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1
McKercher, Asa. "Canada, Britain, the United States, and the Cuban revolution, 1959-1968." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648348.
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Blake, Timothy R. "British foreign relations with the United States during Lord Curzon's tenure as Foreign Secretary." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84477.
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This thesis is an attempt to examine Anglo-American relations at the end of World War One, when Great Britain was no longer preeminent in world affairs and the United States was as yet unwilling to continue the responsibilities that it had taken during the war. Lloyd George who sought to keep the threads of power in his hands appointed Auckland Geddes as Ambassador to the United States, a man who was personally loyal to him, thus seeking to bypass Lord Curzon's authority as Foreign Secretary. Matters were complicated by the declining influence of President Wilson and the growth of isolationist sentiment in the United States. The advent of the Harding administration created further difficulties as Harding felt compelled to yield to the influence of public opinion which rejected the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations.Various issues had to be resolved, the future of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, the war debt, differences over the mandate of Yap, and the question of oil from the Middle East. Here the dealings of Anglo-American relations during Curzon's tenure at the Foreign Office are examined. Curzon took a conventional approach to Anglo-American negotiations. While Great Britain struggled to improve conditions with the United States, the outcome was nothing like the special relationship that manifested itself after 1945. Curzon's conventional view of foreign policy clashed with Lloyd George's essentially personal approach to foreign affairs. Geddes who was intended to be the Prime Minister's confidential agent proved, except on the question of the war debt, inadequate to the task.
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Peterson, Jody L. "Anglo-American Relations and the Problems of a Jewish State, 1945- 1948." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501226/.
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This thesis is concerned with determining the effect of the establishment of a Jewish state on Anglo-American relations and the policies of their governments. This work covers the period from the awarding of the Palestine Mandate to Great Britain, through World War II, and concentrates on the post-war events up to the foundation of the state of Israel. It uses major governmental documents, as well as those of the United Nations, the archival materials at the Harry S. Truman Library, and the memoirs of the major participants in the Palestine drama. This study concludes that, while the Palestine problem presented ample opportunities for disunity, the Anglo-American relationship suffered no permanently damaging effects.
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Thompson, Maximillian. "Making friends : amity in American foreign policy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:314db049-15df-4c1d-8a58-feaad76b1c28.
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This thesis examines an important but understudied phenomenon in international politics: the role of amity in foreign policy. The core research question is "how have American friendships for specified others been made possible?" Drawing on the logic of securitization, this thesis employs Aristotle's notion of character friends as Other Selves and Judith Butler's concept of performativity to elaborate an international process of friendship or amitization. In doing so, the thesis employs critical discourse analysis of presidential rhetoric and popular culture to elucidate the process through which discourses of similarity become naturalized frames of reference within the conduct of foreign policy. It argues that friendship emerges when a state comes to see itself in an other and that this similarity (re)produces a certain form of state identity that enables and forecloses certain policy options vis-à-vis friends. Friendship manifests in a habitual, or naturalized, disposition to treat friends better than others. As such, it can account for how certain policies and postures, such as uncritical and often unconditional support for subjects positioned as "friends," have come to be pursued as common sense. Amitization is illustrated by assessing three case studies: the Anglo-American "special relationship;" the US-Israel "unbreakable bond;" and America's membership of "the Atlantic Community." Specifically, the thesis similarly demonstrates the ways in which amity accounts for how supererogatory commitments such as vast financial assistance, diplomatic support, information sharing, security guarantees and concern for the welfare of these specified others have come to be seen as unquestionably legitimate policies in the broader trajectory of American foreign policy. Amity matters and the practices of amitization are inseparable from intelligible foreign policy.
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Thompson, David Scott. "This Crying Enormity: Impressment as a Factor in Anglo-American Foreign Relations." PDXScholar, 1993. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4677.
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As an issue affecting the foreign relations of the United States and Britain, impressment has been given varying emphasis by different authors. This thesis is first a chronological outline of the events and correspondence that trace the subject. Beyond this basic delineation I will consider exactly how important impressment was to the two countries. James F. Zimmerman, in Impressment of American Seamen, posits that impressment was of paramount significance while other authors have attempted to down grade it into a status of utter inconsequence. This paper will show that the actual influence of impressment varied from one time, one set of circumstances, to another. Finally, my thesis will attempt to show more of the British side of the question, heretofore primarily ignored. It will be shown that members of the British government had what they felt to be perfectly valid reasons for continuing the practice, even though it eventually led to war. Chapter one serves as an introduction and explanation of the legal and historical backgrounds of impressment. The chapter also covers the first difficulties the two countries had over the issue, when England and France nearly went to war in 1787. These would serve as a model for the problems to come. Chapter two looks into the reasons behind the need for impressment and America's argument against it. Britain needed men to man the navy, America needed these same men for its merchant marine, out of this the basic conflict was born. Chapter three deals with American efforts to contain or eliminate impressment, mostly through acts of Congress to protect United States sailors. The problem America had with issuing proofs of citizenship and Britain's requirement that America issue them began to bring impressment to the fore. James Monroe was sent to London for talks of which impressment was to be a major topic. Chapter four covers the parallel careers of Monroe, United States envoy to London, and Anthony Merry, British minister to America. Both men had troubles dealing with what they felt were obstinate foreign governments and both mens' missions were, in the end, failures. Merry, feeling America to be inflating the reaction against impressment, paid little attention to the complaints and ended up having to deal with harsh anti-British legislation. Monroe's lack of success took longer and forms the basis of chapter five. This chapter details how the Jefferson administration and Monroe were incapable of getting Britain to give an inch on the subject. This culminated in the Treaty of 1806, which was silent on impressment. Chapter six shows how this lack of action set the stage for the encounter between the Chesapeake and the Leopard. This skirmish almost led to war and represents the peak of impressment's importance as an issue in foreign affairs. Chapter seven details other differences between the two countries as they slid toward the War of 1812. Impressment was but one of many causes of the conflict, though one which both sides contributed to keeping alive. Finally, chapter eight covers war-time diplomacy and shows how impressment quickly became the only subject the two countries were fighting over. Later actions on America's part reveal that impressment, as a single complaint, was no longer considered a war-worthy topic, or even much of a cause for complaint.
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Szpakowicz, Błażej Sebastian. "British trade, political economy and commercial policy towards the United States, 1783-1815." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610189.
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Jenkins, Ellen Janet. ""Organizing Victory:" Great Britain, the United States, and the Instruments of War, 1914-1916." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279079/.
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This dissertation examines British munitions procurement chronologically from 1914 through early 1916, the period in which Britain's war effort grew to encompass the nation's entire industrial capacity, as well as much of the industrial capacity of the neutral United States. The focus shifts from the political struggle in the British Cabinet between Kitchener and Lloyd George, to Britain's Commercial Agency Agreement with the American banking firm of J. P. Morgan and Company, and to British and German propaganda in the United States.
