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1
Lutsenko, Nazarii. "FUNDAMENTAL INDICATION OF THE «SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP» BETWEEN THE USA AND GREAT BRITAIN." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 16 (2023): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2023.16.5.
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The aim of this article is to shed light on the phenomenon of «special relations» between the United States of America and Great Britain. Despite the fact that the topic gained considerable attention in the academic literature and the term «special relations» is applied to different states and regions, it is necessary to understand its origins. The purpose of the article is to investigate the phenomenon of American-British relations, to analyze the historical and political view of the problem, and to formulate the characteristics of the relations between the United States and the United Kingdom. Chronological limits are determined by the first mention of the term in 1946 and the presidential term of D.Trump, who managed the office in 2017–2021. Methodology of the article. Hypotheses were tested through historiographical analysis and the historical-comparative method were used to analyze published studies on the history of «special relations». The scientific novelty of the study consists in determining the peculiarities of relations between the United States and Great Britain during the tenure of Donald Trump. Therefore, the «special relationship» is a unique historically formed complex of interaction between the USA and Great Britain, which is manifested in various spheres of public life: political (to have an opportunity for better implementation of their own foreign policy), military (the USA and the United Kingdom have an unprecedented level of mutual trust and cooperation in the field of intelligence and nuclear programs), cultural (the historical memory of both nations makes American and British society sensitive to the problems of their «English-speaking neighbours»). We consider it necessary to highlight the following features of American-British relations:the long-term historical interaction that brought the two nations closer together and laid the foundation for relations between the United States and Great Britain; the common ideology of liberalism; cooperation provides an opportunity to better implement one’s own foreign policy; close relations between political figures of states; relations are characterized by periodic «approaching and distancing», which create new challenges for the allies. Each of these features is traced in the relations between the USA and Great Britain and during the administration of Donald Trump. Both states faced a number of challenges in international politics, due to the crisis state of the modern system of international relations. The governments of the United States and the United Kingdom have demonstrated the ability to compromise in critical situations, that proves the uniqueness of such an alliance.
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İlqar oğlu İlyasov, Mirpaşa. "Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period." SCIENTIFIC WORK 77, no. 4 (April 17, 2022): 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/77/232-236.
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Bu məqalədə XXI əsrdə Böyük Britaniyanın xarici siyasətində strategiyaları, əsas istiqamətləri, siyasi arenada fəaliyyəti analiz ediləcək. Böyük Britaniyanın qarşısına qoyduğu məqsədlər, Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması prosesi, xarici siyasəti ilə bağlı yanaşmalar və xarici siyasətdə dövlətlərlə olan əlaqələrinin təhlil olunması aparılacaq. Brexit-ə səbəb olan amillər, Böyük Britaniyanın Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması və Brexit-nin səbəb olduğu reaksiyaların analizləri öz əksini bu yazıda tapacaq. ABŞ və Rusiya ilə olan münasibətləri, gələcək geosiyasi mənzərəsi, marağı və əməkdaşlıq etmək istədiyi regionlar haqqında məlumatlar əks olunacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın təhlükəsizlik və müdafiə məsələlərindən, təhlükəsiz enerji mənbələri və dövlətlərlə iqtisadi-ticari əməkdaşlıqdan danışılacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın köhnə müstəmləkələri ilə olan əlaqələri və bu əlaqələrin gələcək perpektivləri nəzərdən keçirilib analiz ediləcək. Hazırkı dövrdə Ukrayna məsələsi ilə bağlı Böyük Britaniyanın mövqeyi təhlil olunacaq.Müasir dövrdə Böyük Britaniyanın aktiv rolunun artması və faəliyyətinin əsas prioritet istiqamətləri bu məqalədə təhlil olunub, ümumiləşdiriləcək. Açar sözlər: siyasət, strategiya, BREXİT, inteqrasiya, maraqlar, suverenlik, beynəlxalq nizam, müttəfiqlik, ABŞ, Rusiya Mirpasha Ilgar İlyas Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period Abstract This article is about the XXI century of the United Kingdom. will analyze the foreign policy strategies, main directions and activities in the 20th century. The goals set by the United Kingdom, the process of leaving the European Union, its approaches to foreign policy and relations with states in foreign policy will be analyzed. The factors leading to Brexit, the UK's departure from the European Union and the analysis of the reactions caused by Brexit will be reflected in this article. Information about relations with the United States and Russia, the future geopolitical outlook, interests and regions with which it wishes to cooperate will be reflected. Britain's security and defence, secure energy sources and economic and commercial cooperation with states will be discussed. The relations with the former British colonies and the future prospects of these relations will be discussed and analyzed. At this time, the UK's position on Ukraine will be analysed. The growth of the UK's active role in modern times and the main priorities of its activities will be analyzed and summarized in this article. Key words: politics, strategy, BREXIT, integration, interests, sovereignty, international order, alliance, USA, Russia
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Lutsenko, Nazarii. "UKRAINE IN THE «SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP» BETWEEN UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN (2017–2021)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 14 (2022): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2022.14.2.
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The article deals with the relations between the United States of America, Great Britain and Ukraine. The major task of this study is to provide an analysis of the tripartite partnership between the states and to find out the place of Ukraine in the «special relations». The chronological boundaries of the article are determined by the presidential term of the 45th President of the United States, Donald Trump. Methodology of the article: historical-political and historical-comparative methods are used to determine changes in relations in the Washington-Kyiv-London triangle. The analysis method was applied to assess the place of Ukraine in the «special relations» of the United States and Great Britain. The article’s scientific novelty is rethinking Ukraine’s place in the «special relations» between the United States and Great Britain. Conclusions. It is especially noted that the United States of America and the United Kingdom began to develop relations with Ukraine during 2017–2022 intensively. It was caused by the geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe. The annexation of Crimea, the invasion of the Russian army in Ukraine and the Russian government’s support of separatists in the Luhansk and Donetsk regions made Ukraine a center of the US and the UK foreign policy. This investigation proves that the role of Ukraine in «special relations» has strengthened. In fact, the state has turned into a strategic ally of the United States and Great Britain in the region. The main reason for such changes was the desire of London and Washington to have a strong and stable ally in Eastern Europe in opposition to Moscow. The United States and Great Britain failed to respond in time to Russian military aggression in Ukraine and did not fulfill their obligations presented in the Budapest Memorandum. The re-awareness of the importance of Ukraine on the geopolitical map of the world by the British-American elite prompted the establishment of a strategic partnership in the period of 2017–2021.
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Trusova, Mariya A. "The evolution of Western Powers’ perceptions of the Soviet-German relations in 1918–1924." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 24, no. 1 (March 21, 2024): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2024-24-1-73-79.
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On the basis of the study of the Documents of foreign policy of Great Britain, France and the United States the author identifies the main stages of Soviet and German relations in the socalled Rapallo period. Eachstage has its own features of the perception and their prospects by these countries. The author concludes that Western countries’ assessments of German-Soviet relations are interdependent and interconnected with their foreign policy and foreign economic decisions.
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Gorfin, Vladislav L., and Alexander M. Rybakov. "RUSSIA’S ROLE IN THE STRUGGLE FOR THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES." Historical Search 2, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-2-5-12.
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In the article the authors show the place of Russia in the struggle for the independence of the United States. They reveal the concept of «military neutrality», its essence and content. They define the basic principles of the world colonial system in the XVIII century, the foundations of interrelation between world powers and their colonies. They identify the priorities and interests for the development of foreign policy relations. They establish causal links between the war of the North American colonies of Great Britain for their independence and the policies of a number of European powers (Russia, Great Britain, France), as well as the consequences to which it led.
The article considers the history of the struggle for independence and the formation of a new state of the United States of America, the development of foreign policy relations. The authors focus on the history of Russian-American relations in the second half of the XVIII century in the political aspect, and emphasize the increasing penetration of Russia’s influence in the scientific and cultural spheres which directly influenced and enriched the two countries. The relations between Russia and the United States and their history are studied. The history of relations between Russia and Great Britain is shown. The authors analyze the history of attempts to involve the Russian Empire in the war on the side of Great Britain, the position of the Russian government and Catherine II, as well as their attitude to these attempts.
The authors give prominence to a number of world political figures and note their personal contribution to the process of struggle for independence and the further development of the United States of America. Unknown moments of their biographies are revealed.
Conclusions are drawn about the role and the place of the leading countries of the period under study in the struggle for freedom and independence of the future superpower.
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Orlyk, Viktoriia. "The main trends in the formation of the Great Britain’s foreign policy after Brexit." European Historical Studies, no. 18 (2021): 38–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.04.
