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1
Gasanov, Kamran N. "Influence of Great Britain on Turkish Policy in the Transcaucasia and the Middle East." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no. 1 (March 30, 2023): 168–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-1-168-190.
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The study explores the Turkish-British partnership. The author verifies the thesis, which gained popularity after the beginning of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war in the Russian expert and journalistic community, that the United Kingdom had a significant impact on Türkiye’s foreign policy in order to destabilize the South Caucasus and oust Russia from the region. Some experts hypothesize that London is trying to implement the “Great Turan” project in the post-Soviet space through the hands of Ankara to the detriment of Russian interests. One of the main arguments that Türkiye’s foreign policy is managed from London is the appointment of former ambassador R. Moore, who has close contacts with Turkish President R.T. Erdogan, to the post of head of British Foreign Intelligence, MI6. To test this hypothesis, the author of the article analyzes the trade, financial, political relations between Great Britain and Türkiye, as well as the degree of similarity in their positions regarding the conflicts in Syria, Libya and Nagorno-Karabakh. The author comes to the conclusion that Great Britain and Türkiye are indeed close allies. This is confirmed by the fact that the British government lobbied Türkiye to join the EU, refrained from interfering in internal affairs, supported R.T. Erdogan during the coup attempt in 2016, and did not criticize Ankara’s pro-Azerbaijani position during the Karabakh conflict. At the same time, the lack of a high level of financial and economic interdependence, Türkiye’s desire to play an independent role in the Middle East and Transcaucasia bypassing NATO, Ankara’s close cooperation with London’s geopolitical adversary Moscow, as well as differences in approaches to the Syrian conflict allow the author to refute the thesis that that Türkiye acts as a “conduit for the interests of Great Britain.”
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SUONPÄÄ, MIKA. "FINANCIAL SPECULATION, POLITICAL RISKS, AND LEGAL COMPLICATIONS: BRITISH COMMERCIAL DIPLOMACY IN THE BALKANS, c. 1906–1914." Historical Journal 55, no. 1 (February 10, 2012): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000537.
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ABSTRACTBefore 1914, a more intimate relationship started to develop between overseas commercial activity and foreign policy. This occurred as a consequence of the politicization of international business relations that came about when other great powers began increasingly to challenge Britain's global commercial, political, and imperial supremacy. Britain had traditionally followed alaissez-faireline when it came to supporting or protecting British overseas business enterprise. In the mid-1880s, Britain was compelled to review its policy. After this, the British government was prepared to offer limited assistance to British firms, but this often took place only in regions which were significant in terms of overall policy interest, including Turkey, Iran, and China. This article examines British commercial diplomacy in the Balkans, a region which has not received much attention from historians in this framework. British commercial diplomacy there followed the general line of limited intervention and support was offered mostly on legal grounds. Local political troubles and great power politics also played a role in diplomatic decision-making as did negative cultural perceptions, but to a considerably lesser degree. In most cases, the British government refrained from supporting British business enterprise in the Balkans on account of fears about financial speculation.
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Wrigley, E. Anthony. "Reconsidering the Industrial Revolution: England and Wales." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 49, no. 1 (June 2018): 9–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01230.
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In the mid-sixteenth century, England was a small country on the periphery of Europe with an economy less advanced than those of several of its continental neighbors. In 1851, the Great Exhibition both symbolized and displayed the technological and economic lead that Britain had then taken. A half-century later, however, there were only minor differences between the leading economies of Western Europe. To gain insight into both the long period during which Britain outpaced its neighbors and the decades when its lead evaporated, it is illuminating to focus on the energy supply. Energy is expended in all productive activities. The contrast between the limitations inherent to organic economies dependent on the annual round of plant photosynthesis for energy and the possibilities open to an economy able to make effective use of the vast quantity of energy available in coal measures is key both to the understanding of the lengthy period of Britain’s relative success and to its subsequent swift decline.
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Yerokhin, Vladimir. "CELTIC FRINGES AND CENTRAL POWER IN GREAT BRITAIN: HISTORY AND MODERNITY." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 1 (49) (May 26, 2020): 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-49-1-226-244.
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The article deals with history of interrelations between political centre and Celtic fringes of Great Britain in modern and contemporary times. As soon as nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active from the mid 1960s, the need appeared to analyze the history of interrelations between central
power and Celtic regions in order to understand causes of Celtic people’s striving for obtaining more rights and even state independence. The article ascertains that attitude of central power to Celtic fringes was complicated by ethno-cultural differences between Englishmen and Celtic people, which resulted in discrimination of Scotland, Wales and Ireland by London's policy towards Celtic regions. Since British industrialization evolved the central power in Great Britain, it created conditions for balanced comprehensive
development of industrial economy only in English counties, whereas Celtic regions were permitted to develop only branches of economic activity which were non-competitive to English business. The level of people’s income in Celtic fringes was always lower than in English parts of Great Britain. There was an
established practice that English business dominated in Celtic regions and determined the economic development of Celtic regions. The English as distinct from Celts had prior opportunities to be engaged on more prestigious and highly paid positions. Celtic population’s devotion to preservation of their culture
and ethno-cultural identity found expression in religious sphere so that Nonconformity and Presbyterianism accordingly dominated among Welshmen and Scotsmen. Political movements in Celtic fringes put forward ethno-cultural demands
rather than social class ones in their activities.
During the first half of the XX century the opposition between Celtic fringes and central power in Great Britain showed that in parliamentary elections Celtic population gave their votes mainly for the members of Labour Party. From the mid-1960s nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active. They began to make slogans of political independence. The author of the
article comes to conclusion that interrelations of central power in Great Britain towards Celtic fringes can be adequately described by notions of I. Wallerstein’s world-system analysis and M. Hechter's model of internal colonialism.
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ORANGE, Alan, Peter M. EARLAND-BENNETT, Christopher J. B. HITCH, and Mark POWELL. "A new leprose Leprocaulon (Ascomycota, Leprocaulales) from Great Britain." Lichenologist 49, no. 3 (May 2017): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0024282917000093.
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AbstractLeprocaulon calcicola is described as new from walls in SE England; it is leprose, pale to mid blue-grey, and contains zeorin and usnic acid. It differs from L. knudsenii from North America in its habitat on mortared walls rather than non-calcareous rock and in its ITS sequence. ‘Lecanora’ ecorticata differs in the yellower colour, and the presence of unidentified fatty acids and traces of unknown terpenoids (but not zeorin) by thin-layer chromatography. Leprose lichens with usnic acid are still poorly known and sequencing must be used to support morphological and chemical studies.
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Turner, Ian. "Great Britain and the Post-War German Currency Reform." Historical Journal 30, no. 3 (September 1987): 685–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0002094x.
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British policy towards Germany during the period of occupation aimed at preventing a resurgence of German military might in the future, whilst ensuring stable economic conditions in the short term. By mid 1946, however, the scale of the economic problems confronting the occupying powers in Germany had already manifested itself in the reduction of food rations and the consequent falling off in the output of Ruhr coal. The fragile economy was to suffer an even greater setback during the cruel winter of 1946/7. The immediate restoration of economic activity became imperative, not least because the dollar cost of sustaining the British Zone with imported grain weighed heavily on the British exchequer.