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Gioe, David Vincent. "The Anglo-American special intelligence relationship : wartime causes and Cold War consequences, 1940-63." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708484.
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Morris, Katherine-Anne. "Oil, power, and global hegemony." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97090.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores the impact of primary energy on the measurement of state power and hegemony. Through an examination of British and American hegemonies, the role of coal, oil and petroleum on the hegemonic cycle is assessed, and the argument is presented for the inclusion of energy as a primary element underpinning the state power base. Utilising the Hegemonic Stability Theory approach to the study of global hegemony, a framework for the assessment of the role of energy on international hegemony is constructed. The Hegemonic Stability Theory approach employed in this study is augmented through the incorporation of several complimentary theoretical approaches, in order to improve the theory’s applicability to multiple cases. Through an examination of the economic, financial, and military/naval ‘pillars’ of the respective hegemonic powers, the study determines that energy has had a marked impact on both British and American hegemonies. Technological developments, notably the steam engine, and the subsequent conversion of the Royal Navy, the cornerstone of British hegemony, from sail to steam, made coal vital to the British Empire. In contrast, the use of oil and petroleum during the United States hegemonic reign indicate that access to oil and petroleum not only benefitted the United States material power base, but has become vital to sustaining American hegemony. This study makes a plausible case for the inclusion of energy as a factor in the assessment of state power, and draws attention to the importance of ensuring energy security and maintaining technological leads.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verhandeling ondersoek die impak wat grond-energie het as maatstaf op staatsmag en hegemonie. Na afleiding van ‘n gevalle studie van beide Britse en Amerikaanse hegemonies - die rol wat steenkool, olie en petroleum speel op die hegemoniese siklus – stel hierdie navorsingstuk voor dat grond-energie ingesluit moet word as ‘n kriterium van hoe staatsmag gemeet word. Hierdie tesis wend Hegemoniese Stabiliteitsteorie aan om internasionale hegemonie te ondersoek. ‘n Raamwerk om die belang van energie te meet in internasionale hegemonie word opgestel. Die Hegemoniese Stabiliteitsteorie aanslag word aangepas deur verskeie komplimentêre teoretiese benaderings te inkorporeer en sodoende die teorie meer toepaslik te maak op verskeie gevallestudies. Deur die ekonomiese, finansiële en militêle/vloot ‘pilare’ van die onderskeie hegemoniese magte te ondersoek, bevind hierdie verhandeling dat energie ‘n bepalende invloed gehad het op beide Britse en Amerikaanse hegemonies. Tegnologiese ontwikkelings, mees opmerklik die stoomenjin en die gevolglike oorgang van die Koninklike Vloot (die hoeksteun van Britse hegemonie) van seil- na stoomenjins, was die gevolg dat steenkool van uiterse belang geword het vir die Britse Ryk. In kontras word aangedui dat die gebruik van en toegang tot olie en petroleum tydens die hegemoniese bewind van die Verenigde State van Amerika nie net die materiële magsbasis bevoordeel het nie, maar asook bepalend geword het om Amerikaanse hegemonie te handhaaf. Hierdie verhandeling maak die aanneemlike voorstelling dat energie ingesluit moet word as ‘n faktor om staatsmag te meet, en dui die belang daarvan aan om tegnologiese vooruitgang te onderhou en sodoende energie sekuriteit te verseker.
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Rogers, Karen N. "The Indian neutral barrier state project: British policy towards the Indians south and southeast of the Great Lakes, 1783-1796." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/45925.
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Great Britain's policy towards British North America between 1783 and 1796 reflected the confusion caused by the loss of the thirteen Atlantic seaboard colonies. Britain proposed the Indian neutral barrier state project in an attempt to solve post-American Revolution British imperial and Anglo-American problems. According to the plan the American 'Old Northwest' would have become an Indian neutral barrier state between Canada and the United States. With the barrier state project, Great Britain hoped to regain limited control over the vast territory she had ceded to the United States in the Peace Treaty of 1783. Britain desired control over this region for two main reasons: 1) the protection of Canada from both Indian and American raids, and 2) control over the fur trade. This work traces the development of the barrier state project from the conclusion of the American Revolution until the end of the British presence in that region in 1796.
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Woolner, David B. "The frustrated idealists: Cordell Hull, Anthony Eden and the search for Anglo-American cooperation, 1933-1938 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=34482.
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This study involves an examination of Anglo-American relations between the years 1933 and 1938 through the policies of U.S. Secretary of State, Cordell Hull, and British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden. It is based on the thesis that both of these foreign ministers believed strongly in the need to establish a "special relationship" between Great Britain and the United States as a means to counter the growing world economic and political crisis that developed during the 1930s, but that in spite of these sentiments, they failed in this effort. This work explores the reasons for this failure.The study begins by noting the widespread expectation, following the 1932 election of Franklin D. Roosevelt, that the onset of a new American Administration under the leadership of Roosevelt and Hull would lead to closer transatlantic ties. It then goes on to explore Eden and Hull's efforts to establish a new economic and security relationship between the two powers through the workings of the World Economic Conference, the Geneva Disarmament Talks, the London Naval Conference, and the negotiation of an Anglo-American trade agreement. It then traces Eden and Hull's reaction to the outbreak of hostilities in Abyssinia, Spain and China, and notes how the increasing likelihood of a world war led to an intensification of their efforts to find a vehicle of cooperation.
The work then closes by examining the circumstances which led to Eden's resignation, and the successful negotiation of the Anglo-American Trade Agreement. In the latter case, however, it is argued that the trade agreement had little effect on the behavior of the fascist states, and hence proved ineffective as a means to stop the drift towards war. The study then concludes by reiterating the argument that both men shared in the belief that it was in their respective country's best interests to pursue closer transatlantic ties. It also concludes that they each carried certain idealistic notions about the benefits which might accrue from such a pursuit, as each felt that even the mere appearance of Anglo-American solidarity would give serious pause to the dictators and thus further advance the cause of peace. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Horni, Hanna í. "British and U.S. post-neutrality policy in the North Atlantic area 09.04.1940-1945 : the role of Danish representatives." Thesis, Swansea University, 2010. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42732.