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The article deals with the peculiarities of forming the new trends in the British foreign policy, due to the results of the referendum on Brexit and the country’s withdrawal from the European Union. Formation of the strategic priorities for the UK foreign policy course is becoming one of the most important tasks for the political, diplomatic and expert circles. The refusal to develop a common foreign policy of the EU as a result of Brexit, sets the essential challenge for Britain: to maintain existing influence and allied relations with continental European states (primarily, due to the strengthening of bilateral relations and the preservation of the Euro-Atlantic alliance), and at the same time to establish itself as an independent center of influence, not limited to the collective will of the EU. The main provisions of the “Global Britain” concept, presented in 2016 as the doctrinal basis of the foreign policy dimension of Brexit, are analyzed. The most significant of them are the next: the promotion of the UK`s economic and security interests around the world as the basis of foreign and security policy; alliance with the United States as a major foreign policy and security priority; rethinking the partnership with the EU and giving it a new depth in the name of protecting the international order and common values; the development of cooperation within the Commonwealth to strengthen Britain’s international presence and global influence. The author identifies the key foreign policy positions of London, which are not reflected in the concept presently, but will be of key importance for the European and global securities in the short and medium terms. The positions of leading regional and world players are analyzed, the risks of aggravation of relations with Russia and China are assessed. It is summarized that because of the new global threats and risks (first of all COVID-19 pandemic and its global impact and economic consequences) the “Global Britain” concept is still in its forming.
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Levin, Yaroslav A. "Image of Ally." Galactica Media: Journal of Media Studies 4, no. 4 (December 12, 2022): 210–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/gmd.v4i4.267.
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World War II was a time of increased rapprochement between the United States and Great Britain. After a long rivalry and outright hostility in the XVIII-XIX centuries, by the beginning of the 20th century, these two countries began to get closer with time, which was reflected in the gradual design of the concept of “Special Relations” between the United States and the United Kingdom. The rapprochement required strong propaganda support to explain political changes to the population. Due to its accessibility, clarity and brightness, cinema has become one of the main tools for promoting the new paradigm of US foreign policy. In this study, we examined the problem of constructing the image of Great Britain in American cinema in 1942. The purpose of this article is to identify the main features and stereotypes of perception used by American filmmakers and propagandists in building the image of an ally. Based on an analysis of 1942 films, a number of specific features were identified that were used in cinema to form the image of Great Britain as an ally.
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Kaviaka, Iryna. "German Question, 1945–1990, in Anglo-American Historiography: Key Aspects of the Problem Study." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013665-9.
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Understanding and, after the unification of Germany in 1990, rethinking the process of evolution of the German Question, in particular its main components, is an important scholarly task. The origins of the modern power of Germany, its desire to establish itself as a world power, were formed in 1945–1990 with the active participation of the United States and Great Britain. Therefore, the assessment of the development of the German Question by researchers from these countries is important for its understanding. The study of the problem contributes to a comprehensive analysis of the post-war international policy of Great Britain and the United States as well as their modern relations with the FRG. Special attention to the German Question in the publications of the United Kingdom and the United States was shown at the stages of its qualitative transformation: the creation of the FRG, its rearmament, the implementation of a new Eastern policy, as well as the unification of Germany. Each of these events required a prompt response from the academic and expert community and the development of a balanced model of foreign policy response. Anglo-American historiography of the German question has not previously been the object of a special study by Russian historians. The purpose of this article is to analyze the main aspects of the German problem study in the works of British and American researchers. The article identifies four key aspects of the German question, around which the study of the problem in Great Britain and the United States was concentrated. The historiographic core consists of the works devoted to the issues of denazification, West Germany rearmament, Ostpolitik, as well as the unification of Germany and its consequences. Each aspect study was of particular importance and relevance for determining the further foreign policy strategy of the Western countries in Europe, mainly in relation to the FRG and USSR. Changes in approaches to evaluation of the aspects during the post-war period are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to identifying and studying stable geopolitical models that accompanied the perception of the German question by academic and expert communities of Great Britain and the United States: the concepts of “Finlandization” and “Mitteleuropa”, as well as the “Rapallo complex”.
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Lutsenko, Nazarii. "United States – United Kingdom military cooperation under Donald Trump’s administration (2017 – 2021)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 12 (2021): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.12.4.
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This article refers to military cooperation between the United States and Great Britain. Their relationship constitutes an important component of the system of the international relations. Both countries have nuclear weapons and the latest military technology. Both states are sending troops to resolve military conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa. The United States and the United Kingdom provide a significant support to Ukraine in its confrontation with the Russian Federation. Methodology. The research is based on chronological, historical-political and comparative methods. The purpose of the article is to study the changes and the development of the US-British bilateral relations in the context of military cooperation. Looking at the results of this study, the US-British military relations under the Donald Trump administration have not changed. The article illustrates that the United States and the United Kingdom are the main partners in the production of weapons and equipment, strategic planning of operations. British ships in the Asian-Pacific and Middle East plying with the US Navy, repeatedly conducted joint exercises. These are the only countries that conduct the bilateral military exercises almost every year. Under the premiership of Theresa May and Boris Johnson, the United Kingdom pursued a foreign policy strategy which is called Global Britain. The main goal is to make the country more powerful in the international arena. At the same time Donald Trump`s main strategy was to «Made America great again». So, sometimes there were some political discussions among political leaders how to react and to solve the problems in the Middle East, especially in Iraq. However, this did not affect the proximity of the military partnership. Both countries work closely together in the military force and in intelligence.
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Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.
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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
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Petrov, Alexander. "Cotton Trade in the Establishment of Russian-American Relations (1765—1815)." ISTORIYA 14, no. 11 (133) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840029132-4.
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The article examines the role of cotton in the establishment of Russian-American relations between 1765 and 1815. The relevance of the issues raised in the article reflects the growing interest in the history of Russian-American relations. So far little attention has been paid to this problem, so the goal of our research was to show how Russia grew interested in the cotton and how cotton gradually became the main export from the United States. Establishing diplomatic relations with the United States, Russia attached great importance to goods from the United States and furs from Alaska. Great Britain was the main rivals in this trade for Russia and the United States. The article draws on extensive Russian and foreign scholarly literature. The methodology used is based on the achievements of modern historical science. The article is conceived as the first in a series of proposed further publications to further study the role of cotton trade in relations between Russia and the United States. The author shows how cotton trade was an important factor in establishing diplomatic relations between the two countries, despite the changing international situation. The author analyzes the causes and consequences of cotton trade and provides examples from the history of the cotton trade between Russia and the US. It is argued that the cotton trade was an important stimulus and catalyst for the establishment of direct trade and diplomatic relations between Russia and the United States, which then continued to develop on a mutually beneficial basis.
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Tkachuk, T. "The United States Position on the Military Assistance to Great Britain at the Beginning of the World War II (1939 – 1941)." Problems of World History, no. 17 (January 27, 2022): 110–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-5.
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The article examines the problem of relations between the two leading countries of the world – Great Britain and the United States, which had a significant impact on the international political situation in the world in 1939–1941, and still have nowadays. As a vector of research, the author used the factor of American military aid to the British governments of N. Chamberlain and W. Churchill to fight against Nazi Germany. According to this, the author aimed to conduct a comprehensive analysis and his own assessment of the United States’ position on providing Britain with the necessary weapons and ammunition at the beginning of World War II.
During the research the author used a comparative-historical method to analyze various factors influencing the US position on military assistance to London, a problem-chronological method to present the material in chronological order, and a statistical – to analyze the attitude of ordinary Americans on important decisions of the Roosevelt administration. That allowed the author to analyze and rethink the evolution of the United States’ position on Britain in the problem of providing military aid regarding the current geopolitical situation.
The author works out that under the necessity of supporting London with various types of weapons, armament and ammunition to fight against Hitler’s regime the United States significantly changed the principles of its foreign policy – from “isolationism” in 1939 to its cancellation in the late 1941. At the same time, according to the author, this process was caused by a number of factors, including both the “isolationist” opposition in Congress and the Roosevelt administration’s gradual understanding of the Nazi regime threat to the security of the United States.
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Avramenko, I. "Strategies of US foreign policy at the end of the 20-th – at the beginning of the 21-st centuries." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law 2, no. 76 (June 14, 2023): 178–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2022.76.2.30.
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The article investigates the foreign policy strategies of the United States, beginning with the collapse of the Soviet Union, with an emphasis on key regions - the Middle East, Central and Eastern Europe, and the Indo-Pacific region. The work assesses the international situation and presents the author’s views on future changes in the system of international relations.