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Sigsworth, Michael, and Michael Worboys. "The public's view of public health in mid-Victorian Britain." Urban History 21, no. 2 (October 1994): 237–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926800011044.
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What did the public think about public health reform in mid-Victorian Britain? Historians have had a lot to say about the sanitary mentality and actions of the middle class, yet have been strangely silent about the ideas and behaviour of the working class, who were the great majority of the public and the group whose health was mainly in question. Perhaps there is nothing to say. The working class were commonly referred to as ‘the Great Unwashed’, purportedly ignorant and indifferent on matters of personal hygiene, environmental sanitation and hence health. Indeed, the writings of reformers imply that the working class simply did not have a sanitary mentality. However, the views of sanitary campaigners should not be taken at face value. Often propaganda and always one class's perception of another, in the context of the social apartheid in Britain's cities in the mid-nineteenth century, sanitary campaigners' views probably reveal more about middle-class anxieties than the actual social and physical conditions of the poor. None the less many historians still use such material to portray working-class life, but few have gone on to ask how public health reform was seen and experienced ‘from below’. Historians of public health have tended to portray the urban working class as passive victims who were rescued by enlightened middle-class reformers. This seems to be borne out at the political level where, unlike with other popular movements of the 1840s and after, there is little evidence of working-class participation in, or support for, the public health movement.
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Broadberry, Stephen. "Historical national accounting and dating the Great Divergence." Journal of Global History 16, no. 2 (June 23, 2021): 286–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022820000388.
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AbstractBy offering a particular interpretation of the new evidence on historical national accounting, Goldstone argues for a return to the Pomeranz (2000) version of the Great Divergence, beginning only after 1800. However, he fails to distinguish between two very different patterns of pre-industrial growth: (1) alternating episodes of growing and shrinking without any long-term trend in per capita income and (2) episodes of growing interspersed by per capita incomes remaining on a plateau, so that per capita GDP trends upwards over the long run. The latter dynamic pattern occurred in Britain and Holland from the mid-fourteenth century, so that Northwest Europe first edged ahead of the Yangzi delta region of China in the eighteenth century.
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Calvini-Lefebvre, Marc. ""Women! Your Country Needs You!": Fleeing Feminism or Gendering Citizenship in Great War Britain?" Minerva Journal of Women and War 2, no. 2 (September 1, 2008): 26–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3172/min.2.2.26.
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Mogaji, Emmanuel. "Reflecting a diversified country: a content analysis of newspaper advertisements in Great Britain." Marketing Intelligence & Planning 33, no. 6 (September 7, 2015): 908–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mip-07-2014-0129.
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Purpose – Identifying the protected characteristics under the Equality Act of the UK, the purpose of this paper is to discover the extent to which the protected characteristics are featured in British newspaper advertisements, as evidence of diversity and equality in the country. Design/methodology/approach – Content analysis of advertisements obtained from nine national newspapers of the UK collected over 12 months. The criteria used to select the newspapers were category, popularity (circulation figures) and the readership demographics (range and variety of the audience). Findings – Disabled individuals are under-represented in print advertisements, and so are close relationships between individuals of the same sex signifying a civil partnership (or sexual orientation). There seems to be an equal level of portrayal of males and females, though men still feature more in a business setting while women are seen more in home settings. Practical implications – The findings suggest opportunities for advertisers to integrate disabled individuals into their marketing campaigns, not just as a business strategy for targeted markets but as individuals in a diversified community. Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people could also be featured in advertisements for products and services that couples usually buy together, for example, holidays and mortgages. Originality/value – This study expands on the existing study on the portrayal in advertisements of stereotypes of genders, different age-groups and ethnic minorities. The portrayal of disability, sexuality and religious beliefs were considered within newspapers in UK, bridging some crucial gaps and providing outcomes relevant to numerous types of stakeholders, including the brands, advertising industry and academic researchers.
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O'Byrne, Alison. "“Everlasting Memorials”: Urban Improvement and the Shadow of Ruin in Mid-Eighteenth-Century London." Eighteenth-Century Life 45, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 34–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00982601-9272992.
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This essay explores the relationship between plans for the improvement of London and other forms of writing about the city that imagine its inevitable decline and fall. Those lamenting the appearance of London in the eighteenth century frequently looked back to the Great Fire as a missed opportunity to rebuild the city in a grander, more magnificent manner. For these critics, London's built environment did little to stake the nation's claims to polite refinement and cultural prestige. Such concerns became especially pressing in the wake of Britain's victories in the Seven Years’ War, which made London the center of an extensive global empire. Through an examination of proposals for and accounts of urban improvements as well as works that look to a future moment when visitors survey London's faded glories, this essay considers how imagining London in ruins—a trope thus far explored in the context of the loss of the American colonies and Britain's role in the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars—served two competing purposes in mid-eighteenth-century Britain. While, on the one hand, improvers acknowledged the transience of imperial power by arguing that now was the time to build grand monuments to mark the achievements of the present, on the other, a range of writers invoked the trope of future ruin to indicate how the seeds of decline had already been sown. The manifold meanings of ruin to which these works gesture would continue to play out in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
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Jia, Jin, and Yucheng Lan. "Synthesis, Characterization, and Applications of Nanomaterials for Energy Conversion and Storage." Molecules 28, no. 21 (November 1, 2023): 7383. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/molecules28217383.
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Ever since the commencement of the Industrial Revolution in Great Britain in the mid-18th century, the annual global energy consumption from various fossil fuels, encompassing wood, coal, natural gas, and petroleum, has demonstrated an exponential surge over the past four centuries [...]
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Leboissetier, Léa. "‘Johnny Onions!’: Seasonal Pedlars from Brittany and their Good Reputation in Great Britain (1870s–1970s)." Journal of Migration History 7, no. 2 (August 23, 2021): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00702001.
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Abstract The Onion Johnnies were a group of French seasonal migrants and door-to-door traders who travelled to Britain from the mid-nineteenth to the late twentieth centuries. This article explores their surprisingly good reputation among the British population and authorities: while pedlars were often conflated with tramps, suspicious aliens or disreputable individuals by the police, the Johnnies’ reliance on established familial and commercial networks meant they benefited from a positive stereotype. While hawking was generally perceived as an anachronistic and unrewarding occupation, French onion sellers were exoticised by the British population, who celebrated they rural roots. The seasonal, semi-sedentary and ‘picturesque’ aspect of the onion trade enabled them to reverse the stigmas associated to itinerant trading, their doorstep performance becoming their selling point. The case study of the Johnnies helps us understand the stereotypes linked to peddling in late modern Britain and to go beyond the narrative of decline surrounding this occupation.
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Shestakova, N. F. "THE CELTIC REVIVAL IN GREAT BRITAIN (MID-XVIII - EARLY XX CENTURIES): IDENTITY AND MEMORY." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 29, no. 4 (August 25, 2019): 583–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2019-29-4-583-592.