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Following the German occupation of Denmark on April 9th 1940 Danish representatives were left to their own devices and their positions in their respective host-countries became very much dependent upon the goodwill shown to them by their host-governments and, in the case of the Faroe Islands, Iceland and Greenland, the governments and officials of the occupying forces. With their connections with the Government in Copenhagen severed the main task of the Danish representatives was to secure Danish interests in the North Atlantic Territories as well as elsewhere. The fact that Denmark had not put up a fight to defend her neutrality and the subsequent collaboration of the Danish Government with the German occupiers counted against the Danish representatives abroad. However, the Danes were able to exercise a remarkable level of influence on the British and Americans with regard to their policies towards the North Atlantic Area. The extent of influence was mainly due to the entrepreneurship of each individual, the constitutional status of the territory as part of the Kingdom of Denmark, and also due to strategic importance attached by the occupying forces' governments to the occupied territories in question. This latter point became especially apparent in the power struggle amongst the Danish representatives that emerged from the lack of a Danish Government in exile. It became important to the British and the Americans that it was the Danish representative in their country, who emerged as the victor of this power struggle, because that would help to secure their future interests in the North Atlantic territories. The Danish representatives were thus in some cases shown more goodwill and attention than their Norwegian colleagues, although the Norwegians had put up a brave fight against the Germans and had joined the allied side. The North Atlantic area proved very important to the general war policy of the British and Americans during Second World War. British policies were much dependent upon the Americans and Greenland and Iceland became instrumental in the increased involvement of the Americans in the war.
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Larsen, Daniel Richard. "British intelligence and American neutrality during the First World War." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265571.
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This PhD examines the role of British intelligence in Anglo-American relations during the period of American neutrality in the First \Vorld \Var. Unbeknownst to the Americans, British intelligence began to intercept and decrypt virtually all American diplomatic telegrams between Washington and U.S. diplomatic outposts throughout Europe. Although several studies of Anglo-American relations in this period exist, none consider British intelligence's role. Providing an analysis of the relevant cod.es and cryptographical developments during the war, the thesis traces British intelligence's progress in deciphering these various diplomatic codes and offers an analysis of the distribution and use of this intelligence material. Through an exploration of this intelligence aspect, this thesis challenges existing interpretations of British and American policy in this period. A crucial conflict at the heart of British policy-one missed by previous historians-existed over the importance of the United States. Presaging America's international role later in the twentieth centu1y, many of Britain's leaders came to seriously doubt that, without the United States, the war remained winnable at all. Yet these officials contended with a second, powerful faction that remained wedded to outmoded ideas of America's limited relevance on the global stage and that refused to accept the existence of practical limits to British power. This conflict play~ out in several areas of British policy-over diplomatic, military, financial, and political affairs. Intelligence, however, provea a favoured weapon. Intercepted communications, sometimes ripped from their context, caused serious but spurious paranoia that the Americans were collaborating with Germany. Previous scholars, however, by ignoring the weapon, have failed to see the battle. Until it entered the war, American policymakers worked t:u:elessly to achieve a peaceful settlement. Previous historians have entirely dismissed the significance of these efforts, casting them as well-intentioned but futile. In reality, however, those British leaders who understood Britain's dependence on the United States tended to favour these proposals as a useful way of ending an unwinnable war that was bleeding the country d17- This PhD makes a significant contribution to the history of British intelligence, British policy, and American diplomacy during the period of American neutrality during the First World War.
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Heuser, Beatrice. "Yugoslavia in Western Cold War policies, 1948-1953." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fabf0ed5-37c7-44ba-8908-863fdc824763.
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When Yugoslavia was expelled from the Cominform in 1948, the Western Powers (Britain, the USA, France) were taking action to counter a perceived Soviet threat. This included the policy of liberating Eastern Europe from Communist domination. Tito's expulsion was misinterpreted by the Western Powers: assuming that Tito had initiated it, the Western Powers hoped for similar "defections" by other Communis regimes. The sowing of discord between the Satellite leaders (including Mao) and Stalin became a new facet of the Liberation policy. Yugoslavia was treated as show-case to demonstrate to Satellite leaders that they could obtain aid from the West if they ceased to support Stalin. In the case of the European Satellite leaders, this policy was a miscalculation: they had no intention of breaking with Stalin and the alternative of obtaining help from the Western Powers had little credibility in view of their anti-Communist propaganda and subversive secret operations. The Americans for other reasons failed to encourage existing emancipatory trends among the Chinese Communist leaders. British recognition of Mao's regime was not enough to draw Mao away from Stalin. Yugoslavia's other role was strategic and it gained particular importance for the West in the context of increased defensive measures after the outbreak of the Korean War. The Western Powers gave Yugoslavia arms and economic aid to strengthen her as a shield for the defence of NATO territory. Yet Yugoslavia was discouraged from committing herself to the West by Western reluctance to give away NATO information. Italo- Yugoslav defence co-ordination would have been necessary but was made impossible by disagreements about Trieste, also involving the Western Powers. The Trieste crisis of late 1953 set back Western-Yugoslav relations significantly, perhaps irretrievably. The ephemeral Balkan defence pact of 1954 between Yugoslavia, Greece and Turkey was no substitute, and with the waning of the Soviet threat for Yugoslavia after Stalin's death in 1953 Tito became less interested in defence-cooperation with the Western Powers.
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Slattery, Thomas Eamon. "Intellectual and historical roots of the Anglo-American "special relationship." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2534.
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This dissertation examines the intellectual and historical roots of the Anglo-American “Special Relationship,” most notably Anglo-Saxonism and social Darwinism, and their effect on the noted policy organs of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (or Chatham House) and the Council on Foreign Relations (or the Council). It first traces the origins of Anglo-Saxonism and considers its effect on important historical events such as the Spanish-American War and the Second Boer War. This thesis also presents a definition of Anglo-Saxonism which appreciates the complexity of the term and allows a better understanding of its effects. It then shows the memberships of both groups were strongly affected by these Victorian and Edwardian phenomena, a fact which augments our understanding of them. Furthermore, this relationship between Anglo-Saxonism and Chatham House and the Council is not fully appreciated by many modern academics. Ultimately, the language of Anglo-Saxonism developed during the Victorian and Edwardian eras became institutionalised during the formative years of these groups’ memberships, predisposing both to the importance of permanent Anglo-American cooperation.
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Rezk, Dina. "Anglo-American political and intelligence assessments of Egypt and the Middle East from 1957-1977." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608033.
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Busse, Michele Conrady. "Got Silk?: Buying, Selling, and Advertising British Luxury Imports During the Stamp Act Crisis." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3993/.
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Despite the amount of scholarship on the Stamp Act Crisis, no study has used advertisements as a main source. This study attempts to show that a valuable, objective source has been overlooked, through the quantitative analysis of 5,810 advertisements before, during and after the Stamp Act Crisis from five port cities: Boston, Charleston, Philadelphia, New York, and Portsmouth. The findings reveal the colonists' strong connection to imported British luxury goods, and a lack of interest in American-made goods, especially before and after the boycott. Advertisements also demonstrate that the decision of many merchants to place the needs and expectations of their community before their own personal gain offered a rare economic opportunity for others. The colonists' devotion to imports tested the strength of the boycott, especially among Boston merchants, who continued to advertise imported goods a good deal more than any other city. This lack of dedication to the boycott on the part of the Boston merchants shows disunity among the colonies, at a time when many argue was the first instance of colonial nationalism. Capitalism challenged and undermined a commitment to communal sentiments such as nationalism. Moreover, if Americans did share a sense of nationhood during the Stamp Act Crisis, it cannot be gauged by a rejection of "Englishness."
