.
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Mandelbaum, Michael. "In the Shadow of the French Revolution, 1788–1815." In The Four Ages of American Foreign Policy, 43–73. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197621790.003.0003.
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The European wars following the French Revolution drew a reluctant United States into conflicts with Great Britain and France. While the Federalist Party, whose presidents were George Washington and John Adams, generally sought to conciliate the European powers, the republicans, led by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, took a more confrontational approach. Jefferson imposed an embargo on American exports and Madison presided over the War of 1812 with Great Britain. The war ended in 1815, after the British had invaded the United States, with no significant changes to the pre-war status quo. During this period the United States also expanded the territory under its control through the Louisiana Purchase.
Conference papers on the topic "Great Britain – Foreign relations – United States"
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Ragulskaya, M., and E. Tekutskaya. "Solar-terrestrial relations: solar activity and the COVID-19 pandemic." In ASTRONOMY AT THE EPOCH OF MULTIMESSENGER STUDIES. Proceedings of the VAK-2021 conference, Aug 23–28, 2021. Crossref, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51194/vak2021.2022.1.1.130.
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COVID-19 pandemic took the start at the lows of the 11-year and quasi-century solar cycle. The genogeographic character-istics of the population have become one of the significant factors determining the development of the local epidemics. Thelargest number of victims per 1 million inhabitants is recorded in the territories with a dominant haplogroup R1b: Italy,Spain, France, Belgium, Great Britain, and the United States. The R1a haplogroup is characterized by the rapid develop-ment of the COVID-19 pandemic with low mortality and a large number of asymptomatic patients (Russia, Germany, andIran). The level of herd immunity achieved through vaccination also depends on the genetic makeup of the population andsolar activity. Its value is highest for countries with a dominant haplogroup R1b (about 80% for haplogroup R1b versus40% for haplogroup N). The resulting effect can be associated with the generation of reactive oxygen species and affectedhuman adaptive capabilities.
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Шацилло, В. К. "The British Empire and the USA: From Imperial Ambitions to Strategic Alliance." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.025.
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В статье представлен анализ геополитических последствий международных кризисов в Латинской Америке конца XIX – начала XX в. Первый венесуэльский кризис, в основе которого лежал территориальный спор между Венесуэлой и Британской империи, обострил отношения между Вашингтоном и Лондоном. Американское правительство посчитало, что территориальные претензии Великобритании к одной из латиноамериканских стран угрожают жизненным интересам США и находятся в противоречии с принципами доктрины Монро. Исходя из этого, Белый дом потребовал созыва международного трибунала для решения этого территориального спора. Британское правительство сначала отказалось принимать американское предложение, а затем под давлением международных обстоятельств согласилось на арбитраж и признало доктрину Монро. После этого начался процесс сближения двух стран, ускорившийся после Англо-бурской и Испано-американской войн. В ходе второго венесуэльского кризиса, связанного с финансовыми претензиями ряда европейских стран к венесуэльскому правительству, главным оппонентом США выступила Германская империя, попыталась укрепить свои финансовые и военные позиции в Латинской Америке. Это ухудшило отношения между Вашингтоном и Берлином и привело к ещё более тесному англо-американскому сотрудничеству. The article presents a comparative analysis of the geopolitical consequences of the international crises in the end of XIXth – beginning of the XXth century. The first Venezuelan crisis caused by a territorial dispute between Venezuela and the British Empire, worsen also relations between Washington and London. The government of the USA considered that the territorial claims of Great Britain to one of the Latin American countries threatend the vital interests of the United States and were in contradiction with the principles of the Monroe doctrine. Based on such considerations, the White House demanded the convening of an international tribunal to resolve this territorial dispute. The British government originally refused to accept the American proposal, and then, under the pressure of international circumstances, agreed to arbitration and actually recognized the Monroe doctrine. Afterwards, the process of rapprochement between the two countries began. During the Second Venezuelan crisis, caused by the financial demands of a number of European countries to the Venezuelan government, the main opponent of the United States was the German Empire. The German-American confrontation in Venezuela seriously worsened relations between Washington and Berlin and led to the closer Anglo-American cooperation.
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Johnston, George B., and Wenbo Guo. "Cross Cultural Currents in Early 20th Century Chinese Architectural Practice." In 109th ACSA Annual Meeting Proceedings. ACSA Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.109.42.
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This paper considers the transplantation of the Western concept of architecture to China set against the backdrop of Western colonization from the mid-19th century. With the increasing presence of foreign populations, the urgent demand for a considerable number of new building types greatly spurred the Chinese construction market. Beyond consideration of the physical artifacts, this paper focuses upon the story behind the scenes, the mode of architectural production, and particularly how the intricate relationships among different professionals helped to shape the physical world. The West China Union University, constructed from 1915 through 1940s in Chengdu, Sichuan Province, serves as an apt case study to exemplify this process. A cooperative product of five missionary organizations from the United States, Britain and Canada, this project was designed by a British architect whose practice was based in England, super-intended on-site by an American architect, and constructed by local Chinese workmen. How were these professionals able to communicate and cooperate over such a long distance and across huge cultural gaps in architectural and building practice? This case study demonstrates that the relations among different actors in the field of architecture, specifically the tripartite interactions among client, architect and builder, were far more complex and nuanced than we might otherwise assume. This paper offers critical insights into the dramatic changes in the system of Chinese architectural practice under the sway of Western influence during the first half of 20th century.
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Demollari, Elton. "THE EUROPEAN UNION TOWARDS DISSOLUTION?" In 10th SWS International Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES - ISCSS 2023. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscss.2023/sv01.01.