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The article is devoted to the Celtic revival, a movement related to the cultural development of the British Isles and the construction of their regional identities on the basis of the ancient past. The author carries out a comparative analysis of this process on the example of the inhabitants of Scotland, Ireland and Wales, revealing the features of their self-identification in the middle of the XVIII - early XX centuries. The article attempts to identify the reasons for the beginning of the Celtic revival and establish its exact chronological framework. The author comes to the conclusion that the residents of Scotland and Wales sought to become full-fledged members of the "British Commonwealth" and take a worthy place in it. The revival of images of the Celtic past in the memory of the peoples of these regions was focused on the preservation of identity, while in Ireland - on the struggle for independence, and in England - on the glorification and protection of imperialism.
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Hashmi, Sirmad Mahmood. "Comparative Sentiment Analysis: Great Britain Ver-sus the United States of America Using Ensemble Methods." Mesterséges intelligencia 2, no. 1 (2020): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.35406/mi.2020.1.45.
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Plomp, Kimberly A., Keith Dobney, and Mark Collard. "A 3D basicranial shape-based assessment of local and continental northwest European ancestry among 5th to 9th century CE Anglo-Saxons." PLOS ONE 16, no. 6 (June 23, 2021): e0252477. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0252477.
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The settlement of Great Britain by Germanic-speaking people from continental northwest Europe in the Early Medieval period (early 5th to mid 11th centuries CE) has long been recognised as an important event, but uncertainty remains about the number of settlers and the nature of their relationship with the preexisting inhabitants of the island. In the study reported here, we sought to shed light on these issues by using 3D shape analysis techniques to compare the cranial bases of Anglo-Saxon skeletons to those of skeletons from Great Britain that pre-date the Early Medieval period and skeletons from Denmark that date to the Iron Age. Analyses that focused on Early Anglo-Saxon skeletons indicated that between two-thirds and three-quarters of Anglo-Saxon individuals were of continental northwest Europe ancestry, while between a quarter and one-third were of local ancestry. In contrast, analyses that focused on Middle Anglo-Saxon skeletons suggested that 50–70% were of local ancestry, while 30–50% were of continental northwest Europe ancestry. Our study suggests, therefore, that ancestry in Early Medieval Britain was similar to what it is today—mixed and mutable.
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Morgan, Kevin. "Bolshevization, Stalinization, and Party Ritual: The Congresses of the Communist Party of Great Britain, 1920-1943." Labour History Review: Volume 87, Issue 2 87, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 141–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2022.6.
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This paper examines the national congresses of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in the period of the Communist International (1919- 43). Both in Britain and internationally, communist party congresses in this period lost any independent decision-making role and became a mechanism activated and controlled from above. Not surprisingly, they have attracted little serious scholarly notice in their own right, but this paper identifies three themes deserving consideration: first, that of the congress as a field of tension between inherited notions of delegatory democracy and the Comintern’s top-down version of democratic centralism; second, that of its growing importance as a site of symbolic demonstration and ritualized group action; and third, that of bolshevization and Stalinization as processes that can be traced through these changing conceptions of the congress’s role. Each theme is considered here in a separate section. These employ a three-party periodization that supports an argument of the CPGB’s early but protracted bolshevization. Further watershed moments in the late 1920s and the mid-1930s can both in different ways be identified with Stalinization. These, however, did not so much resolve as displace the tensions with wider labour movement practices.
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Trantas, Georgios E. "Greek-Orthodox Diasporic Glocality and Translocality in Germany and Great Britain." Journal of the British Association for the Study of Religion (JBASR) 22 (December 15, 2020): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18792/jbasr.v22i0.48.
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Migration does not take place in a vacuum, nor is the formation of communities thereof a mere collection of individuals; particularly when taking into account one of the main transferrable cultural determinants of identity and self-perception, i.e. group religiosity. The latter makes its aesthetic manifestation in the public sphere and hence, migration gives rise to religioscapes, which are identifiable by their visible markers in the form of architecture and religious art. The same applies to the Greek-Orthodox migrant communities of Germany and Great Britain. Both were established in the mid-twentieth century when the main bulk of their demographic presence in the corresponding countries took place. The formation of their communities occurred clearly before globality ushered in the contemporary, parallel, glocal, translocal and cultural relativisation that is facilitated by increased mobility and advanced means of communication. Yet, this paper argues that both the glocal and translocal conceptual frameworks apply to the case studies of interest. Evidence of this is particularly traceable in their corresponding religioscapes’ markers, which are permeated by aesthetic priorities and main influences, emergent patterns of predominant featured themes and tendencies that attest to glocality and translocality. Notably, not only are their places of worship containers of their immortalized narratives, they also contribute to the perpetuation of their distinct mutability. This phenomenon of aesthetic adaptation in accordance with the accumulated social experience, highlights the emergent patterns of a glocal and translocal sense of being and belonging that gave rise to the distinct hybrid identity amalgams thereof.
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Leitner, Jonathan. "Classical World-Systems Analysis, the Historical Geography of British North America, and the Regional Politics of Colonial/Revolutionary New York." Journal of World-Systems Research 24, no. 2 (August 14, 2018): 404–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2018.693.
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A less-appreciated aspect of earlier or “classical” works of world-systems analysis (WSA), in particular that of Braudel, Frank, and Wallerstein in the 1970s-80s is the examination of why the thirteen North American colonies that became the United States split from Great Britain. Specifically, why did some of Britain’s North American colonies revolt in the mid-1770s, but not others? Why were some colonists pro-independence while others preferred remaining within the empire? Classical WSA suggested regional differentiation among colonists, and later works in the WSA tradition have examined these divisions in British North America, particularly within individual colonies, based on both larger divisions in the world-economy and localized core-periphery structures. Yet classical WSA’s analytical questions about British North America’s independence movement have been more directly addressed by historical geographers. This paper synthesizes classical WSA with works on the historical geography of British North America, and then examines the synthesis in light of colonial New York and its political-economic geography of several distinct regions, each with varying economic and political interests vis à vis the British Empire and the question of independence.
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Sergeev, E. Yu. "British Edition of the Monroe Doctrine versus ‘Com- munist Militarism’: Collisions between the USSR and the UK in Eastern Countries in the mid-1920s." Lomonosov World Politics Journal 15, no. 3 (December 4, 2023): 125–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2023-15-3-125-159.
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The new US foreign policy concept in the Western hemisphere introduced by the American President J. Monroe in December 1823 has become a milestone both in the country’s history and in the theory and practice of international relations in general. For Great Britain, the principles of the Monroe Doctrine acquired new relevance after the end of the First World War. The prospect of unfettered Bolshevik expansion into British colonies and dependent territories in Asia and Africa became a matter of particular concern for the UK ruling circles. It was this threat that forced the military and political elites of Great Britain to turn to the experience of their overseas counterparts and develop a set of measures that can be described as the British edition of the Monroe Doctrine. These measures were directed right against the Bolsheviks’ attempts to revolutionize the national liberation movement and to use it to undermine the ‘colonial rear’ of the imperialist powers. British decision-makers interpreted these attempts as a Bolsheviks’ endeavor to revive the foreign policy practices of the Russian Empire and denoted them as ‘communist militarism’. It is through the lens of the collision of the British edition of the Monroe Doctrine and the concept of ‘communist militarism’ that this study examines the dynamics of the Soviet-British confrontation in Central Asia in the mid-1920s. Special attention is paid to the struggle that took place between the two countries in Iran (Persia), Afghanistan, northwest India, Xinjiang and Tibet. This competition for influence over local rulers took a variety of forms: from information and propaganda campaigns to rivalry in the field of infrastructure and logistics projects. At the same time, it was accompanied by a constant clash of interests of various factions within the USSR and Great Britain, which prevented them from pursuing a coherent policy in the region. Together, these circumstances endowed the Soviet-British rivalry in Central Asia in the 1920s with a number of unique features that does not allow it to be interpreted as just yet another round of the ‘Great Game’.