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Shimazu, Naoko. "The racial equality proposal at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference : Japanese motivations and Anglo-American responses." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8fd0f80b-a0be-42df-a1a0-7441fb27616b.
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This thesis is a study of the racial equality proposal at the Paris Peace Conference. It explores Japanese motivations for submitting the proposal, and the responses of the British and American governments which eventually defeated it. The thesis uses an analytical framework based on five categories of possible explanations for the proposal: immigration, universal principle, great power status, peace conference politics and bargaining, and domestic politics. The thrust of the analysis contained in the thesis is as follows. For Japan, the proposal meant three things: a means of reaffirming its great power status by securing racial equality with the western great powers in the League of Nations; a justification for Prime Minister Hara whose pro- League position was maintained by a fragile domestic consensus against sceptics in the government and the wider public; and a means of resolving Japanese immigration problems in the United States and British Dominions. But for Japan the proposal was not originally intended as a demand for universal racial equality. For Britain, the proposal was unacceptable because it meant "free immigration" of non-white immigrants into the Dominions. In particular, Australia adamantly opposed it also because of its political significance for Australian public opinion. For the United States, Wilson's determination to create the League of Nations at almost any cost led him to impose a unanimity ruling at the crucial vote on llth April 1919. Other explanations worked in the background. The proposal highlighted the importance of the link between race and great power status for Japan, Japan's insecurity concerning the League of Nations and the West, and Japan's different approach to international relations. Moreover, the failure of the proposal revealed the limits of Wilsonian idealism in that neither Britain nor the United States at that time seriously considered the possibility of universal racial equality.
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Gottwald, Carl H. "The Anglo-American Council on Productivity: 1948-1952 British Productivity and the Marshall Plan." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279256/.
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The United Kingdom's postwar economic recovery and the usefulness of Marshall Plan aid depended heavily on a rapid increase in exports by the country's manufacturing industries. American aid administrators, however, shocked to discover the British industry's inability to respond to the country's urgent need, insisted on aggressive action to improve productivity. In partial response, a joint venture, called the Anglo-American Council on Productivity (AACP), arranged for sixty-six teams involving nearly one thousand people to visit U.S. factories and bring back productivity improvement ideas. Analyses of team recommendations, and a brief review of the country's industrial history, offer compelling insights into the problems of relative industrial decline. This dissertation attempts to assess the reasons for British industry's inability to respond to the country's economic emergency or to maintain its competitive position faced with the challenge of newer industrializing countries.
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Kurth, Audrey Ellen. "The great powers and the struggle over Austria, 1945-1955." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f40b09b1-bf96-40d4-b725-8bc5c0a1018a.
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The Austrian State Treaty, achieved after ten years of occupation of Austria by France, Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union, is a frequently cited example of the triumph of painstaking diplomacy between the great powers, but it can more accurately be depicted as the result of unilateral actions by the negotiating countries, particularly the Soviet Union. Careful examination of the records of the negotiations as well as available policy documents of the participants reveals that the highly publicized negotiations gradually became a sophisticated charade for the benefit of European and domestic audiences, while the critical decisions were made elsewhere. Indeed, as Europe grew increasingly polarized very little actual bargaining occurred between East and West; the Austrian negotiations became merely a forum for unilateral action. Thus, in describing the search for Austrian independence, the thesis is not simply a reiteration of the three hundred and seventy-nine meetings of the Foreign Ministers and Foreign Ministers' Deputies for Austria. Rather, it is a uniquely encapsulated version of the course of the Gold War in the ten critical years following the Second World War. The purpose of the thesis is to study, through the prism of British and American documents, the behaviour of the four great powers in the struggle to determine the future of Austria. Examining allied behaviour towards this small but strategically important country, and understanding how the Austrians came to choose a third way between East and West, sheds light upon the great power arrangements in Europe which have persisted to this day.
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Rademacher, Franz L. "DISSENTING PARTNERS: THE NATO NUCLEAR PLANNING GROUP 1965-1976." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1217257345.
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Montgomery, Alison Skye. "Imagined families : Anglo-American kinship and the formation of Southern identity, 1830-1890." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:bbfb161e-513d-4c2c-9325-4e60d17b4fba.
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Anglo-American kinship, as a set of historical continuities linking the United States to Great Britain and as a reckoning of relatedness, constituted a valuable cultural resource for Southerners as they contemplated their place within the American nation and outside in the nineteenth century. Like the more conventional calculations of consanguinity and familial belonging it referenced, the Anglo-American kinship was contingent, convoluted, and, not infrequently, contested. Articulated at various times by masters and former slaves, ministers and merchants, plantation mistresses and politicians, this sense of belonging to an imagined transatlantic family transcended the boundaries of gender, race, and class as readily as it traversed national borders. Though grounded in biogenetic factors, the language of Anglo-American kinship encompassed claims of belonging predicated on confessional faith, language, and institutions as well as blood. This thesis considers the interaction between conceptions of Anglo-American kinship and the formation of Southern national identity, both unionist and separatist, between 1830 and 1890 by examining institutions and social rituals that both inculcated filiopietism and constructed Southerness in the Civil War era and beyond. The subjects under consideration in this study include the role of European travel in forging Southern distinctiveness before the war, ring tournaments and the ethos of medieval chivalry they promoted, the Protestant Episcopal Church and its role in managing the sectional crisis, postbellum immigration societies and their vision of the plantation South remade in the image of British manors, and the role that state historical associations played in reunion and the entrenchment of the Lost Cause mythology as the predominant historical framework for interpreting the American Civil War.
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Eastlick, Anne C. "Genre criticism : an application of BP's image restoration campaign to the crisis communication genre." Scholarly Commons, 2011. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/767.
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Within two months of its emergence, the BP Gulf Oil spill had become the worst environmental disaster in United States history. However, for those studying public relations the oil spill brought more than ecological disaster, by providing a case study of crisis communication. Although there were a number of crisis responses from BP throughout the course of the oil spill, the primary crisis response crafted by BP was an image restoration campaign which premiered in early June 2010. This campaign, though it exhibits qualities of a standard crisis response, was wildly unpopular with the United States Government and citizenry. This rhetorical analysis attempts to uncover the reasons behind the campaign's failure through an application of the genre model of criticism. By defining the crisis communication genre and applying it to the artifact, the current study uncovers the reasons behind the failure of the campaign. Through this discussion, this analysis identifies that BP did not address all necessary exigencies, nor did it consider the influence a rhetor can have on a message. An explanation for the failure of BP' s campaign provided a plethora of implications to the fields of public . relations and rhetorical criticism, while beginning a discussion to help define the crisis communication genre.