It is noted that since the beginning of the XXI century, the USA began to lose its position on the international arena, which was due to the difficulty of maintaining existing positions, as well as the incompetence of the state elites that came to power in the USA at the beginning of the XXI century. In view of this, in the process of increasing confrontation between Сhina and USA, the attention of the latter was gradually shifted from the regions of the Middle East and Central-Eastern Europe to the Indo-Pacific region. The article emphasizes that the complexity of the situation for Ukraine lies in the fact that the further involvement of the United States in the confrontation with the Russian Federation will most likely lead to the split of the Western coalition, primarily in the European Union and NATO, and will push states suffering from economic sanctions, lack of energy resources and rare earth materials to ensure the «green transition», to deepen cooperation with China.In this context, it is extremely important for the United States to preserve the current balance of power and maintain allied relations with the main partners of the United States in Europe - the French Republic and Germany. Difficulties will be added by the ambiguous policy of Great Britain, which after leaving the EU began to pursue a more independent foreign policy course that does not always correspond to the national interests of the United States of America. The situation looks most threatening in the Indo-Pacific region, where the interests of the main geopolitical players intersect. Currently, in order to consolidate resources, the US is reducing its military presence in the Middle East and focusing on forming new alliances in the region, as well as strengthening relations with allies. In this context, it will be extremely important to maintain allied relations with the main partners of the USA in Europe - the French Republic and Germany. Difficulties will be added by the ambiguous policy of Great Britain, which after leaving the EU began to pursue a more independent foreign policy course that does not always correspond to the national interests of the United States of America.
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Bell, Mark S. "Beyond Emboldenment: How Acquiring Nuclear Weapons Can Change Foreign Policy." International Security 40, no. 1 (July 2015): 87–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00204.
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What happens to the foreign policies of states when they acquire nuclear weapons? Despite its importance, this question has not been answered satisfactorily. Nuclear weapons can facilitate six conceptually distinct foreign policy behaviors: aggression, expansion, independence, bolstering, steadfastness, and compromise. This typology of foreign policy behaviors enables scholars to move beyond simple claims of “nuclear emboldenment,” and allows for more nuanced examination of the ways in which nuclear weapons affect the foreign policies of current and future nuclear states. The typology also sheds light on Great Britain's response to nuclear acquisition. Britain used nuclear weapons to engage in greater levels of steadfastness in responding to challenges, bolstering junior allies, and demonstrating independence from the United States, but it did not engage in greater levels of aggression, expansion, or compromise. The typology and the British case demonstrate the value of distinguishing among different effects of nuclear weapons acquisition, have implications for scholars' and policymakers' understanding of the role of nuclear weapons in international politics, and suggest avenues for future research.
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Seklivanova, Irina. "Mexican Revolution 1910-1917 and British interests." Latin-american Historical Almanac 31, no. 1 (August 26, 2021): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-31-1-7-32.
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Mexico experienced relative political stability during the period of President Porfirio Diaz. This process was accompanied by accelerated capitalist development with dependence on foreign capital and the preservation of precapitalist features. The President of the country Diaz created favorable conditions for the penetration of foreign capital into the country's economy. Great Britain has shown an interest in establishing strong economic relations with the Mexican state, seeking to consolidate its economic dominance in the Latin American market. With the backing of the Diaz government in Mexico, major British entrepreneurs such as Whitman Pearson received favorable conditions to grow their businesses. At the same time, the country experienced a serious confrontation between Britain and the United States of America for influence on the Mexican economy and politics. The focus of the article is on the relationship between Great Britain and Mexico during the revolution of 1910-1917. The study reveals the position of London in relation to the Mexican governments replacing each other during the revolutionary events, headed by General Victoriano Huerta and the leader of the constitutionalists Venustiano Carranza.
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Dorofeev, D. V. "THE GENESIS OF THE US FOREIGN POLICY: THE ORIGIN OF THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE TOPIC, 1610–1820S." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no. 2 (2021): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-2-81-93.
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The research is devoted to the study of the origin of the historiography of the topic of the genesis of the US foreign policy. The key thesis of the work challenges the established position in the scientific literature about the fundamental role of the work of T. Lyman, Jr. «The diplomacy of the United States: being an account of the foreign relations of the country, from the first treaty with France, in 1778, to the Treaty of Ghent in 1814, with Great Britain», published in 1826. The article puts forward an alternative hypothesis: the emergence of the historiography of the genesis of the foreign policy of the United States occurred before the beginning of the second quarter of the XIX century – during the colonial period and the first fifty years of the North American state. A study of the works of thirty-five authors who worked during the 1610s and 1820s showed that amater historians expressed a common opinion about North America’s belonging to the Eurocentric system of international relations; they were sure that both the colonists and the founding fathers perceived international processes on the basis of raison d’être. The conceptualization of the intellectual heritage of non-professional historians allowed us to distinguish three interpretations of the origin of the United States foreign policy: «Autochthonous» – focused on purely North American reasons; «Atlantic» – postulated the borrowing of European practice of international relations by means of the system of relations that developed in the Atlantic in the XVII–XVIII centuries; «Imperial» – stated the adaptation of the British experience. The obtained data refute the provisions of scientific thought of the XX–XXI centuries and create new guidelines for further study of the topic.
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Zhukovskaya, Nataliia Y. "The role of the “North Atlantic Triangle” in the development of Canadian foreign policy: on the question of interpretations of the concept." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 195 (2021): 329–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2021-26-195-329-340.
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An analysis of various interpretations of the concept of the “North Atlantic Triangle” in the context of the development of Canadian foreign policy in the late 19th – first half of the 20th centuries is presented. The relevance of the work is due to the need to study the interaction of the Atlantic powers in historical dynamics, with an emphasis on the origins of the development of the “North Atlantic triangle”. Based on the classic works of Canadian historians and the works of modern researchers, the concept of the “North Atlantic Triangle” is analyzed through three main ideas: the “bookkeeper’s puzzle”, the idea of “counterweight” and the idea of a “bridge” or “linchpin”. It is concluded that the development of Canadian national interests began long before Canadians recognized themselves as a nation and gained the ability to pursue an independent foreign policy. This process was largely determined by a specific relationship between two centers of gravity: Great Britain and the United States. Canada was the weakest side of this construct, therefore, for reasons of security and the preservation of its own interests, it developed certain scenarios of relations with the Atlantic partners. Depending on historical circumstances, the emphasis in these scenarios was different. That is why interpretations of the concept of the “North Atlantic Triangle” often differ depending on the subject content and chronological boundaries of a particular study. However, it has been proven that the main goal setting of Canadian foreign policy priorities – to ensure their own security and derive maximum benefit from relations within the “North Atlantic Triangle”, skillfully smoothing out contradictions and maneuvering between Great Britain and the United States – remained unchanged.
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Rinke, Stefan. "From Informal Imperialism to Transnational Relations: Prolegomena to a Study of German Policy towards Latin America, 1918-1933." Itinerario 19, no. 2 (July 1995): 112–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006823.
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Although never more than a junior partner or rival to the hegemonic powers Great Britain and United States, the German states and later the Reich have since independence played an important role in the foreign relations of Latin America. German-Latin American relations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have been the subject of a growing body of research over the last three decades. The interest of historians has focused on the development of these relations throughout the nineteenth century, the era of German imperialism 1890-1914, and on the infiltration of National Socialism and its Auslandsorganisation (organization for Nazi party members living abroad) in Latin America from 1933 to 1945. In addition, the reconstruction of German ties to the Latin American states after the Second World War and postwar emigration from Germany to Latin America are subjects which scholars have recendy begun to analyze.
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Gmurczyk-Wrońska, Małgorzata. "France in International Relations of the Second Half of the 20th Century and the Early 21st Century – Priorities in Foreign Policy." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no. 44 (December 31, 2014): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.03.
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After the Second World War France lost temporarily her position as a decision-maker in international relations. Soon enough, though, her diplomacy adapted to a bipolar system. Her foreign policy was to manoeuvre between the USSR, the United States and Great Britain, and to jointly create the structures of future European Union. It was in the EU that France has found the place to strengthen her role of mediator and arbiter. Nowadays, the foreign policy of France has numerous continuities originating from the 19th century and the years of 1918 – 1939, but also some modifications related to new directions in French foreign policy and to the adaptation of its tactics to main purposes in order to secure France’s security, her strong position in the EU and in the world.
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Reno, William. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: Private Corporate Dimension." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.
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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outside eyes to be more akin to commercial entrepreneurs than rulers of states. Relations between Europe and these authorities left much more room for proxies and ancillary groups. Missionaries, explorers, and chartered companies commonly became proxies through which strong states in Europe pursued their relations with these African authorities. So too now, stronger states in global society increasingly contract out to private actors their relations toward Africa’s weakest states. Especially in the United States, but also in Great Britain and South Africa, officials show a growing propensity to use foreign firms, including military service companies, as proxies to exercise influence in small, very poor countries where strategic and economic interests are limited. This privatized foreign policy affects the worst-off parts of Africa—states like Angola, the Central African Republic, Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone—where formal state institutions have collapsed, often amidst long-term warfare and disorder.