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Ripak, Ilia Alexandrovich. "Stages of Anglo-American cooperation in the framework of the first atomic projects." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 6 (June 2023): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.6.40926.
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Nuclear weapons, which have largely defined the landscape of international relations since the mid-20th century and have turned conflicts between great powers into proxy wars and local clashes, were first developed through the collective efforts of the United States and Great Britain during World War II. Although the allies eventually completed their work on nuclear weapons together, their contributions were not equal. This was reflected in the dividends received by each side in the end. In addition, the nuclear projects were not initially conducted separately, experiencing periods of growth and decline in cooperation with each other that did not coincide with the overall trend of allied relations. The purpose of the study is to identify and capture the specific stages of Anglo-American cooperation within the framework of the first atomic projects of Great Britain and the United States. US and UK historiography has studied various aspects of both the American Manhattan Project and the British "Tube Alloys", including the role of diplomacy and the influence of allied cooperation on the development of nuclear weapons. Soviet and Russian historiography, despite a significantly smaller volume of works on this topic, also addressed these issues. However, neither Russian nor American and British researchers have established any clear periodization of allied nuclear projects cooperation. The study demonstrates the dynamics of relations between Great Britain and the United States in the atomic sphere, identifies the main contradictions between allies that led to the stagnation and cessation of atomic cooperation, and indicates the causes of the resumption and intensification of such cooperation. The conclusion separates Anglo-American cooperation into seven stages. Each stage is determined and characterized by the comparative level of project development at a particular moment, as well as constantly changing interests of the both sides.
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Tsoumas, Johannis. "Mourning jewelry in late Georgian and Victorian Britain." Convergences - Journal of Research and Arts Education 15, no. 30 (November 30, 2022): 121–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.53681/c1514225187514391s.30.150.
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Mourning or memorial jewelry constituted one of the most emblematic traditions of death rituals in the cultural history of Great Britain since medieval times and even earlier. They symbolized the power of the human mind and soul to face death, to honor the memory of the dead and to keep it alive and intact in time and during the great challenges of life. Since the end of the eighteenth century and during the long nineteenth century, in addition to being indicative values of the cultural and social development of the English people, they constituted symbols that defined the concept of social order. They also became important fashion objects as they represented thoroughly the royal court mood and reflected its preferences, temper and taste. This research focuses on the importance of different types and symbolism of mourning jewelry in late Georgian and mid to late Victorian Britain. Through the magnifier of the historical, cultural, artistic and technological changes of the time the author examines and comments on the roles of the royal court and mainly on Queen Victoria’s personality in enhancing and even reshaping the idea of mourning customs within which Memento Mori and memorial jewelry thrived.
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Scott, R. J. D., J. Naidoo, N. F. Lightfoot, and R. C. George. "A community outbreak of group A beta haemolytic streptococci with transferable resistance to erythromycin." Epidemiology and Infection 102, no. 1 (February 1989): 85–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095026880002971x.
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SUMMARYErythromycin resistance amongst group A streptococci (GAS) in Great Britain is a relatively rare occurrence and outbreaks have been sporadically reported. Over an 8-month period in 1986 ten associated cases occurred in the town of Bridgwater in Somerset. Isolates were group A, type M4 and resistant to erythromycin (MIC 8 mg/l) but sensitive to lincomycin and clindamycin. Erythromycin resistance was transferable from all isolates to a group A recipient strain. No plasmid DNA could be detected in the original isolates or transconjugants.
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Kupchyk, Oleh. "Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University’s international cooperation with scientific and education institutions of Western countries in 1944–1975’s." European Historical Studies, no. 22 (2022): 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.5.
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The article reveals the international cooperation of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University with scientific and educational institutions of Western countries in 1944–1975. It was noted that at the end of the Second World War (1944–1945), Kyiv University couldn’t establish ties with educational and scientific institutions of Western countries due to the reconstruction of the city and the university itself. During the period of post-war reconstruction (1946–1950), the Soviet-Western confrontation was added to the mentioned problems, which then turned into the Cold War. However, the liberal social and political changes in the USSR associated with de-Stalinization (1953–1956) and the Khrushchev «Thaw» (1956–1964) had a positive impact on the international activities of the Soviet higher school and KSU named T. G. Shevchenko. It is indicated that since the mid-1950s, delegations and individual scientists from France, Austria, Belgium, and Sweden began to visit Kyiv University. Since the second half of the 1950s, teachers and scientists from Finland and Great Britain, as well as Communist Party leaders, and representatives of student and trade union organizations from Western countries visited Kyiv University to give lectures and deliver scientific reports. However, in 1959–1960, plans for the teaching work of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University in the Great Britain universities remained unrealized. Nevertheless, since then, teachers and scientists of Kyiv University have actively participated in international scientific events held in Western countries (Madrid, Paris, London, Vienna, and Stockholm). Some teachers completed internships at universities in Italy, France, and Great Britain. Students also did internships in these countries. Mostly, these were senior-year students of the Faculty of Philology who were studying foreign languages. It is noted that the scientific works and teachers of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University were published abroad. Among them were Professor Mytropolskyi Yu. (in Great Britain and Sweden), Professor Vsekhsvyatskyi S. (in Great Britain and Belgium), Professor Bileckyi A. (in Greece), Professor Marynych O. (in Great Britain and Sweden) works. Scientists of Kyiv University worked with colleagues from universities and scientific institutions of the West on common scientific themes. The international book exchange of Kyiv State University, as of July 1, 1965, was held with such universities as the Taylor Institute at the University of Oxford, the University of Oslo, the Mathematical Institute at the University of Bonn, Liège (Belgium), Besanson and Cannes (France) universities, and also by the academies of sciences of Denmark and Ireland. The emergence of an international détente in the relations between the West and the USSR at the end of the 1960s had a positive effect on the ties of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University with the countries of the West. The number of their youth at Kyiv University continued to grow. Thus, if in 1969 one representative of a Belgian and a Frenchman studied at the university, then as of January 1, 1975, 60 students from the «capitalist countries» studied at the university. In turn, the cooperation of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University with educational and scientific institutions of Western countries in 1975–1991 remains understudied. However, this is the subject of the next scientific research.
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Smith, Evan. "'A last stubborn outpost of a past epoch': The Communist Party of Great Britain, national liberation in Zimbabwe and anti-imperialist solidarity." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (March 30, 2020): 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334825.