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Kelly, Saul Mark Barrett. "Great Britain, the United States and the question of the Italian colonies, 1940-1952." Thesis, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283688.
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Duke, Simon. "United States defence bases in the United Kingdom." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5f7987f7-8286-48b0-9595-d60413ef6fc6.
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The main concerns of the study, covering the years 1945-84, are arrangements that have been made for the use of military bases in the United Kingdom by United States forces. The subject is examined within a chronological framework. The development of the United States military presence is traced, from the earliest Joint Chiefs of Staff plans in 1945 and the Spaatz- Tedder agreement in 1946, which gave the United States permission to deploy certain forces in the United Kingdom in time of emergency. The 1948 Berlin Crisis led to the arrival of bombers in East Anglia which was the first major post-war deployment of United States forces to Britain. It was stated that it would be for a period of temporary duty. In fact the bases have remained from that day to this, though their number and types have varied over time. The Korean War proved to be the next major turning point. It increased demands upon the Attlee government for an agreement defining the conditions of use of United States bases in the United Kingdom. The subsequent Truman- Attlee, and later Truman-Churchill, meetings resulted in the key phrase: the use of bases would be 'a matter for joint decision ... in the light of circumstances prevailing at the time.' Different interpretations have been placed on these words at different times. The years 1950-57 saw a consolidation of the United States military presence, with Britain's importance as an intelligence base also growing. The dawning of the missile age symbolised by the first Soviet earth satellite in 1957, the agreement in the same year to deploy Thor missiles, and the deployment of Polaris to Holy Loch in 1960, raised questions regarding the adequacy of the earlier agreements on the conditions of use. This factor, alongside the development of a distinct European identity of which Britain has become a part, has led to a questioning of American hegemony within NATO. The arrival of cruise missiles in 1983 gave added urgency to the debate. Whilst it may be generally recognized that the bases make a substantial contribution to the United Kingdom's defences, the need for clarification of the uses to which the bases can be put by United States forces remains.
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Berger, Michael Andrew. "How resisting democracies can defeat substate terrorism : formulating a theoretical framework for strategic coercion against nationalistic substate terrorist organizations." Thesis, St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/889.
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Zajicek, Anna M. "Labor activism and industrial relations in the coal-mining industries of the United States, Great Britain and Poland." Diss., This resource online, 1995. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-11082006-133625/.
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Al-Dailami, Ahmed Mahmood. "Reformers, rulers, and British residents : political relations in Bahrain (1923-1956)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:34575d84-bc76-4373-97e6-dc4f50fce860.
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This thesis explores the modern historical lineage of absolutism in Bahrain, and the history of challenges to absolutist state authority during the peak of British influence in the Persian Gulf, the period between the First World War to the Suez crisis of 1956. It rewrites the history of Bahrain and British colonialism in the Persian Gulf through two distinct narrative threads. First, it presents a new history of the colonial-dynastic state in Bahrain and the longer tradition of indirect rule from which its architects drew, and second, it retrieves the history of the popular movements that came to challenge it. This entails an examination of not only how colonial and dynastic authority was jointly exercised, but the ideas that justified such authority over a population conceived of as a set of cultural, and more specifically religious communities governed by their own 'custom' - the conceptual centerpiece of indirect colonial rule. Both these narrative strands constitute part of a broader history of the ideological clash between late colonial ideologies of rule and anticolonial nationalism in the twentieth-century Persian Gulf - a region that was never formally colonized, nor became the site of any successful popular nationalism. Yet both these forces exerted a profound influence on the nation-states that would emerge in the late twentieth century, especially on Bahrain. To chart that historical conjuncture, the thesis begins with the creation of the modern colonial-dynastic state in Bahrain in 1923. It ends in 1956 with the last and most important uprising in Bahrain's during the 20th century, one that was largely a revolt against the political and institutional structures that colonial reformers had established three decades earlier. At its broadest, the thesis argues that the process of state-building under indirect colonial rule in Bahrain derived from a body of colonial thought on native political life and behaviour, and particularly, on the prevention of rebellion that has its origins in mid nineteenth century North India. In Bahrain and the Persian Gulf, as elsewhere in the late colonial world, ideas about empire, the state, authority and rebellion are the intertwined threads that shaped political life and the prose of history.
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Donald, Iain. "Scotland, Great Britain and the United States : contrasting perceptions of the Spanish-American War and American imperialism, c. 1895-1902." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1999. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU124791.
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British relations with the United States during the period 1895 to 1902 shifted from an attitude defined by suspicion and hostility to one of friendship. The relationship endured three main trials; the Venezuelan boundary crisis, the Spanish-American War, and simultaneous colonial struggles; the United States in the Philippines and Great Britain in South Africa. What developed was a greater mutual understanding, laying foundations for the enduring special relationship of the twentieth century. Public opinion was critical to the development of the relationship with the United States, especially in view of existing suspicions and conflicting interest groups in both countries. Great Britain, with her naval power and the vast resources of the British Empire, was undoubtedly the most powerful nation-state for much of the nineteenth century, and had stood in 'Splendid Isolation' secure in the knowledge that each threat to her supremacy could be met in turn. However, in the latter years of the century, over-stretched from her imperial possessions, Britain faced more serious threats to her security and increasing demands for a formal relationship with a power with similar interests, the United States was advanced as that partner. The Spanish-American War was a brief but successful war for the United States of America, eclipsing the bad memories of the civil war. A renewed belief in the republic was instilled, and with it an end to the isolationist characteristic of American foreign policy from the time of Washington's farewell address. The Spanish-American War was also a turning point in the relations between the United States and Great Britain. This has prompted several historians to examine why the two nations, over a relatively short period, managed to settle their differences. Most studies of Anglo-American relations at the turn of the century have centred upon the diplomatic overtures. Others examining public opinion have focused upon the reaction of the London press. While providing valuable insight into opinion prevalent in the capital of the British Empire they neglect to examine British attitudes outside of the centre, in particular in Scotland. Scottish public opinion, within the larger British context, towards the Spanish-American War and American Imperialism, provides an insight into the growth of Anglo-American relations from a new perspective.
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Cooper, Dana Calise. "Informal ambassadors American women, transatlantic marriages, and Anglo-American relations, 1865-1945 /." Fort Worth, Tex. : Texas Christian University, 2006. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-12052006-133451/unrestricted/cooper.pdf.