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Goodman, Giora. "The British Government and the Challenge of McCarthyism in the Early Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 1 (January 2010): 62–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2010.12.1.62.
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The domestic policies and excesses of American anti-Communism in the early Cold War, dominated by the image of Senator Joseph McCarthy, have been the subject of controversy and a great deal of historical research. No less significant and much commented on at the time was the influence of McCarthyism on foreign relations and perceptions of the United States abroad. This article deals with the British government's responses to the anti-Communist fervor in the United States in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Britain was itself grappling with the challenges posed by the Cold War, including those relating to security and civil liberties in a democratic society. The impact of American anti-Communism was felt strongly in that context. The article draws extensively on recently released files from the British security services and other British government agencies.
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Möller, Kay. "Germany and China: A Continental Temptation." China Quarterly 147 (September 1996): 706–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000051766.
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The fact that Reichswehr officers served as advisors to Chiang Kai-shek between 1927 and 1936 and that Hitler, before concluding his anti- Comintern pact with Japan, may have toyed with a Chinese alternative, can only partly be explained by Germany's great power aspirations at the time. Bom powers had been latecomers to global interaction and were rather traditional continental players when compared with Britain or the United States. Both derived their foreign policy claims from a pre-modern and sometimes mythological status.
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Поветкина, Наталья, Natalya Povetkina, Семен Янкевич, and Semen Yankevich. "CONCEPT OF FINANCIAL STABILITY IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND FOREIGN COUNTRIES: LEGAL ASPECT." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 1, no. 4 (October 29, 2015): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/14309.
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This article is the research of the legal nature of the concept of “financial stability” with respect to the financial (public) relations. The paper comprises analyzes of the legal regulation of the concept at the international level — in the program documents of the United Nations and at the supranational level — in the treaties of the Member States of the European Union, the treaty of the Member States of the Eurasian Economic Union and the decisions of the Eurasian Economic Commission. The article presents a description of the concept of “financial stability”, provided for in the legislation of Great Britain, the USA, Germany, Poland, the Czech Republic and Sweden. The authors note that the concept of “financial stability” in the legislation of foreign countries has universal meaning: absence of instability of the financial system of the country, measures to prevent financial crises and minimization of their negative effects.
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Blagden, David. "Two Visions of Greatness: Roleplay and Realpolitik in UK Strategic Posture." Foreign Policy Analysis 15, no. 4 (November 28, 2018): 470–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/ory011.
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AbstractHow do states’ desires to perform an international-societal role interact with the imperative to safeguard their security in an anarchic international system? Using the case of the contemporary United Kingdom, this article explores the tensions between roleplay and realpolitik—gaining social recognition as a particular kind of state while doing what it takes to survive—through one key role conception, “Great Power.” Recent scholarship has dubbed Britain a “residual Great Power”: lacking the wherewithal to impose regional order through preponderance, it is still cast into the role of militarized international order-upholder by the allies whose support is necessary for such role-sustainment, America and France. Yet this role-based approach sets a different threshold on capability than the requirement to undertake survival-essential military missions, independent of potentially unreliable allies’ charity—realists’ understanding of “great power.” Theoretically, therefore, the article demonstrates that roleplay and realpolitik remain separate incentive structures underlying states’ foreign policy choices. Empirically, meanwhile, the article shows—through opportunity-cost force-posture analysis—that contemporary Britain is torn between the logics. Striving for independent self-protection capabilities, above-and-beyond the “residual power” criterion, London nonetheless makes a residual power's implicit assumptions about alliance support in the deployment of those capabilities.
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Regan, Patrick M. "The self‐amplifying feedback between societal militarization and violent foreign policy: Great Britain and the United States, 1900–1985." International Interactions 20, no. 3 (November 1994): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629408434846.
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Yoon, Young-Kwan. "The Political Economy of Transition: Japanese Foreign Direct Investments in the 1980s." World Politics 43, no. 1 (October 1990): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010549.
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The issue of Japanese foreign direct investment (FDI) has attracted scant attention because of its relative insignificance to the Japanese economy before the 1980s. In the 1970s only a few analysts explained the Japanese FDI behavior from a macroeconomic perspective. This paper argues that there has been a noticeable change in the nature of Japanese FDI in the 1980s, a position that supports the traditional microeconomic explanation based on the oligopolistic market theory. This convergence toward the “Western” style of FDI reflects a fundamental shift of the Japanese economy from a trade-oriented economy to one that is foreign investment—oriented. However, as the experiences of two hegemonic states (Great Britain and the United States) have shown, foreign investment is not the best economic strategy from a long-term perspective. Preliminary evidence in recent years indicates that increasing FDI affects Japan's productivity growth negatively by weakening both the production base and the various sources of Japanese competitiveness.
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Bayly, C. A. "South Asia and the ‘Great Divergence’." Itinerario 24, no. 3-4 (November 2000): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300014510.
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Indian nationalism was born out of the notion that India's poverty and backwardness was not a natural result of technical inferiority or inefficient use of resources, but that it was a consequence of colonial rule. Even before the development of scientific nationalist economics in the 1890s, the moralists of Young Bengal had called for a protectionist ‘national political economy’ on the lines advocated by Friedrich List in Germany, whom they had read as early as 1850. Bholanath Chandra asserted in 1873 that India had once been the greatest textile producer in the world and had initiated the industrial revolution. By 1970,.he predicted, Britain would be eclipsed by the United States and by India as the greatest industrial producers. This would be brought about by rigorous protectionism and by the growth of what he called ‘moral hostility’ to the consumption of foreign goods which had even polluted the materials used in the making of the sacred threads of orthodox Hindus. This emphasis on the culture of consumption and the structure of external economic relations was central to different varieties of Indian nationalist thought as they developed from Dadhabhai Naoroji through to Mahatma Gandhi.
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Tkachuk, Taras. "JAPANESE INFLUENCE ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF BRITISH-AMERICAN RELATIONS BEFORE AND AT THE BEGINNING OF THE WORLD WAR II (1931 – 1940)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 13 (2022): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2022.13.6.
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The article examines the relationship between two leading countries – Great Britain and the United States, which had a significant impact on international political situation in the world in 1930s and still have nowadays. As a vector of research, the author takes the factor of the Japanese militaristic regime because of the rather similar current geopolitical situation due to the aggressive actions of Russian Federation. According to this, the author aimed to conduct a comprehensive analysis and his own assessment of the impact of Japan’s behavior in the international arena on the development of British-American relations in various fields. The chronological boundaries of the study are the period from the Mukden incident ‒ the beginning of Japanese invasion in the north-eastern part of China (September, 1931) to the conclusion of Berlin (Tripartite) Pact between Japan, Italy and Germany (September, 1940). Methodology: the article uses a comparative-historical method to compare and analyze the influence of Japan and Germany on the foreign policy of London and Washington, as well as descriptive method ‒ to identify the essence and features of British-American relations during 1931–1940. The use primarily of a wide base of diplomatic documents, archival sources from the F. D. Roosevelt Digital Library, cabinet papers of the British government allowed the author to apply the systematic approach and the principle of objectivity working with only verified facts and their comprehensive assessment. Scientific novelty: for the first time in Ukrainian historiography the author analyzed and rethought the process of how did Japan’s aggressive actions influence on US-British relations on the eve and beginning of World War II regarding the current geopolitical situation. The author concludes that the leadership of the United States and Great Britain did not realize the threat from Japan in time, that their inconsistent actions only contributed to the rapprochement of Tokyo with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, culminating in the formation of a tripartite military alliance («axis»). According to the author, the ambiguity of the position of London and Washington caused primarily by the struggle for spheres of influence in the Pacific area and trade conflicts between them in general. In view of this, the article emphasizes the need for modern leading states, especially Great Britain and the USA, to take into account the mistakes of the past in order to prevent a repeat of the Japanese scenario in the international arena in future.
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Bibi, Sara. "US-CHINA ECONOMIC RIVALRY AND ITS IMPACTS ON PAKISTAN’S ECONOMY." Global Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Research 2, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 01–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.59129/gjhssr.v2.i2.2023.18.
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The United States and China had been in an economic rivalry since quite long. The United States, contemporary superpower of the world, gained independence from Britain and since the Second Industrial Revolution; it has made significant economic progress due to which it has dominated the world largely. On the other hand, China’s economic growth begun in 1978 as it established good trade relations with foreign countries. After the disintegration of USSR a new cold war emerged between China and US. In order to boost its economic growth China initiated its Belt and Road initiative in 2013, and through this project China sought to connect itself with Asian countries through sea and roads. In order to counter this project US signed the Blue Dot Network. Moreover, this great power rivalry has a significant impacts on Pakistan's economy which is thoroughly discussed in this research. . The study has also explored the emergence of US-China rivalry and has focused on the fact that how China’s growing economy is a threat to the US. Moreover, the data collected is qualitative based on secondary sources.