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The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had been involved in anti-colonial and anti-imperialist campaigns since the 1920s and in the late 1950s, its members were instrumental in the founding of the Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM). In the 1960s and 1970s, this extended to support for the national liberation movement in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. From the early 1960s to the mid-1970s, the CPGB threw its support behind the Soviet-backed Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), instead of their rival, the Chinese-backed Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). When both groups entered into a short-term military and political alliance in 1976, the Patriotic Front, this posed a possible problem for the Communist Party and the AAM, but publicly these British organisations proclaimed solidarity with newly created PF. However this expression of solidarity and internationalist links quickly untangled after the 1980 elections, which were convincingly won by ZANU-PF and left the CPGB's traditional allies, ZAPU, with a small share of seats in the national parliament. This article explores the contours of the relationship between the CPGB, the broader Anti-Apartheid Movement in Britain and its links with the organisations in Zimbabwe during the war of national liberation, examining the opportunities and limits presented by this campaign of anti-imperial solidarity.
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Inkin, V. V. "British Society in the reflection of the press: fascist sentiments among the World War I veterans in the 1930s." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities 29, no. 2 (April 27, 2024): 528–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2024-29-2-528-540.
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Importance. The topic of the threat of fascist ideas and movements at the present stage is increasingly being brought up in the framework of public and scientific discussions. The coverage of this problem of the history of Great Britain in the 1930s is connected with the need to study the development of the features of fascism in society and in the society of veterans of the World War I. The novelty of the work is to consider the strengthening of the right-wing sentiments of part of the community of British war veterans in the 1930s, while fascism in Great Britain has been studied most widely by historical science in relation to political organizations and parties. Revealing the connection of veterans with the fascist movement will reveal the essence of the state ideology and the contradiction in public sentiment.Materials and Methods. Within the framework of a historical and systematic approach, the Fascist movement in Great Britain was considered as one of the features of the development of public sentiment. The problem of fascization of British society was the duality of political attitudes. On the one hand, representatives of British fascism were marginals, and on the other, prominent figures of the largest veterans’ organization, the British Legion, were the exponents of the ideas of fascism. Using the prosopographic method, the social and political activities of the World War I veterans were investigated.Results and Discussion. Based on the analysis of the development of Great Britain in the 1930s, the specifics of public sentiment are described. The veteran movement in the country adhered to various ideologies. By the mid-1930s, opinions arose among veteran leaders about the possibility of uniting with the fascists. During this period, the veterans of the World War I themselves, with the assistance of politicians and the aristocracy, as well as the support of capitalist circles, created right-wing radical organizations that openly adopted nationalist, anti-Semitic, and racist positions. The possibility of veterans coming under the influence of fascist organizations actually existed, given the numerous contacts and joint activities both within the UK itself and with foreign organizations and politicians (in particular, with the leaders of the Third Reich and Italy).Conclusion. Prominent figures of the veteran movement (in particular, the British Legion) are responsible for the development of fascism in the UK and have contributed to the policy of appeasing the aggressor. Their activities in the process of unleashing the World War II were derived from the prevailing socio-economic system. In the 1930s, veterans and their leaders became instruments and sometimes representatives of the interests of competing groups of the economically dominant class in Great Britain. Dissatisfaction with the policies of the British governments and the rise of fascist sentiment was reflected in social protest and criticism in the press.
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HICKSON, CHARLES R., and JOHN D. TURNER. "The Trading of Unlimited Liability Bank Shares in Nineteenth-Century Ireland: The Bagehot Hypothesis." Journal of Economic History 63, no. 4 (December 2003): 931–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050703002493.
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In the mid-1820s, banks became the first businesses in Great Britain and Ireland to be allowed to form freely on an unlimited liability joint-stock basis. Walter Bagehot warned that their shares would ultimately be owned by widows, orphans, and other impecunious individuals. Another hypothesis is that the governing bodies of these banks, constrained by special legal restrictions on share trading, acted effectively to prevent such shares being transferred to the less wealthy. We test both conjectures using the archives of an Irish joint-stock bank. The results do not support Bagehot's hypothesis.
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Book Jönsson, Joakim. "Economic Crisis In Perspective." Groundings Undergraduate 10 (November 1, 2017): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.36399/groundingsug.10.184.
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Uncertainty is a powerful concept in many ways, particularly so for economic ideas. The convictions before the financial crisis in 2007-8 that business cycles had been tamed was not the first time neglect of uncertainty proved devastating. This essay discusses the famous Currency controversy in mid-19th century Britain and the failure to take uncertainty into consideration, which ultimately lead to the banking crisis of 1847. The unintended consequences of the Bank Act of 1844 revealed themselves spectacularly in 1847, in the same way convictions about the Great Moderation fell apart in 2007-8.
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Hampton, Mark. "The Dynamics of Genre: Journalism and the Practice of Literature in Mid-Victorian Britain Dictionary of Nineteenth-Century Journalism in Great Britain and Ireland." Journal of Victorian Culture 17, no. 1 (March 2012): 104–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13555502.2011.611705.
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Lacy, Tim. "Dreams of a Democratic Culture: Revising the Origins of the Great Books Idea, 1869-1921." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 4 (October 2008): 397–441. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000840.
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British and American intellectuals began to formulate ideas about so-called great books from the mid-1800s to 1920. English critic Matthew Arnold's writings served as the fountainhead of ideas about the “best” books. But rather than simply buttress the opinions of highbrow cultural elites, he also inspired those with dreams of a democratized culture. From Arnold and from efforts such as Sir John Lubbock's “100 Best Books,” the pursuit of the “best” in books spread in both Victorian Britain and the United States. The phrase “great books” gained currency in the midst of profound technical, cultural, educational, and philosophical changes. Victorian-era literature professors in America rooted the idea in both education and popular culture through their encouragements to read. Finally, the idea explicitly took hold on college campuses, first with Charles Mills Gayley at the University of California at Berkeley and then John Erskine's General Honors seminar at Columbia University.
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Colacicco, Tamara. "The British Institute of Florence and the British Council in Fascist Italy: from Harold E. Goad to Ian G. Greenlees, 1922–1940." Modern Italy 23, no. 3 (June 27, 2018): 315–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2018.19.
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The first British cultural institute on foreign soil was founded in Florence in 1917. However, it was the creation of the British Council in London in 1935 that marked the beginning of the strengthening of the British cultural presence abroad. The aim of this drive was to promote knowledge of British culture and civic and political life overseas, to defend national prestige and, given the escalating expansionist policies of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, to encourage the preservation of dialogue between the major European powers, underpinned by democratic principles. Bridging a gap in research into the relationship between Italy and Great Britain in the interwar period, this article reconstructs the case study of British cultural diplomacy in Florence between 1922 and Mussolini’s declaration of war, analysing how British culture was used in politics and propaganda and investigating the relationship of the management of both the British Institute of Florence and the British Council with Fascism. In doing so, it offers original insight into British history and the country’s cultural institutions in Fascist Italy, and into the wider field of Anglo-Italian political and cultural relations during the period of dictatorship in Italy.
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Lanska, Douglas J. "Disinformation by Proponents of Perkins’ Patent “Metallick Tractors” (1798–1806) to Sway Public Opinion in Britain in Favor of a Fraudulent Therapy." Histories 4, no. 1 (January 30, 2024): 66–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories4010006.