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Silove, Nina. "Do great powers plan grand strategies? : the effects of strategic plans on the formation of grand strategy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711731.
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Johnston, Kimberley Gail. "Not equal partners : Anglo-American nuclear relations, 1940-1958 /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2001. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16172.pdf.
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Colman, Jonathan. "A 'special relationship'? : Harold Wilson, Lyndon B. Johnson and Anglo-American relations 'at the summit', 1964-68 /." Manchester : Manchester University Press, 2004. http://site.ebrary.com/id/10096093.
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Askew, Joseph Benjamin. "The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pha8356.pdf.
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"June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270. This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.
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Stillwell, Stephen J. "London, Ankara, and Geneva: Anglo-Turkish Relations, The Establishment of the Turkish Borders, and the League of Nations, 1919-1939." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5515/.
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This dissertation asserts the British primacy in the deliberations of the League of Nations Council between the two world wars of the twentieth century. It maintains that it was British imperial policy rather than any other consideration that ultimately carried the day in these deliberations. Given, as examples of this paramountcy, are the discussions around the finalization of the borders of the new republic of Turkey, which was created following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the First World War. These discussions focused on three areas, the Mosul Vilayet or the Turco-Iraqi frontier, the Maritza Delta, or the Turco-Greek frontier, and the Sanjak of Alexandretta or the Turco-Syrian frontier.
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Schell, Paul. "The Peril of Intervention: Anglo-American Relations during the American Civil War." Thesis, Boston College, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/436.
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Thesis advisor: Seth JacobsThe most decisive campaign of the American Civil War was waged in neither Virginia, nor Pennsylvania, nor along the Mississippi River, but rather in Great Britain. Northern military advantages in the prosecution of the war effort could have been completely negated by a serious diplomatic setback in Great Britain. In order to win the Civil War, the North had to prevent Great Britain from entering the conflict. British intervention (which would have also included France), whether in the form of actually entering the war on the side of the South, official recognition of the Confederacy, foreign mediation, or a call for an armistice followed by peace negotiations, would have been a diplomatic disaster for the North and a fatal blow in its attempt to re-unify the nation. Military setbacks on the battlefield were not nearly as threatening as diplomatic setbacks abroad. The North had greater manpower, a stronger and more balanced economy, an industrial infrastructure, and a better equipped army; yet, in order for these advantages to translate into military victory at home, the North first needed to ensure that the domestic conflict did not spread to an international war
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2003
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Jezierski, Rachael A. "The Glasgow Emancipation Society and the American Anti-Slavery Movement." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2641/.
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This study reinterprets the history of the Glasgow Emancipation Society and its relationship to the American anti-slavery movement in the nineteenth century. It examines the role of economics, religion and reform, from Colonial times up to the US Civil War, in order to determine its influence on abolition locally and nationally. This thesis emphasizes the reformist tendencies of the Glasgow abolitionists and how this dynamic significantly influenced their adherence to the original American Anti-Slavery Society and William Lloyd Garrison. It questions the infallibility of the evangelical response to anti-slavery in Scotland, demonstrating how Scottish-American ecclesiastical ties, and the preservation of Protestant unity, often conflicted with abolitionist efforts in Glasgow. It also focuses on the true leaders of GES, persons often ignored in historical accounts concerning Scottish anti-slavery, which explains the motivation and rational behind the society’s zealous attitude and proactive policies. It argues that similar social, political and religious imperatives that affected the American movement likewise mirrored events in Scotland influencing Glaswegian anti-slavery. Lastly, it resurrects the legacy of the Glasgow Emancipation Society from its provincial role, showing it was, in fact, a leader in the British campaign against American slavery.
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Blang, Eugenie M. "To urge common sense on the Americans: United States' relations with France, Great Britain, and the Federal Republic of Germany in the context of the Vietnam War, 1961-1968." W&M ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623983.
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America's Vietnam War had profound ramifications beyond its immediate effect on Southeast Asia and the United States. This dissertation utilizes the debate over Vietnam between the United States and its major European allies, Britain, France, and West Germany, as an analytical framework to examine inter-allied relations. The "Vietnam problem" strained the traps-Atlantic alliance and revealed the respective self-interest of the four member nations. The British, French, and West Germans had serious misgivings about the American strategy in Vietnam, based on a differing view of the nature of the conflict and a pessimistic assessment of American chances for success in South Vietnam. Equally important, the Europeans feared that Washington might disengage from Europe and that the fighting in Southeast Asia might develop into a major, perhaps even a world war. European security hence might be dangerously undermined by further American escalation in Vietnam. According to the European powers, the Cold War should be primarily fought in Europe. Although London, Paris, and Bonn were deeply apprehensive about the American engagement in Vietnam, they failed to develop a unified policy to affect American decision-making because they were unable to transcend their nationalistic agendas. Presidents Kennedy and Johnson unsuccessfully attempted to win substantial European support for America's role in Vietnam. to the United States, Vietnam was a prime domino that could not be allowed to fall and Washington viewed European concerns as parochial and counter-productive. The essentially unilateral approach of the United States in Vietnam led to tragic failure. as a result of the Vietnam experience, Washington realized that it could not fulfill all its global obligations without the backing of its European allies. The lack of a cohesive policy toward America's engagement in Vietnam revealed inherent shortcomings in the foreign policy-making of the European nation-states, which were still guided by a nationalistic, self-interested approach. Britain, France, West Germany, and the United States painfully recognized that in order to successfully meet global challenges they needed to listen more closely to each other and develop a mutualistic policy that would better serve their shared interests as allies and friends.
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Riley, David Daniel. "UK-US relations and the South Asian crisis, 1971." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2016. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/99792/.
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This thesis investigates UK-US relations with regard to the South Asian Crisis of 1971. Through a focus on an understudied point of disagreement within the relationship between Prime Minister Edward Heath and President Richard Nixon, the thesis sheds further light on Anglo-American relations in the early 1970s. Through analysis of archival documents on both sides of the Atlantic, this thesis contributes to the growing revisionist literature that has moved away from a focus upon Heath’s pro-Europeanism as the cause of problems in the Anglo-American relationship at the time. Rather, a more nuanced approach that also investigates the impact of the secretive foreign policymaking style of the Nixon White House is taken into account. The thesis reveals the issues in communication and differences of interests that, in December 1971, led the UK and US delegations at the UN Security Council to tacitly advocate for opposite sides of a hot war in South Asia. The thesis assesses the effect that these heated disagreements had upon the Anglo-American relationship going into 1972 and 1973.
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Gleason, Mark C. "From Associates to Antagonists: the United States, Great Britain, the First World War, and the Origins of War Plan Red, 1914-1919." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc115084/.