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Levin, Yaroslav Alexandrovich. "Colonial system: balance and prospects after 1945 in the assessments of diplomats of the United States, the USSR and Great Britain." Samara Journal of Science 6, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201764214.
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The following paper deals with the views of the ambassadors of the USSR, the USA and Great Britain, expressed in telegrams for foreign affairs agencies. Rolling the world to a new global confrontation, the aggressive rhetoric of each participating country, specific actions to build up political and military capabilities required some kind of balanced assessment from experts who were well-versed in the political and social development of states that appeared after the Second World War on different sides of the barricade. In addition, the third world acquired special importance in the new conditions. The disintegration of the colonial system opened great prospects for each of the great powers. Therefore, besides the analyses of prospects and characteristics of relations between the USSR and Western countries, diplomats in their analytical reports affected the prospects for the development of the former colonies, as well as tried to forecast the actions of the probable enemy and the closest allies, comprehended the existing contradictions on this issue and tried to give some assessment, propose solutions to these problems. Considering the influence of the telegrams analyzed in the framework of this study on the formation of the Cold War, conclusions are drawn about the impact of assessments expressed by diplomats on the development of relations with the countries of the third world. The analysis of J. Kennan, N. Novikov and F. Roberts notes shows the difference in the approaches and understanding of each country, both its opponents and its allies, a different view of the process of decolonization and its prospects. The paper is based on the sources on the diplomatic history of the Cold War and on some references on the topic.
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Young, Glennys J. "Spain and the Early Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 3 (2022): 43–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01088.
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Abstract This article challenges long-standing assumptions about Spain’s status in the international system during the first several years of the Cold War, from 1945 to 1950. These assumptions constitute the “isolation paradigm,” which emphasizes Spain’s exclusion from the United Nations (UN), the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the various Councils of Foreign Ministers, and other major international institutions, supposedly keeping the country internationally isolated and unable to pursue its interests during the early Cold War. The article debunks the “isolation paradigm” and supplants it with “informal integration.” The United States, the Soviet Union, and Great Britain embarked on numerous initiatives with Spain despite isolationist rhetoric and policy, and the Spanish authorities sought to counter formal exclusion from international institutions and to engage in other types of diplomatic, economic, and cultural interaction. From this perspective, it becomes clear that 1946—not 1947 or 1950, as other scholars have argued—marked a decisive year for Spain’s efforts in these areas.
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Trusova, Maria. "The German Loan to the USSR in Bilateral Negotiations and from the Position of the Western Powers." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 3(63) (December 19, 2023): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2023-63-3-135-145.
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The early 1920s was a period of restoration of the states that had participated in the First World War. In Soviet Russia, this process took place within the framework of the New Economic Policy, which required, among other things, investing foreign capital. After the October Revolution of 1917, the Soviet government cancelled the debts of the tsarist and provisional governments. The discussion of debts between Soviet Russia and Entente countries did not lead to a mutually acceptable solution. Germany became one of the first countries, that established economic and then politic relations with the soviet government. That is why, Germany became one of the most important economic partners of Soviet Russia and later of the USSR. The article is devoted to the problem of granting loan to the USSR by Germany. The author reveals the difficulties and contradictions that accompanied the negotiation process, as well as the position of Great Britain and the United States in relation to the German-Soviet credit negotiations.
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Earle, Thomas Blake. "‘A sufficient and adequate squadron’: The navy, the transatlantic slave trade, and the American commercial empire." International Journal of Maritime History 33, no. 3 (August 2021): 509–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08438714211037680.
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From its creation, the Africa Squadron, although tasked with suppressing the slave trade, did more to defend American sovereignty and expand American commercial access along the west coast of Africa. In both of these regards, Great Britain and the British Navy were the most prominent obstacles in the way of the United States achieving its goals. These tasks were among the most important imperatives that drove American foreign relations during the antebellum era. Thus the Africa Squadron is best understood as a case study of the vital role the navy played in not just conducting but also shaping American diplomacy. This article examines the circumstances surrounding the creation of the Africa Squadron, concluding that the flotilla was less concerned with actually ending the transatlantic trade in humans than with serving as a check on British power at sea.
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Gorodnia, N., and Y. Protsenko. "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE U.S.–SAUDI RELATIONS (1931–1940)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 151 (2021): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.151.2.
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This research intends to cover the process of establishment of the U.S.–Saudi relations, and the factors it was influenced by. It is based on the study of the U.S. foreign policy documents. The research has revealed that the United States recognized the government of the Kingdom of Hejaz and Nejd (February 1931) after an agreement was reached to elevate its diplomatic representation in Iraq to the ambassadorial level. That means that the U.S. prioritized relations with the Kingdom of Iraq to relations with the Kingdom of Hejaz and Nejd. The United States recognized the government of the King Ibn Saud due to commercial interests. Hereafter the Department of State initiated the U.S.–Saudi Provisional Agreement in regard to Diplomatic and Consular Representation, Juridical Protection, Commerce and Navigation, signed in November 1933. It was aimed at protecting the rights of the U.S. citizens, who worked in the Kingdom since 1931, especially after obtaining the oil concession by the California Standard Oil company in May 1933. However, the diplomatic representative to Saudi Arabia was not appointed. This issue was mainstreamed when commercial volumes of oil were discovered in Saudi Arabia in 1938, the U.S. oil company signed its second concession agreement in 1939, and the U. S. commercial interests in Saudi Arabia had significantly increased. Besides, the representatives of Great Britain, Germany and Japan intensified their activities to obtain oil concessions in Saudi Arabia. The King Ibn Saud highly appreciated exclusively commercial U.S. interests, the absence of its intentions to expand political influence or to take over Saudi territories. For these reasons, he preferred cooperation with the United States to other nations. The U.S.–Saudi diplomatic relations were established on February 4, 1940, when B. Fish, who was the U. S. Minister–resident in Egypt, presented his credentials to the King Ibn Saud. The decision to establish diplomatic representation in Saudi Arabia was taken in June–July 1939. It was caused by the increasing competition for Saudi oil, not a beginning of the World War, as some scholars suggest.
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BROGGI, CARLES BRASÓ, and DAVID MARTINEZ-ROBLES. "Beyond Colonial Dichotomies: The deficits of Spain and the peripheral powers in treaty-port China." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 04 (September 28, 2018): 1222–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000154.
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AbstractThe semi-colonial character of China during the treaty-port era brings into question the dichotomy between the colonizer and the colonized. China's foreign trade had an overall negative balance, and Great Britain, Japan, and the United States of America benefited from it. However, dozens of minor powers suffered a negative balance with China, despite the favourable conditions set in the treaty ports. This article examines the presence of Spain in China during the first decades of the twentieth century, focusing on trade, population, and issues of self-representation. Through a comparative analysis of the Sino-Spanish trade with that of other smaller powers in China, this article shows both the diversity of colonial formations in China and the existence of colonial relations that, although peripheral and complementary, pose a doubt on the adequacy, not only of the colonizer/colonized dichotomy, but also of the representation of colonialism in China.
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Trunov, Philipp. "Germany’s security and defense policy : transformation in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 1 (2022): 254–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.01.10.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has created significant obstacles to the implementation of national foreign policies, including the reduction of the resource base. This article analyzes the schemes and forms of government activities that can reduce the negative impact of the pandemic factor. The object of the study is the Federal Republic of Germany, which is currently at a turning point in its development: the end of A. Merkel’s «era» (autumn 2021) is accompanied by a large number of unresolved foreign policy tasks that prevent Germany from establishing itself as a world power. The article provides a detailed overview of these tasks and the ongoing efforts to solve them, presented on a problem-geographic principle. Issues related to the restart of relations between Germany and the United States under the Biden administration, the FRG’s involvement in building up the political and military potential of the EU, as well as the dynamics and nature of the FRG’s dialogue with the leading European NATO member states – Great Britain, Italy and especially France – are analyzed in the context of the ongoing pandemic crisis. Particular attention is paid to the problems associated with deepening cooperation within the framework of the German-French tandem. The paper also explores the difficulties that have appeared during the pandemic and new opportunities for expanding the political and military presence of Germany in Libya, «G5 Sahel» countries, Syria and Iraq. The consequences that a decision of the United States to carry out the «deal» with the Afghan Taliban may have for Germany are analyzed. The FRG’s attempts to strengthen its positions in the post-Soviet space and the Far East are presented in the context of deteriorating relations with the Russian Federation and China. In conclusion, an assessment of Germany’s activity in the sphere of security and defense during the first year of the pandemic is given.