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In 1796, American physician Elisha Perkins patented “metallick Tractors” for the treatment of various ailments, particularly those associated with pain. They were subsequently rapidly and widely disseminated in the United States and Great Britain based on testimonials and deceptive marketing tactics. Dissemination was facilitated by endorsements from prominent physicians, politicians, and clergymen; quasi-theoretical, handwaving explanations of efficacy based on Galvani’s then-current experiments; and the procedure’s apparent safety and simplicity. However, blinded placebo-controlled trials in Great Britain using sham devices demonstrated that the therapy was ineffective. In response, in the period from 1798 to 1806, Perkinists unleashed a barrage of disinformation (ad hominem attacks, misleading arguments, unethical propaganda tactics, and poetic and graphic satire) to sway public opinion in favor of the fraudulent therapy and against its critics. The disinformation slowed the abandonment of “tractoration”, but higher-level scientific argumentation ultimately prevailed. The Perkinist disinformation campaign had antecedents with the Mesmerist disinformation campaign in the mid-1780s. Similar propaganda tactics are still widely employed to encourage the purchase and use of disproven or fraudulent therapies, as evidenced by propaganda from adherents of acupuncture in response to negative clinical trials and from supporters of unsafe and ineffective therapies promulgated during COVID-19.
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Fleming, Andrew. "The Last of the Great Auks: Oral History and Ritual Killings at St Kilda." Scottish Studies 40 (January 24, 2024): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2218/ss.v40.9286.
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The story of the killing of the ‘last’ great auk (Pinguinus impennis) in Britain, apparently put to death as a witch at Stac an Armin in the St Kilda archipelago c. 1840, is well known. However, other accounts claim that an auk was killed on the main island, Hirta, having been condemned to death by the celebrated men’s ‘parliament’. The historical veracity of three differing stories, which recount discreditable deeds in a deeply Christian community, is evaluated; it seems that fewest difficulties are raised if two great auks were killed, one on Hirta and the other on Stac an Armin. It is argued that this kind of avicide was a ‘ritual’ killing, to be understood in its historical context. The auk-killing probably took place in the mid to late 1840s, after the St Kilda minister had departed in the wake of the Disruption of 1843 - a particularly unsettling time within this small island community. A possible sighting of a pair of great auks on Soay (St Kilda) in 1890 is also briefly discussed.
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Champion, A. G. "Population Change and Migration in Britain since 1981: Evidence for Continuing Deconcentration." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 26, no. 10 (October 1994): 1501–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a261501.
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The counterurbanisation decade of the 1970s appears to have been followed by a period of more mixed trends in migration between metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas. This author examines the experience of Great Britain against the background of developments reported for other countries. The British Census small-area statistics are used to calculate 1981–91 rates of population change for a typology of local labour-market areas in order to test for the existence of population deconcentration, and the results are compared with the rates for the three previous intercensal decades. Annual population estimates are then used to examine the migration component of 1981–91 population change and to investigate the extent and timing of fluctuations in growth rates since the early 1960s. The results indicate that the differentials in the population growth rate between metropolitan and nonmetropolitan Britain narrowed somewhat between the 1970s and the 1980s, but the negative relationship between urban status and population change remained very clear. Moreover, contrary to the experience of the USA and a number of European countries, in the mid-1980s Britain saw a resurgence of nonmetropolitan growth which had widespread impact across the country. These results raise questions which can in part be addressed by in-depth research on the 1991 Census and related data sets.
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Fainstein, S. S. "Government Programs for Commercial Redevelopment in Poor Neighborhoods: The Cases of Spitalfields in East London and Downtown Brooklyn, NY." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 26, no. 2 (February 1994): 215–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a260215.
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Since the economic crisis of the mid-1970s, urban governments in the United States and Great Britain have used programs to stimulate office development as their main vehicle for encouraging economic growth. Two cases of government-sponsored redevelopment are compared: Spitalfields in East London and downtown Brooklyn, New York. Both are in impoverished peripheral areas and involve the creation of large projects that require a transformation of land uses; each involves the activity of a public-private partnership. Despite some differences in types of governmental activity that result from different ideological and institutional traditions, the elements of the two projects are strikingly alike.
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DIETOCHKA, Olha. "Botanical motifs in decoration of fine ceramic products of Great Britain in the mid XVIII – early XIX centuries." Humanities science current issues 2, no. 35 (2021): 8–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.24919/2308-4863/35-2-2.
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Bondyrev, Vladimir Evgenievich. "For the day of the great victory: Berlin operation 1945." Social'naja politika i social'noe partnerstvo (Social Policy and Social Partnership), no. 5 (May 15, 2024): 346–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/pol-01-2405-02.
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In the spring of 1945, fighting on the territory of Nazi Germany was carried out by the allied armies of the states of the anti-Hitler coalition — the Soviet Union, the USA, Great Britain and France. Having defeated large groups of Nazi troops in Poland, Prussia and eastern Pomerania, Soviet troops reached the banks of the Oder and Neisse rivers. By mid-April, the Red Army had liberated all of Hungary, almost the entire territory of Czechoslovakia and occupied Vienna,after which the offensive, despite fierce resistance from the Nazis, successfully continued in the eastern and southern directions. This led to the withdrawal of the allies of Nazi Germany — Italy, Bulgaria, Finland and Romania — from the war. The Allies, encountering virtually no opposition from the Germans, advanced from the west in the Leipzig, Hamburg and Prague directions and reached the banks of the Elbe. Our troops were already 60 km from the Nazi capital, and the Allies about 100 km. On the eve of the upcoming anniversary of the 79th anniversary of the Great Victory, a truthful account of the defeat of the Nazi group in Berlin is extremely important. This city, a political stronghold of German fascism, was also the largest center of the military industry in Germany. The capture of the capital of the Third Reich marked the end of the bloody Second World War. This short article will be dedicated to this greatest Victoria.
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Cawood, Ian. "Corruption and the Public Service Ethos in Mid-Victorian Administration: The Case of Leonard Horner and the Factory Office*." English Historical Review 135, no. 575 (August 2020): 860–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceaa249.
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Abstract While the problem of political corruption in mid-nineteenth century Britain has been much studied, the experience of corrupt behaviour in public bodies, both new and long established, is comparatively neglected. This article takes the example of one of the first inspectorates set up after the Great Reform Act, the Factory Office, to examine the extent of corrupt practices in the British civic state and the means whereby it was addressed. It examines the changing processes of appointment, discipline and promotion, the issues of remuneration and venality, and the relationships between inspectors, workers, factory owners, the government and the wider civil service, and the press and public opinion. The article argues that the changing attitudes of the inspectors, especially those of Leonard Horner, were indicative of a developing ‘public service ethos’ in both bureaucratic and cultural settings and that the work of such unsung administrators was one of the agencies through which corrupt behaviour in the civic structures of Victorian Britain was, with public support, challenged. The article concludes that the endogenous reform of bureaucratic practice achieved by the factory inspectorate may even be of equal significance as that which resulted from the celebrated Northcote–Trevelyan Report of 1854.
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STEPHENS, JULIA. "The Phantom Wahhabi: Liberalism and the Muslim fanatic in mid-Victorian India." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 1 (December 5, 2012): 22–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000649.