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American military plans for a war with the British Empire, first discussed in 1919, have received varied treatment since their declassification. the most common theme among historians in their appraisals of WAR PLAN RED is that of an oddity. Lack of a detailed study of Anglo-American relations in the immediate post-First World War years makes a right understanding of the difficult relationship between the United States and Britain after the War problematic. As a result of divergent aims and policies, the United States and Great Britain did not find the diplomatic and social unity so many on both sides of the Atlantic aspired to during and immediately after the First World War. Instead, United States’ civil and military organizations came to see the British Empire as a fierce and potentially dangerous rival, worthy of suspicion, and planned accordingly. Less than a year after the end of the War, internal debates and notes discussed and circulated between the most influential members of the United States Government, coalesced around a premise that became the rationale for WAR PLAN RED. Ample evidence reveals that contrary to the common narrative of “Anglo-American” and “Atlanticist” historians of the past century, the First World War did not forge a new union of spirit between the English-speaking nations. the experiences of the War, instead, engendered American antipathy for the British Empire. Economic and military advisers feared that the British might use their naval power to check American expansion, as they believed it did during the then recent conflict. the first full year of peace witnessed the beginnings of what became WAR PLAN RED. the foundational elements of America’s war plan against the British Empire emerged in reaction to the events of the day. Planners saw Britain as a potentially hostile nation, which might regard the United States’ rise in strength as a threatening challenge to Britain’s historic economic and maritime supremacy.
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Mello, Brian Jason. "Evaluating social movement impacts : labor and the politics of state-society relations /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10711.
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Thornhill, Paula Georgia. "Catalyst for coalition : the Anglo-American supply relationship, 1939-1941." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e66ee069-43c1-423b-8d54-d883c8ff4040.
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This thesis explores the Anglo-American supply relationship, 1939-1941, and the ability of these two nations to wage a coalition war immediately after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. Organisationally, the first chapters of the thesis look at the impact of the Great War and the interwar period on this relationship. The remaining chapters are devoted to the evolution of the supply relationship between September 1939 and December 1941. The evidence found in British and American archives indicates that early supply discussions, conducted under the supervision of Arthur Purvis and Henry Morgenthau, established a common ground for Anglo-American co-operation during the early days of the Second World War. The fall of France prompted the British Government to seek much closer ties with the United States. However, in mid-1940 many senior US officials insisted that America should concentrate on its own defence against the Nazi threat because of the likelihood of Britain's defeat. By the end of 1940, the American defence planners were more confident of Britain's ability to survive, and therefore they were willing to consider the creation of Anglo-American defence plans. At the same time President Roosevelt requested Congressional approval for the Lend-Lease Act, to ensure the British Government could still acquire US war supplies even if it lacked the dollars to pay for them. Because of the inability of US industry to produce adequate war materiel for the British effort and American rearmament, representatives from the two countries were forced to work closely together to determine production and allocation priorities. Moreover, since these decisions influenced the fighting capability of British and American forces, war planners rather than civilians officials began to make these supply decisions. Subsequently, British and American officials determined that their efforts should be based on a joint strategy. Ultimately this realisation inspired the creation of the Victory Programme, which effectively acknowledged that supply needs, strategic considerations, and an overall commitment to defeat Germany and its allies were indistinguishable. Thus the supply relationship, 1939-1941, provided the foundation for the Anglo-American wartime coalition against Hitler.
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Gow, John F. "The Construction of Hegemony: a World-Historical Study of Australian Politics and External Relations 1932-1988." Thesis, Griffith University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367664.
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Despite a wide recognition that external relationships are a significant force in shaping the pattern of Australian economic and political history, available theories for analysing the interplay of external and internal processes -- political sociology, dependency and world systems theory -- do not provide a reliable basis for coming to tenns with this aspect of Australia's historical experience in a contemporary setting. The world-historical perspective, as developed in an Australian context by McMichael, does addresses this problem usefully, but it is of limited contemporary utility since it largely focuses on the colonial period of the first half of the nineteenth century when Australia's economic structure and political institutions were relatively undeveloped. Two major areas of theoretical debate are addresed in chapters two and three. Chapter Two critically re-evaluates the utility of political sociology for a world-historical approach by analysing debates about nation-state territoriality. In Chapter Three the discussion considers dependency and world system perspectives, as well as couurent debates within international relations through a critical a~sessment of their approach to the historical development of the nation-state system. The thesis then proposes a re-evaluation of the applicability of the notion of hegemony to the study of relationships between nation-states, and a conception of a regime-governed international order as an alternative to the current approaches. Within this conceptual framework, the thesis focuses on a case study of the establishment, consolidation and decline of United States hegemony, and the concomitant decline of British power, in the Asia-Pacific region, and Australia's active engagement with this historical process. The ways in which this external program of United States regime-building impinged upon Australian domestic politics and established an external source of state legitimacy for both Labor and conservative governments is analysed in chapters Five and Six. These chapters also discuss the effects on the economic and political transformation of Australia from the l930s to the 1950s and continuing problems which follow the aftermath of the defeat of the 'Western alliance' in Vietnam and the onset of the global recession. The concluding chapter consolidates the linkage between the empirical and theoretical content of the thesis in order to propose a conceptual approach to the study the relationships between nation-states and the international order and to apply this approach to a consideration of the future prospects for Australia.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Division of Humanities
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Harouit, Farid. "Les facteurs de la radicalisation islamiste violente en Grande-Bretagne à la lumière des attentats de Londres du 7 juillet 2005 : la dimension pakistanaise." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA163.