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Sadova, Lyudmila. "Organization of the Russian Diplomatic Representation in the United Kingdom of Sweden and Norway at the turn of the 19th — 20th Centuries." ISTORIYA 14, no. 9 (131) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840028007-6.
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The Scandinavian vector in the foreign policy of the Russian Empire was far from a priority, but at the turn of the 19th — 20th centuries, the calm and non-conflicting European North, which it remained for many years, became involved in the political and strategic interests of the great powers, primarily Russia, Germany and Great Britain, and therefore attracted the attention of Russian diplomacy. The aggravation of the Swedish-Norwegian political crisis in the 1890s — 1900s, which ended with the dissolution of the Swedish-Norwegian union and Norway's independence in 1905, caused a lot of concern to the Russian Foreign Ministry, forced it to pay attention to many issues of bilateral relations with Sweden and Norway, which had previously remained in the shadows, to closely monitor not only the development of the conflict between two Scandinavian states, but also the position of other interested great powers. The reports of the Russian envoys in the United Kingdom, who closely watched the course of events, were one of the main sources for the Foreign Ministry. The main objective of this article is to identify the peculiarities of the work of the Russian diplomatic corps in Sweden and Norway at the turn of the 19th — 20th centuries. An attempt was also made to determine the range of sources of information of Russian diplomats, the degree of influence of foreign policy tasks on the selection and presentation of information by envoys to the central office, as well as the presence of their personal attitude to the events on the Scandinavian Peninsula in diplomatic correspondence. It was concluded that the specifics of the activities of the Russian imperial mission in the United Kingdoms of Sweden and Norway was due to the peripheral position of small countries in the region in the foreign policy of the Russian Empire. The work of the mission was influenced by current foreign policy tasks, legal features of the Swedish-Norwegian union, personal preferences and the existing experience of the diplomatic representative of Russia.
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Lyman, Serhii, and Margarita Bielousova. "Сiprus-france relations and problems of region security." 15, no. 15 (August 1, 2022): 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2310-9513-2022-15-01.
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After gaining independence in 1960, Cyprus began to establish relations with other countries. However, the ethnic conflict between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots in 1974 led to the actual division of the island into two state entities and to various forms of intervention by foreign states, including Greece, Turkey, France and also Great Britain and the United States. The purpose of the article is to analyze the history and current state of Cypriot-French relations, to study the whole range of French interests in Cyprus after gaining independence to the present. Methods used to achieve the goals of the study: historical and comparative analysis, systematization and generalization, retrospective method. The article emphasizes that from the very beginning of the Cypriot ethnic conflict, France has consistently advocated the territorial integrity of Cyprus and condemned the creation of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. In subsequent years, France contributed to the fact that Cyprus in 2004 became a member of the EU. But bilateral relations became most intense during the presidency of E. Macron in 2017–2022. The economic interests of France in Cyprus are primarily associated with the discovery of large gas reserves on the Cyprus shelf, for which several states are fighting in the Eastern Mediterranean region, among which Turkey is the most active. This struggle stimulates the establishment of military cooperation between France and Cyprus. The related 2017 bilateral treaty, which came into force in 2020, aims to contain Turkey. This treaty, the French-Cypriot military exercises and French efforts to resolve the Cyprus conflict aggravate French-Turkish relations and the political situation in the region. The analysis presented in this article, the study of the experience of these bilateral relations will be important for the development of appropriate strategies for international interactions for post-Soviet states, in particular, Ukraine.
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Pribicevic, Ognjen. "Trump, Brexit and Russia." Medjunarodni problemi 73, no. 1 (2021): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2101087p.
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The relations with Russia rank among the most important and most complex issues in the US and UK foreign policy. The years after the Second World War have been marked by an exhausting arms race between the Western and Eastern bloc that ended with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the break-up of the Soviet Union and the victory of the United States and its Western allies. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the relations between the US and the United Kingdom on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, during the mandate of President Trump and after Brexit and point to possible directions that these relations may take in the aftermath of Biden?s victory in the 2020 US Presidential elections. The author proceeds from a hypothesis that the efforts of President Trump, who, contrary to his predecessors, felt that the relations with Russia should be based on interests rather than ideology, have failed. He has not been successful primarily due to the huge resistance mounted by the state structures, mainstream media and anti-Russian coalition forged by the Republican and Democratic parties. The relations between the UK and Russia remain cold after Brexit as well due to the severe problems between the two countries. The first part will deal with the strained relations between the United States and Russia following the West?s victory in the Cold War, the efforts of President Trump to improve these relations and his failure to do so. The second part of the paper will address the relationship between the United Kingdom and Russia, which is in many respects even more complicated than that between Russia and the US. After Brexit, the relations between the two countries continue to be plagued by the activities of the Russian agents in Great Britain, the crisis in Ukraine and different views on the war in Syria. In the third part, the concluding part of the paper, the author tried to answer the question of how the relations between the US and Russia will develop after Joseph Biden won the 2020 US Presidential elections. According to him, the new President will continue to pursue the traditional policy towards Russia agreed upon by both US parties. It can be expected that Biden will, despite the policy of sanctions pursued by his predecessors, Obama and Trump, engage more in supporting the opposition and civilian sector in Russia. Given the cold and strained relations between these two states, it may be assumed that Great Britain will readily follow a new, tougher course of action pursued by President Biden towards Russia and Putin. It is especially important for UK politics that Biden returns to the ideas of liberalism because, as we have seen on previous pages, in London, in addition to the actions of Russian agents on the UK territory, Putin is most resented precisely for his activities to overthrow the ruling liberal order. Despite the good ties between Prime Minister Johnson and the former US President who supported Brexit, Biden's victory will bring relief to the UK because of his commitment, as opposed to Trump, to bring back America to the world political stage, where London is likely to expect to find space for its new global role after leaving the EU. On the other hand, Moscow will probably continue with its past foreign policy strategy in anticipation of the moves to be taken by the new US President without high expectations regarding the future relations between the two countries. Russia has even fewer expectations when it comes to relations with the UK, given the gravity of the problems that burden the relations between the two countries
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Leonova, Olga. "The Impact of the Strategic Partnership AUKUS on the Geopolitical Situation in the Indo-Pacific Region." International Organisations Research Journal 17, no. 3 (October 1, 2022): 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2022-08.
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The purpose of the AUKUS strategic alliance is to develop cooperation between the member countries (U.S., UK and Australia) in the field of security and defence in the Indo-Pacific region. The agreement provides for the supply of submarines powered by nuclear reactors to Australia. The emergence of this new strategic alliance was caused by the following factors: the increased power of China in the region; the weakening of the U.S. position in the Indo-Pacific; the desire of the UK to implement the “global Britain” strategy in practice; and the need for the U.S. to have reliable allies to contain China. These factors reveal the true purpose of AUKUS—containment of China and opposition to its active policy in the region. In this article, the author uses comparative analysis to reveal the different goals and geopolitical interests of the AUKUS countries. The systematic approach helps to describe the essence of the complex developing geopolitical system of the Indo-Pacific region.The theories of new institutionalism and constructivism make it possible to identify both continuity and gaps in the security policy and foreign policy of regional actors. Australia’s participation in the AUKUS allows it to: strengthen its political ties with influential partners—the United States and Great Britain; receive additional security guarantees from them in the context of increased activity of Chinese policy in the region; raise the country’s status in the regional hierarchy; and strengthen its defence capability. Australia’s entry into the AUKUS means the formation of a new, anti-Chinese strategy in the region. For the UK, membership in the AUKUS allows it to: expand its naval presence in the Indo-Pacific region; strengthen its special relations with the United States; improve its image, which was shaken after the country’s exit from the EU; and restore traditional ties with Australia. For the United States, AUKUS is the implementation of the strategy of “pivot” to Asia and the creation of a new alliance that has greater opportunities for military-strategic cooperation in the face of the threat from China to use the Pacific Ocean to oust the United States from a leading position. There are some possible geopolitical consequences of creating AUKUS for the region. They are escalation of tension and the nuclear arms race of the opposing parties; a new cold war with China; expansion of the club of nuclear powers because of Australia; imbalance of geopolitical forces in the region; undermining transatlantic unity; and a common strategy in the foreign policy of European countries and the United States.
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Leonova, Olga. "The Impact of the Strategic Partnership AUKUS on the Geopolitical Situation in the Indo-Pacific Region." International Organisations Research Journal 17, no. 3 (October 1, 2022): 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2022-03-08.