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AbstractIn the late 1860s and early 1870s the British colonial government in India suppressed an imagined Wahhabi conspiracy, which it portrayed as a profound threat to imperial security. The detention and trial of Amir and Hashmadad Khan—popularly known as the Great Wahhabi Case—was the most controversial of a series of public trials of suspected Wahhabis. The government justified extra-judicial arrests and detentions as being crucial to protect the empire from anti-colonial rebels inspired by fanatical religious beliefs. The government's case against the Khan brothers, however, was exceptionally weak. Their ongoing detention sparked a sustained public debate about the balance between executive authority and the rule of law. In newspapers and pamphlets published in India and Britain, Indian journalists and Anglo-Indian lawyers argued that arbitrary police powers posed a greater threat to public security than religious fanatics. In doing so, they embraced a language of liberalism which emphasized the rule of law and asserted the role of public opinion as a check on government despotism. Debates about the Great Wahhabi Case demonstrate the ongoing contest between authoritarian and liberal strands of imperial ideology, even at the height of the panic over the intertwined threat of Indian sedition and fanatical Islam.
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Michael Chamarette, R. "British Psychology and the Media: Cyril Burt at the BBC." History & Philosophy of Psychology 22, no. 1 (2021): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.53841/bpshpp.2021.22.1.11.
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Any balanced assessment of Cyril Burt’s historical significance needs to transcend older genres of the ‘Burt Affair’ and of the ‘great man’, with their emphasis upon Burt’s agency and influence within the theory and practice of psychology in Britain in the early and mid-twentieth century. In line with more contemporary approaches, Burt provides a case study that addresses the wider question of how psychological thought and practice mediated understanding of the self, and the intersection of differing views of human nature with a range of social, economic, political and ethical issues. In particular, there are issues of the nature of psychology, the authority of its exponents, and its relevance to the anxieties and aspirations of the British public during the interwar period. Two themes exemplify this – public confusion of psychology with Freudian psychoanalysis and both with the study of sex, and secondly the role psychologists as public scientific intellectuals. Any omission of Burt from these broader considerations risks distortion of our understanding of both psychology and of Britain during this period.
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Svensson, C., and D. A. Jones. "Dependence between sea surge, river flow and precipitation in south and west Britain." Hydrology and Earth System Sciences 8, no. 5 (October 31, 2004): 973–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/hess-8-973-2004.
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Abstract. Estuaries around Great Britain may be at heightened risk of flooding because of the simultaneous occurrence of extreme sea surge and river flow, both of which may be caused by mid-latitude cyclones. A measure especially suited for extremes was employed to estimate dependence between river flow and sea surge. To assist in the interpretation of why flow-surge dependence occurs in some areas and not in others, the dependence between precipitation and surge and between precipitation and river flow was also studied. Case studies of the meteorological situations leading to high surges and/or river flows were also carried out. The present study concerns catchments draining to the south and west coasts of Great Britain. Statistically significant dependence between river flow and daily maximum sea surge may be found at catchments spread along most of this coastline. However, higher dependence is generally found in catchments in hilly areas with a southerly to westerly aspect. Here, precipitation in south-westerly airflow, which is generally the quadrant of prevailing winds, will be enhanced orographically as the first higher ground is encountered. The sloping catchments may respond quickly to the abundant rainfall and the flow peak may arrive in the estuary on the same day as a large sea surge is produced by the winds and low atmospheric pressure associated with the cyclone. There are three regions where flow-surge dependence is strong: the western part of the English south coast, southern Wales and around the Solway Firth. To reduce the influence of tide-surge interaction on the dependence analysis, the dependence between river flow and daily maximum surge occurring at high tide was estimated. The general pattern of areas with higher dependence is similar to that using the daily maximum surge. The dependence between river flow and daily maximum sea surge is often strongest when surge and flow occur on the same day. The west coast from Wales and northwards has slightly stronger flow-surge dependence in summer than in winter, whereas dependence is stronger in winter than in summer for the southern part of the study area. Keywords: : Britain, dependence, sea surge, river flow, precipitation, mid-latitude cyclone, seasonality, time lag
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Radovanović, Miloš. "Motor Insurers' Bureau: Guarantee fund in the United Kingdom." Strani pravni zivot, no. 1 (2022): 153–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spz66-34574.
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Redress, in cases when the damage has been caused by uninsured or unidentified vehicle, in the United Kingdom is organized on specific manner. Task of providing compensation in such cases is entrusted to the organization Motor Insurers' Bureau (MIB). This task has been entrusted by agreements concluded between the state and MIB. Regardless of this specificity, MIB is a guarantee fund, an institute which exists in other European states. British courts expressed their stance on legal nature of MIB. Case-law of the United Kingdom earlier had considered that MIB was an institute of private law. Due to the influence of the Court of Justice of the European Union, a different stance has prevailed. Courts of Great Britain accepted arguments of the European judicial institution. Now they consider that MIB is a subject of the public law - emanation of the state. This standpoint has been implemented in the United Kingdom's law and will not be abandoned after the Brexit. The British example shows how the dilemma on the legal nature of a guarantee fund can be resolved in the country that is not a member of the European Union.
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Morse, Michael A. "Craniology and the Adoption of the Three-Age System in Britain." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 65 (1999): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00001924.
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The development of the three-age system in Scandinavia has been of great interest to historians of archaeology, but the system's spread to the British Isles has received little attention, leaving a false impression that its importance has always derived from the revolutionary methodology of C.J. Thomsen. It was not Thomsen's method of putting artefacts in a chronological series, however, that first appealed to British researchers in the mid 19th century. Instead, early British researchers, working mainly in the science of ethnology, used the system to establish a sequence of races for Britain's past based on cranial types. This initial use of the three-age system as a means of creating a racial sequence left a mark on British archaeology that outlasted even the craniological ethnology that formed its first scholarly context.
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Brown, Ian, and Rob Brannen. "When Theatre was for All: the Cork Report, after Ten Years." New Theatre Quarterly 12, no. 48 (November 1996): 367–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00010551.
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By the mid 'eighties, the Thatcher government's public funding restrictions had taken a firm hold, leading to a now familiar position of crisis theatre management. In 1985, under pressure from the profession, the Arts Council of Great Britain commissioned an independent enquiry, the first for sixteen years, to evaluate the needs of the publicly funded theatre and to determine funding priorities. Although the resulting Cork Enquiry was seen by many at the time as a cost-cutting exercise, eight months intensive research and evidence-taking led to a carefully constructed case for a funding increase against an estimated shortfall of up to £13.4 million – and also produced a broad vision of the nature of theatre in England. It is now ten years since the Cork Enquiry delivered its report, with the aim of ensuring the healthy development of an art form placed under severe financial constraint. Here lan Brown and Rob Brannen, Secretary and Assistant Secretary to the Enquiry, provide insight into the Enquiry's setting-up, its process, and formulation of recommendations. In the light of recent consultation exercises, they examine the nature and function of such reports alongside the long-term impact of the Cork Enquiry. lan Brown was Drama Director of the Arts Council of Great Britain from 1986 to 1994, and is now Professor and Head of the Drama Department at Queen Margaret College, Edinburgh. Rob Brannen is a Senior Lecturer in Drama at De Montfort University, Bedford.