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The beginnings of the European Union were very vigorous, because all the European politiciansliked this brilliant idea very much, according to them, and they were all extremely excited by thisnew "populist" attitude. This idea was prepared to withstand the pressures and strong Americaninfluence. They wanted to create a third pole in the bipolar situation of international relations,namely USA � BS. This would give the Europeans a common European position in the field ofinternal and external politics, a common European economic, social and social development.Understanding and agreement should have been the watchword of the United Europe, but thesituation after the formation of the EU brought a series of problems and misunderstanding issuesfor the European camp, where everyone thought that the past and its problems between theEuropean states had been forgotten and that it was thought that they were walking on the righttracks, but these are prevailing a lot in bilateral and multilateral relations between European states.The exit of Great Britain from the EU has greatly confused this confusing situation, where othercountries, such as: Poland, Hungary, Sweden, are seeking exit from this union, which wouldpractically lead to the total collapse of the EU . Therefore, in my article I will talk extensivelyabout the reasons for this fear and the ways that can lead to the salvation of the EU. It will alsotalk about the progress of the political trend of populism in Europe, the coming to power ofpopulist parties and how this can be prevented in the future. This could be fatal for the future ofthe European Union and Europe in general, because it could result in the disintegration of the EU.
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Fatima Hajizada, Fatima Hajizada. "SPECIFIC FEATURES OF THE AMERICAN VERSION OF THE BRITISH LANGUAGE." In THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC – PRACTICAL VIRTUAL CONFERENCE IN MODERN & SOCIAL SCIENCES: NEW DIMENSIONS, APPROACHES AND CHALLENGES. IRETC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/mssndac-01-10.
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English is one of the most spoken languages in the world. A global language communication is inherent in him. This language is also distinguished by a significant diversity of dialects and speech. It appeared in the early Middle Ages as the spoken language of the Anglo-Saxons. The formation of the British Empire and its expansion led to the widespread English language in Asia, Africa, North America and Australia. As a result, the Metropolitan language became the main communication language in the English colonies, and after independence it became State (USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand) and official (India, Nigeria, Singapore). Being one of the 6 Official Languages of the UN, it is studied as a foreign language in educational institutions of many countries in the modern time [1, 2, s. 12-14]. Despite the dozens of varieties of English, the American (American English) version, which appeared on the territory of the United States, is one of the most widespread. More than 80 per cent of the population in this country knows the American version of the British language as its native language. Although the American version of the British language is not defined as the official language in the US Federal Constitution, it acts with features and standards reinforced in the lexical sphere, the media and the education system. The growing political and economic power of the United States after World War II also had a significant impact on the expansion of the American version of the British language [3]. Currently, this language version has become one of the main topics of scientific research in the field of linguistics, philology and other similar spheres. It should also be emphasized that the American version of the British language paved the way for the creation of thousands of words and expressions, took its place in the general language of English and the world lexicon. “Okay”, “teenager”, “hitchhike”, “landslide” and other words can be shown in this row. The impact of differences in the life and life of colonists in the United States and Great Britain on this language was not significant either. The role of Nature, Climate, Environment and lifestyle should also be appreciated here. There is no officially confirmed language accent in the United States. However, most speakers of national media and, first of all, the CNN channel use the dialect “general American accent”. Here, the main accent of “mid Pppemestern” has been guided. It should also be noted that this accent is inherent in a very small part of the U.S. population, especially in Nebraska, Iowa, and Illinois. But now all Americans easily understand and speak about it. As for the current state of the American version of the British language, we can say that there are some hypotheses in this area. A number of researchers perceive it as an independent language, others-as an English variant. The founder of American spelling, American and British lexicographer, linguist Noah Pondebster treats him as an independent language. He also tried to justify this in his work “the American Dictionary of English” written in 1828 [4]. This position was expressed by a Scottish-born English philologist, one of the authors of the “American English Dictionary”Sir Alexander Craigie, American linguist Raven ioor McDavid Jr. and others also confirm [5]. The second is the American linguist Leonard Bloomfield, one of the creators of the descriptive direction of structural linguistics, and other American linguists Edward Sapir and Charles Francis Hockett. There is also another group of “third parties” that accept American English as a regional dialect [5, 6]. A number of researchers [2] have shown that the accent or dialect in the US on the person contains significantly less data in itself than in the UK. In Great Britain, a dialect speaker is viewed as a person with a low social environment or a low education. It is difficult to perceive this reality in the US environment. That is, a person's speech in the American version of the British language makes it difficult to express his social background. On the other hand, the American version of the British language is distinguished by its faster pace [7, 8]. One of the main characteristic features of the American language array is associated with the emphasis on a number of letters and, in particular, the pronunciation of the letter “R”. Thus, in British English words like “port”, “more”, “dinner” the letter “R” is not pronounced at all. Another trend is related to the clear pronunciation of individual syllables in American English. Unlike them, the Britons “absorb”such syllables in a number of similar words [8]. Despite all these differences, an analysis of facts and theoretical knowledge shows that the emergence and formation of the American version of the British language was not an accidental and chaotic process. The reality is that the life of the colonialists had a huge impact on American English. These processes were further deepened by the growing migration trends at the later historical stage. Thus, the language of the English-speaking migrants in America has been developed due to historical conditions, adapted to the existing living environment and new life realities. On the other hand, the formation of this independent language was also reflected in the purposeful policy of the newly formed US state. Thus, the original British words were modified and acquired a fundamentally new meaning. Another point here was that the British acharism, which had long been out of use, gained a new breath and actively entered the speech circulation in the United States. Thus, the analysis shows that the American version of the British language has specific features. It was formed and developed as a result of colonization and expansion. This development is still ongoing and is one of the languages of millions of US states and people, as well as audiences of millions of people. Keywords: American English, English, linguistics, accent.