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The purpose of the AUKUS strategic alliance is to develop cooperation between the member countries (U.S., UK and Australia) in the field of security and defence in the Indo-Pacific region. The agreement provides for the supply of submarines powered by nuclear reactors to Australia. The emergence of this new strategic alliance was caused by the following factors: the increased power of China in the region; the weakening of the U.S. position in the Indo-Pacific; the desire of the UK to implement the “global Britain” strategy in practice; and the need for the U.S. to have reliable allies to contain China. These factors reveal the true purpose of AUKUS—containment of China and opposition to its active policy in the region. In this article, the author uses comparative analysis to reveal the different goals and geopolitical interests of the AUKUS countries. The systematic approach helps to describe the essence of the complex developing geopolitical system of the Indo-Pacific region.The theories of new institutionalism and constructivism make it possible to identify both continuity and gaps in the security policy and foreign policy of regional actors. Australia’s participation in the AUKUS allows it to: strengthen its political ties with influential partners—the United States and Great Britain; receive additional security guarantees from them in the context of increased activity of Chinese policy in the region; raise the country’s status in the regional hierarchy; and strengthen its defence capability. Australia’s entry into the AUKUS means the formation of a new, anti-Chinese strategy in the region. For the UK, membership in the AUKUS allows it to: expand its naval presence in the Indo-Pacific region; strengthen its special relations with the United States; improve its image, which was shaken after the country’s exit from the EU; and restore traditional ties with Australia. For the United States, AUKUS is the implementation of the strategy of “pivot” to Asia and the creation of a new alliance that has greater opportunities for military-strategic cooperation in the face of the threat from China to use the Pacific Ocean to oust the United States from a leading position. There are some possible geopolitical consequences of creating AUKUS for the region. They are escalation of tension and the nuclear arms race of the opposing parties; a new cold war with China; expansion of the club of nuclear powers because of Australia; imbalance of geopolitical forces in the region; undermining transatlantic unity; and a common strategy in the foreign policy of European countries and the United States.
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Falaleev, P. I. "The Marshall Plan and the European Integration: The Stance of Great Britain and France (1947–1948)." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 165–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-165-190.
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The development and implementation of the Marshall Plan has been studied quite thoroughly in both Russian and foreign academic literature. Nevertheless, certain aspects of this problematique require further examination, particularly the reaction of the Western European countries to the initiative of the Secretary of State G. Marshall, as well as the impact of the Plan on the process of the European integration in general. The paper demonstrates that this reaction was far from simple and often contradictory since the key Western states had very different views on the future of mutual relations, as well as on the prospects for post-war recovery and development of Europe. The paper examines the evolution of the French and British leaders’ views on these issues from the first discussions of the projects to provide US aid to Western Europe to the implementation of the Marshall Plan. The negotiations revealed significant points of disagreement among the parties particularly regarding the relations with the USSR, the German question, and conditions for receiving assistance from the United States. The author stresses that the need to defend their interests during the course of negotiations with the US representatives contributed greatly to the rapprochement of Britain and France and, at the same time, catalyzed debates on the integration of Western Europe. In this regard the author emphasizes that the idea of regional economic integration received mixed reaction in the American elites. While some considered this process as an effective means of bringing the Western countries together, particularly, over the German question, others feared that integration of Western Europe could potentially lead to the emergence of a new competitor to the USA. The author concludes that the growing popularity of integration projects in Europe in 1947–1948 stemmed from a range of factors, including both a combination of internal European political processes and short-term and long-term consequences of the Marshall Plan. Whereas in terms of economic development of Western Europe the latter were rather ambiguous and are still the subject of controversy, in terms of world politics the Marshall Plan exacerbated block-to-block confrontation in Europe, characteristic of the Cold War period.
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Goncharenko, A. V., and T. O. Safonova. "Great Britain and the tvolution of the colonial system (end 19th – beginning 20th centuries)." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.60.
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The article investigates the impact of Great Britain on the evolution of colonialism in the late ХІХ and early ХХ centuries. It is analyzed the sources and scientific literature on the policy of the United Kingdom in the colonial question in the late ХІХ – early ХХ century. The reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of British policy in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s initiatives in the colonial question during the period under study is studied. It is considered the position of Great Britain on the transformation of the colonial system in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The resettlement activity of the British and the peculiarities of their mentality, based on the idea of racial superiority and the new national messianism, led to the formation of developed resettlement colonies. The war for the independence of the North American colonies led to the formation of a new state on their territory, and the rest of the “white” colonies of Great Britain had at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries had to build a new policy of relations, taking into account the influence of the United States on them, and the general decline of economic and military-strategic influence of Britain in the world, and the militarization of other leading countries. As a result, a commonwealth is formed instead of an empire. With regard to other dependent territories, there is also a change in policy towards the liberalization of colonial rule and concessions to local elites. In the late ХІХ – early ХІХ centuries the newly industrialized powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to seize the colonies to reaffirm their new status in the world, the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands) sought to retain what remained to preserve their international prestige, and Russia sought to expand. The largest colonial empires, Great Britain and France, were interested in maintaining the status quo. In the colonial policy of the United Kingdom, it is possible to trace a certain line related to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not to get involved in conflicts and costly measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government showed some flexibility and foresight – the relative weakening of the military and economic power of the empire due to the emergence of new states, as well as the achievement of certain self-sufficiency, made it necessary to reconsider traditional foreign policy. Colonies are increasingly no longer seen as personal acquisitions of states, and policy toward these territories is increasingly seen as a common deal of the international community and even its moral duty. The key role here was to be played by Great Britain, which was one of the first to form the foundations of a “neocolonial” system that presupposes a solidarity policy of Western countries towards the rest of the world under the auspices of London. Colonial system in the late ХІХ – early ХІХ century underwent a major transformation, which was associated with a set of factors, the main of which were – the emergence of new industrial powers on the world stage, the internal evolution of the British Empire, changes in world trade, the emergence of new weapons, general growth of national and religious identity and related with this contradiction. The fact that the First World War did not solve many problems, such as Japanese expansionism or British marinism, and caused new ones, primarily such as the Bolshevik coup in Russia and the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the implementation of the above trends stretched to later moments.
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Arlyapova, Elena S., and Elena G. Ponomareva. "Western Balkans: External Actors Before and During the Current Crisis." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no. 4 (December 15, 2023): 678–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-4-678-688.
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The Western Balkans has been and remains a particularly dense zone in terms of the number of actors present, where the interests of all the leading actors in world politics are bizarrely intertwined. The Ukrainian crisis has added spice to the Balkan agenda, reviving “frozen conflicts” not only within the borders of the region but also beyond its perimeter. Directly dependent on the outcome of the armed confrontation in Ukraine and separately from it, a clash or, at least, an intensification of external actors in the Balkan direction seems inevitable. The historical-systemic approach used in the study and the paradigm of multipolarity made it possible to trace the probable directions of activity of both regional and external actors. Based on a wide range of sources, the work provides a panorama of the foreign policy positioning of regional capitals; identifies major and minor external actors; shows the transformation of approaches and practical steps of key actors through the prism of the ongoing crisis. External actors - the European Union (EU), China, Great Britain, Russia and the United States - are divided into groups in accordance with their positions regarding the pre-crisis Balkans and the Balkans in the face of the fierce confrontation between Russia and the West. Among Western interests, special attention is paid to Great Britain, whose activity in the Western Balkans after Brexit is affiliated with the West in general, but not with the United States (despite all the history of strategic partnership in the region) and, moreover, with the EU separately. Against the background of the dominance of Western institutions in the region, the paper traces, however, the growing role of China, as well as external actors of the “second plan” with an oriental flavor: Türkiye, Iran, and the states of the Persian Gulf. An analysis of Russia’s prospects in the region has shown that the crisis in the system of international relations has largely nullified the results achieved earlier. The degree of Russia’s involvement in the crisis raises the question of its resource capacity, the ability to further maintain its own positions. Additional difficulties will be associated with the consolidated efforts of the Western allies and other external actors, including China, to balance Russian influence and presence in the Western Balkans.
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Tsibikov, V. A. "The foreign experience in training public procurement specialists on the example of the USA, Great Britain and China." Upravlenie 7, no. 4 (January 27, 2020): 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2019-4-16-23.
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The article reveals the features of the training of specialists in public procurement in countries with different types of economies and forms of state power in terms of the training system, applied pedagogical forms, methods and tools. The training programs for training foreign educational institutions, which are characterized by sufficient variability and adaptability in accordance with the needs of students, the intensity of the use of various forms of training: full-time (classroom), distance (in the mode of video conferencing during webinars), as well as by sending educational material and monitoring performance via email have been analyzed. The content of other educational documents and official publications in the media, as well as the results of correspondence (through chatting and e-mail) with representatives of training courses and leading training centers, answers to information requests to state authorities responsible for functioning contract system, – have been taken into account.Based on the results of the analysis, the following key positions, allowing us to observe fundamental differences in the training of public procurement specialists in the West and East countries: the degree of state participation in the regulation of the training system and the degree of severity of the educational function in the formation of the necessary level of legal awareness of procurement specialists have been highlighted. It has been established, that in the United States and Great Britain, private licensed organizations compete with each other in providing such educational services to those involved in the training of public procurement specialists. In China, due to the presence of problems in the fight against corruption in the actions of state customers, the closest attention is paid to the formation of the necessary personality traits of officials to minimize the risks of committing offenses in contractual legal relations.