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Marshall, P. J. "Presidential Address Britain and the World in the Eighteenth Century: II, Britons And Americans." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 9 (December 1999): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679390.
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In my address last year I tried to offer some explanations for the great change of direction in Britain's territorial empire in the second half of the eighteenth century: the failure of empire over much of North America coinciding with the beginnings of great acquisitions in India. I would like now to look more closely at the American débâcle. In trying to account for it, I stressed the yawning gap between British ambitions as they developed from mid-century and any capacity to realise them in the colonies, where, in the absence of a strong imperial presence or adequate machinery to enforce metropolitan wishes, the effective working of the empire depended on the willingness of local populations to co-operate. In the 1760s the majority of the colonial elites refused to co-operate with what they regarded as new departures from the long-established constitutional conventions of the empire. British attempts to resolve the ensuing crisis by armed coercion were to be frustrated in seven years of unsuccessful war.
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Gibbens, J. C., J. W. Wilesmith, C. E. Sharpe, L. M. Mansley, E. Michalopoulou, J. B. M. Ryan, and M. Hudson. "Descriptive epidemiology of the 2001 foot-and-mouth disease epidemic in Great Britain: the first five months." Veterinary Record 149, no. 24 (December 15, 2001): 729–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/vr.149.24.729.
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In February 2001, foot-and-mouth disease (FMD) was confirmed in Great Britain. A major epidemic developed, which peaked around 50 cases a day in late March, declining to under 10 a day by May. By mid-July, 1849 cases had been detected. The main control measures employed were livestock movement restrictions and the rapid slaughter of infected and exposed livestock. The first detected case was in south-east England; infection was traced to a farm in north-east England to which all other cases were linked. The epidemic was large as a result of a combination of events, including a delay in the diagnosis of the index case, the movement of infected sheep to market before FMD was first diagnosed, and the time of year. Virus was introduced at a time when there were many sheep movements around the country and weather conditions supported survival of the virus. The consequence was multiple, effectively primary, introductions of FMD virus into major sheep-keeping areas. Subsequent local spread from these introductions accounted for the majority of cases. The largest local epidemics were in areas with dense sheep populations and livestock dealers who were active during the key period. Most affected farms kept both sheep and cattle. At the time of writing the epidemic was still ongoing; however, this paper provides a basis for scientific discussion of the first five months.
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Klochkov, Victor, Veronica Nazarova, and Igor Uznarodov. "Crimean War, John Arthur Roebuck and Public Opinion in the Great Britain in the Middle of the 19th Century." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 3 (July 2024): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2024.3.5.
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Introduction. The key issue of this work is the relationship between the press, public opinion, and political institutions of Great Britain during the Crimean War (1853–1856). In this context, the political activity of the Sheffield radical John Arthur Roebuck (1802–1879) is considered. The relevance of the work is determined by the research thesis that, during the Crimean War, public opinion was no longer only broadcast by the press but was largely shaped by it. Methods. The broad research context of the article is provided by a critical method of processing sources, some of which (publications from the provincial newspapers Sheffield and Rotterham Independent and Iris), discovered in the Northamptonshire Record Office, are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. Analysis. The goal of this article is to clarify the thesis well-established in traditional historiography, according to which the influence of the press on the current political agenda became significant only in the late 1860s. The analysis done in the article shows that if in the mid-30s of the 19th century the press only broadcast the opinion of the political elite, then during the Crimean War it already had the most direct influence on the formation of British public opinion. Results. The result of the study was the thesis that by the end of the Crimean War, the British press was quite able to influence public opinion and, even under certain circumstances, determine it. However, it still had very limited influence when it came to measures affecting the prerogative powers of Parliament and the Cabinet. Authors’ contribution. V.V. Klochkov determined the basic concept of the article and the methodological foundations of the study, as well as identified unpublished sources from the regional archives of Great Britain. V.S. Nazarova prepared the introduction of the article, created its structural composition, and analyzed the historiography of the problem. I.M. Uznarodov conducted an analysis of the publications of periodicals and formulated the main results of the study.
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Matlock, Daniel. "DR. SMILES AND THE “COUNTERFEIT” GENTLEMEN: SELF-MAKING AND MISAPPLICATION IN MID-NINETEENTH-CENTURY BRITAIN." Victorian Literature and Culture 46, no. 1 (March 2018): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106015031700033x.
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On the morning of 15 May 1855, career criminal Edward Agar and his associate, William Pierce, walked away from the London Bridge Station of the South-Eastern Railway Company with over £14,000 in stolen gold. The bullion was the property of the City of London merchants, whose intention had been to ship the bars via train to Dover and then on to Calais by ferry. Security was comprehensive and the success of Agar's en route interception was made possible only through labor-intensive planning and meticulous execution. It was the type of job in which the thief specialized. Even before what would become known as the “Great Bullion Robbery,” Agar's criminal diligence and self-drive had provided him with the monetary resources to establish himself in the wealthy, middle-class suburb of Cambridge Villas, where he enjoyed a reputation as a consummate gentleman. Throughout Agar's planning of the bullion heist, his neighbors remained entirely unaware that his home was headquarters to an extensive criminal ring.
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Jones, K. C., P. J. Peterson, and B. E. Davies. "Silver and other metals in some aquatic bryophytes from streams in the lead mining district of Mid-Wales, Great Britain." Water, Air, and Soil Pollution 24, no. 3 (March 1985): 329–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00161792.
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Rimfeld, Kaili, Margherita Malanchini, Andrea G. Allegrini, Amy E. Packer, Andrew McMillan, Rachel Ogden, Louise Webster, et al. "Genetic Correlates of Psychological Responses to the COVID-19 Crisis in Young Adult Twins in Great Britain." Behavior Genetics 51, no. 2 (February 24, 2021): 110–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10519-021-10050-2.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWe investigated how the COVID-19 crisis and the extraordinary experience of lockdown affected young adults in England and Wales psychologically. One month after lockdown commenced (T2), we assessed 30 psychological and behavioural traits in more than 4000 twins in their mid-twenties and compared their responses to the same traits assessed in 2018 (T1). Mean changes from T1 to T2 were modest and inconsistent. Contrary to the hypothesis that major environmental changes related to COVID-19 would result in increased variance in psychological and behavioural traits, we found that the magnitude of individual differences did not change from T1 to T2. Twin analyses revealed that while genetic factors accounted for about half of the reliable variance at T1 and T2, they only accounted for ~ 15% of individual differences in change from T1 to T2, and that nonshared environmental factors played a major role in psychological and behavioural changes. Shared environmental influences had negligible impact on T1, T2 or T2 change. Genetic factors correlated on average .86 between T1 and T2 and accounted for over half of the phenotypic stability, as would be expected for a 2-year interval even without the major disruption of lockdown. We conclude that the first month of lockdown has not resulted in major psychological or attitudinal shifts in young adults, nor in major changes in the genetic and environmental origins of these traits. Genetic influences on the modest psychological and behavioural changes are likely to be the result of gene–environment correlation not interaction.