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Les attentats du 7 juillet 2005 à Londres ont causé un choc et un effroi dans la société britannique non seulement à cause du nombre important des victimes mais aussi en raison de la citoyenneté britannique des kamikazes. A l’exception de Germaine Lindsay qui était d’origine jamaïcaine, les autres membres de la cellule – Mohammed Siddiq Khan, Shehzad Tanweer et Hussib Hussain - étaient tous d’origine pakistanaise. Les kamikazes du 7 juillet 2005 n’étaient pas les seuls Britanniques d’origine pakistanaise impliqués dans des actes de terrorisme. Avant 2005, ils étaient nombreux à aller combattre auprès d’organisations djihadistes pakistanaises au Cachemire ou à commettre des tentatives d’attentat sur le sol britannique, comme ce fut le cas de la cellule de Luton en 2004. Après 2005, d’autres cellules, comme celle de Birmingham en 2011, ont essayé de commettre des attentats à une plus grande échelle. L’origine pakistanaise des auteurs, leur intérêt pour le conflit au Cachemire et leur entrainement paramilitaire dans les camps d’organisations djihadistes pakistanaises sont autant d'éléments communs qui nous ont conduit à nous interroger sur la nature de la radicalisation violente en Grande-Bretagne. Cette thèse examine la dimension pakistanaise de la radicalisation islamiste violente en Grande-Bretagne en se basant sur la théorie des mouvements sociaux, notamment le modèle de Quintan Wiktorowicz, selon lequel la radicalisation est le fruit de griefs politiques, socio-économiques et d’idéologie. Elle s’appuie sur dix études de cas : trois organisations djihadistes pakistanaises (Lashkar e-Toiba, Harakat ul-Mujahideen et Jaish e-Mohammed), trois organisations extrémistes transnationales (Hizb ut-Tahrir, Al-Muhajiroun et Supporters of Sharia) et quatre mouvements de l’islam sud-asiatiques (Ahl e-Hadith, déobandi, Tablighi Jamaat et Jamaat e-Islami). La thèse démontre qu’il y a une dimension spécifiquement pakistanaise de la radicalisation islamiste violente en Grande-Bretagne en raison de l’histoire coloniale, le conflit au Cachemire, la « guerre contre la terreur » et l’intervention militaire en AfghanistanThe 7 July 2005 London bombings caused shock and awe in the British society not only because of the important number of casualties, but also due to the British citizenship of the bombers. With the exception of Germaine Lindsay, who was of Jamaican descent, all the other members of the cell - Mohammed Siddiq Khan, Shehzad Tanweer and Hussib Hussain - had Pakistani background. The London bombers were not the only British Pakistanis who were involved in acts of terrorism. Before 2005, many went to fight alongside the Pakistani jihadi organisations in Kashmir or plotted against Britain such as the Luton cell in 2004. After 2005, other cells, like the one in Birmingham in 2011, planned attacks on a bigger scale on British soil. The Pakistani origin of the perpetrators, their interest in Kashmir and their paramilitary training in camps belonging to Pakistani jihadi organisations were common features that have raised questions about the nature of violent radicalisation in Britain. This thesis examines the Pakistani dimension of violent radicalisation in Britain by building on social movement theory, especially on Quintan Wiktorowicz’ model, according to which radicalisation is the result of political, socio-economic grievances and ideology. This research is based on ten case studies: three Pakistani jihadi organisations (Lashkar e-Toiba, Harakat ul-Mujahideen and Jaish e-Mohammed), three extremist transnational organisations (Hizb ut-Tahrir, Al-Muhajiroun and Supporters of Sharia) and four South-Asian Islamic mouvements (Ahl e-Hadith, Deobandi, Tablighi Jamaat and Jamaat e-Islami). The thesis shows that there is specifically a Pakistani dimension to the violent islamist radicalisation in Britain due to the colonial history, the conflict in Kashmir, the ‘’war on terror’’ and the military intervention in Afghanistan
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Cheong, Onn Kee. "A Study of the Interdependence of Four Major Stock Markets Using a Vector Autoregression." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500682/.
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The question for this thesis is whether the four major stock markets--the United States, Great Britain, West Germany, and Japan are interdependent or segmented. The study period runs from February 1979 to June 1987, with the Wall Street Journal as a source of data. The Granger causality test is used to test for relationships among the four major stock markets. The thesis is divided into five chapters-- 1) statement of the problem; 2) survey of literature; 3) methodology; 4) results and 5) conclusions. The overall findings of this thesis indicate that there are few or no comovement similarities among all the four stock markets. However, the findings do point out the significant influence of the United States stock market on the other three stock markets.
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Kirchberger, Ulrike. "Konversion zur Moderne die britische Indianermission in der atlantischen Welt des 18. Jahrhunderts /." Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz, 2008. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/244654013.html.
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Cowan, David Fraser. "The best sin to commit : a theological strategy of Niebuhrian classical realism to challenge the Religious Right and neoconservative advancement of manifest destiny in American foreign policy." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4202.
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While few would deny America is the most powerful nation on earth, there is considerable debate, and controversy, over how America uses its foreign policy power. This is even truer since the “unipolar moment,” when America gained sole superpower status with the end of the Soviet Union and the Cold War. In the Cold War Reinhold Niebuhr was the main theological voice speaking to American power. In the Unipolar world, the Religious right emerged as the main theological voice, but instead of seeking to curb American power the Religious right embraced Neoconservatism in what I will call “Totemic Conservatism” to support use of America's power in the world and to triumph Manifest destiny in American foreign policy, which is the notion that America is a chosen nation, and this legitimizes its use of power and underpins its moral claims. I critique the Niebuhrian and Religious right legacies, and offer a classical realist strategy for theology to speak to America power and foreign policy, which avoids the neoconservative and religious conservative error of totemism, while avoiding the jettisoning of Niebuhr's theology by political liberals, and, the political ghettoizing of theology by his chief critics. This strategy is based on embracing the understanding of classical realism, but not taking the next step, which both Niebuhr and neoconservativism ultimately do, of moving from a prescriptive to a predictive strategy for American foreign policy. In this thesis, I argue that in the wake of the unipolar moment the embrace of the Religious right of Neoconservatism to triumph Manifest destiny in American foreign policy is a problematic commingling of faith and politics, and what is needed instead is a strategy of speaking to power rooted in classical realism but one which refines Niebuhrian realism to avoid the risk of progressing a Constantinian theology.
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VERBEEK, Bertjan. "Anglo-American relations 1945-1956 : a comparison of neorealist and cognitive psychological approaches to the study of international relations." Doctoral thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5417.
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Defence date: 16 March 1992Examining board: Prof. Jean Blondel, European University Institute (co-supervisor) ; Prof. Michael W. Doyle, Princeton University ; Prof. Hans Keman, Vrije Universiteit ; Prof. Steve Smith, University of East Anglia ; Prof. Susan Strange, European University Institute (supervisor)
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ROSSBACH, Niklas Helmer. "Walking the tightrope : Edward Heath's vision of Europe and Anglo-American relations." Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7082.
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Defence date: 19 September 2007Examining board: Prof. Pascaline Winand, E(UI) ; Doctor Piers Ludlow, (London School of Economics and Politics) ; Prof. Arfon Rees, (EUI) ; Prof. Beatrice Heuser, (Universität der Bundeswehr München/University of Reading)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This is a study of the consequences for the Anglo-American special relationship of Heath’s attempt to place Britain at the centre of the EC. British accession to the EC is widely regarded as the chief accomplishment of the Heath Government, although the positive influence of membership are issues which are still debated. In contrast, contemporary Anglo-American relations, during the stewardship of Prime Minister Edward Heath and President Richard Nixon, are described as either inconsequential or as bewildering. The conventional interpretation of the Nixon-Heath years is that Heath pursued a European objective for Britain and that he was indifferent with regard to the special relationship.
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Daniels, Barbara A. "Diplomacy and its discontents : nationalism, colonialism, imperialism and the Cyprus problem (1945-1960)." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/3130.
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