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Malkin, Stanislav Gennadyevich, Sergey Olegovich Buranok, and Dmitriy Aleksandrovich Nesterov. "Colonial empires and USA policy in the South-East Asia after the 1945." Samara Journal of Science 9, no. 4 (November 30, 2020): 252–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv202094207.
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The following paper analyzes the characteristics of the US foreign policy decision-making process at the beginning of the Cold War, due to the active appeal of representatives of the political establishment, the military and the countrys expert community to the colonial experience of the European powers in terms of the prospects of applying their experience in ensuring colonial control in Southeast Asia before and after the end of the World War II as part of the US political course in this region. In addition, it is concluded that more attention should be paid to the role and, therefore, to the prosopographic profile of the experts (in the broad sense of the word), who collaborated with the departments responsible for the development of American foreign policy, such as the Department of State and the Pentagon, and formulated many of the conclusions, which, at least rhetorically, formed the basis of Washingtons course in Southeast Asia after 1945. Special attention is paid to interpretations of the role of colonial knowledge in the light of the unfolding Cold War in the third world, proposed by British diplomats and the military to their American colleagues in the logic of the special relations between Great Britain and the United States.
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Boldyrev, Andrey V. "VIEWS ON TURKEY’S POLICY DURING WORLD WAR II IN THE MODERN HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 2 (16) (2021): 274–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2021-2-274-281.
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The article provides an overview of some research works from the countries of the Near Abroad (Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan) regarding Turkey’s foreign policy during the Second World War. Based on Soviet and Turkish periodicals, as well as materials from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (WUA RF) and newly discovered secret documents from the archives of the USA, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, academics from the Turkic republics of the former USSR set out their concept of Soviet-Turkish relations during the Second World War and Turkey’s relations with the United States and Great Britain. In general, one can note their unity with the views of Turkish historians on the policy of neutrality and political loneliness of Turkey due to the unreliable partnership with Western members of the anti-Hitler coalition. At the same time, considering the policy of Turkey during the war years as pursuing an independent course, researchers de facto come to the opposite results, showing that in defining its foreign policy discourse, Turkey depended on the actions of the USSR. A similar situation is observed in Turkish publications, where is noted the predominant influence of the Soviet factor on Turkey’s foreign policy during the war and in the post-war period. At the same time, researchers from the Turkic-speaking countries of the Near Abroad tend not to portray Turkey’s policy exclusively in white colors. There is another aspect as well. But while in Turkish historiography the German attack on the USSR is viewed as a positive factor, representatives of the former Soviet republics maintain a negative view towards it.
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Petrov, Alexander, and Larisa Troitskaia. "The Struggle for Oregon During the 19th Century’s Late 30s and Early 40s." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 3 (July 2024): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2024.3.4.
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Introduction. Oregon in the early 19th century was a sparsely populated territory, but it had a favorable geographical position on the Pacific coast. It was a strategically important region, which, thanks to the Columbia River, provided a connection with the interior of the United States and the Pacific Ocean. Spain, Great Britain, and the USA fought for the right to possess this territory. In historiography the struggle for Oregon has received insufficient coverage in a number of aspects. Methods and materials. The methodology used in writing the article is based on the achievements of modern historical science. The study is based on sources obtained from domestic and foreign repositories. Domestic and foreign historiographies are involved. Classical methods of historical analysis, including prosopography and document correspondence, were used to process sources and literature. At the same time, when studying the literature and processing the entire complex of received materials, systematic and comparative approaches were involved. The study itself contains aspects of an interdisciplinary approach. Analysis. The article deals with the circumstances of the rivalry for Oregon from the turn of the 1830s to the 1840s. It may be viewed in the context of relations between the United States and Great Britain in regards to British North America. In order to gain a stronger foothold in Oregon, the Hudson’s Bay Company (HBC), in addition to the fur trade, engaged in a wider commerce through agriculture. The strengthening of this activity takes place simultaneously with the development of ties with the Russian-American Company (RAC). The circumstances of the preparation and implementation of this commercial activity between 1838 and 1842 are studied. The first full-scale American naval circumnavigation expedition was commanded by Captain Charles Wilkes (1798–1877). Results. It was in Oregon that the confrontation between the United States and England over the possession of new colonies intensified. Russia, which had colonial possessions in Alaska and the Aleutian Islands, pursued a pragmatic policy due to the wars of independence during the 1810s and 1820s. In Latin America, the formerly numerous and vast Spanish colonies became independent states. The formation of Mexico generally called into question any Spanish claim to the Northwest of America. This article continues a series of publications by the authors, which analyze the struggle of the leading European colonial powers for Oregon and the US West Coast. The Author’s contribution is the following: A.Yu. Petrov is in charge of finding new archival materials on the problem in the Russian State Navy Archives (RGA VMF) in Saint Petersburg, investigating all available literature on the subject, developing methods and providing a conclusion, and finding new facts on Russia’s involvement in the struggle for colonies in the Pacific Northwest. L.M. Troitskaia has been searching for all materials on the expedition of Ch. Wilkes concerning the interactions between nations in the North Pacific Ocean.
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ЖУКОВСКАЯ, И. Ф., and А. М. СКОБИНА. "FOREIGN TRADE ACTIVITY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND CHINA UNDER SANCTIONS PRESSURE." Экономика и предпринимательство, no. 12(149) (May 21, 2023): 72–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.34925/eip.2022.149.12.011.
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На протяжении последнего десятилетия современная мировая экономическая система характеризуются нарастанием не только неустойчивости и неопределённости, но и развитием разнонаправленных трендов, участившихся катаклизмов и кризисных явлений. Введение беспрецедентных санкций в 2022 г. и нарастание агрессивной политики со стороны США, Великобритании, ЕС и их союзников оказали разрушительное влияние на мировую экономику, в целом, и внешнеэкономическую деятельность, в частности. В этих условиях происходит трансформация внешнеторговых потоков и внешнеэкономических связей. Россия разворачивается с Запада на Восток и Юг. Одной из наиболее привлекательных площадок внешнеэкономических отношений для России становится Китай. Китай также заинтересован в импорте не только энергетических ресурсов из России, но и в реализации своих товаров на российском рынке. В статье проведен анализ основных статистических показателей экспорта и импорта между Россией и Китаем, а также факторы влияния на внешнеторговую деятельность обоих стран. Over the past decade, the modern world economic system has been characterized by an increase not only in instability and uncertainty, but also in the development of multidirectional trends, more frequent cataclysms and crisis phenomena. The introduction of unprecedented sanctions in 2022 and the growth of aggressive policy on the part of the United States. Great Britain, the EU and their allies have had a devastating impact on the global economy in general, and foreign economic activity in particular. Under these conditions, the transformation of foreign trade flows and foreign economic relations takes place. Russia is turning from the West to the East and the South. China is becoming one of the most attractive platforms for foreign economic relations for Russia. China is also interested in importing not only energy resources from Russia, but also in selling its goods on the Russian market. The article analyzes the main statistical indicators of exports and imports between Russia and China, as well as the factors influencing the foreign trade activities of both countries.
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Zelenev, Evgeny. "China in Africa: From partner countries to follower countries. Part 1." Asia and Africa Today, no. 7 (2022): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750020973-2.
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The authors study Sino-African relations from the point of view of the theory of dependent and unequal development. The aim of the article is to analyze the mechanism of formation of a group of African follower countries of China, that positively perceive the Chinese experience of public administration. The authors set out to investigate the question of how China selects partner countries in Africa, how partner countries become follower countries of the People's Republic of China and by what criteria the rating of African countries according to their importance for the Heavenly Empire is built. The article examines the peculiarities of the formation in Africa of a bloc of states following the policy of the countries of the conditional West, primarily of the United States, Great Britain, France, as well as Italy, Spain, etc. It is emphasized that the United States plays a leading military and political role on the African continent, having up to 500 military and mixed-use facilities in this region. The authors analyze such concepts as a partner country and a follower country. Two models of the implementation of these forms of dependent development with regard to African countries have been identified: the European-North American model and its Chinese version. The authors have identified the criteria on the basis of which the PRC selects the follower-countries. The conclusion is made about the gradual increase of the military factor in the priorities of the Chinese foreign policy course in Africa and the transition from a soft power strategy to discursive power.