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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Great Britain. Prime Minister

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Academic literature on the topic 'Great Britain. Prime Minister'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Great Britain. Prime Minister"

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Poretskova, E. A. "Great Britain and the Maastricht Treaty on European Union (1992)." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 12, no. 2 (2012): 101–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2012-12-2-101-103.

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The article describes the ratification of Maastricht treaty on European Union by British parliament. Particular attention is paid to the role of Prime Minister John Major in the framing of a treaty and its acceptance in the context of escalated intraparty and interparty relations.

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Mashevskyi, Oleh. "NEW PRIORITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN’S FOREIGN POLICY DURING TONY BLAIR’S PREMIERSHIP." European Historical Studies, no. 24 (2023): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.4.

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The article analyzes the state and perspectives for the further investigation of the foreign policy of the Prime Minister Tony Blair (1997–2007). It is noted that the attention to the problem is caused both by Great Britain’s support of Ukraine in resisting russian full-scale invasion, and by the high level of activity of T. Blair and his Institute for Global Change, which are actively engaged in the development of concepts regarding a new vision of the place of post-Brexit Great Britain in the world. At the same time, they support Ukraine, actively analyze the importance and impact of russia’s war against Ukraine on the international world and security situation. The work outlines the traditional and new investigations of foreign historians who multifacetedly have scrutinized and continue to research the problems of the foreign policy of Great Britain during the prime ministership of Tony Blair. The formed scientific discourse on the relations of Great Britain with the USA and the EU countries, the problem of Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq war is highlighted. This discourse is marked by a reassessment of observed events, the formation of non-conventional approaches to problems, which is of particular interest and provides prospects for further research. Ukrainian historians continue to research issues of Great Britain’s foreign policy. Emphasis in works devoted to T. Blair’s foreign policy is usually placed on issues of Great Britain’s relations with the USA and the EU, Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq War and a number of military conflicts. The urgent need to form a scientific discourse, systematic, active scientific discussion at conferences and round tables is stressed. The author reveals the aspects of the British foreign policy which have to be investigated in the Ukrainian historiography: the cooperation with the Latin American countries (economic and political motives and interests, for instance, his visit to the states of the region, he was the first British Prime Minister who visited Argentina since the Falklands War), Blair`s interest in the time of his premiership towards the African countries (the creation of the Commission for Africa in 2004) and, especially, his lobbying of the initiatives during his heading in the G8. The article emphasizes the active use of a number of tools of public diplomacy, mass media by T. Blair, his understanding of the world’s globalization trends, and active support of these trends through economic, political and other levers. Moreover, the aspects for the further investigation are mentioned and characterized.

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Loury, Glenn C. "The Black Man Who One Day May Become Prime Minister of Great Britain." Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, no. 43 (2004): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4133540.

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Gao, Jie. "Compromise and Defence: Great Britain and the Burma Road Crisis." China and Asia 3, no. 1 (September 29, 2021): 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2589465x-030102.

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Abstract China and Britain both found themselves in extremely precarious situations by the early summer of 1940, when Japan demanded that Britain close the Burma Road, a vital overland supply route for Chinese forces fighting against Japanese aggression. The British had just seen all of their continental European allies fall like dominoes to Hitler’s forces over the span of a few weeks, while China was fighting a losing defensive war against Japan with minimal outside support. China desperately needed to maintain its overland supply line to the British Empire, the Burma Road, but Britain feared that the very existence of this conduit of war materiel would provoke a Japanese attack on vulnerable British colonies in the Far East. American policy on Japanese aggression was ambiguous at this point and neither Britain nor China could realistically expect help from Washington in the short term. As a result, Britain signed a one-sided confidential memorandum to close the Burma Road to buy time and shore up its East Asian position to the extent that it was able. This deal, a lesser-studied counterpart to Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain’s appeasement policy in Europe, compromised the Chinese war effort against Japan, paved the way for the Japanese conquest of Southeast Asia, and ultimately failed to prevent Britain’s defeat in East Asia. Recognizing that this temporary concession would not moderate Japanese behavior, Britain reopened the Burma Road three months later. This paper examines the vital role of the Burma Road in the Chinese war effort in 1940 and why Japan demanded that London close it, then explores the factors that led to Britain’s unavoidable capitulation on the issue and subsequent reversal three months later, along with the consequences for the Allied war effort in the Far East.

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Jenkins, Jan. "Lawlor, Churchill And The Politics Of War, 1940-1941." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 20, no. 2 (September 1, 1995): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.20.2.103.

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The first ten months of Winston Churchill's wartime leadership of Great Britain, from May 1940 1o March 1941, are frequently portrayed as a heroic prologue to the Allied war effort, a period in which Churchill having replaced Neville Chamberlain as prime minister, soothed all internal political discord, boldly directed Britain's solitary war against Germany, and came to the forefront as a man of destiny. In Churchill and the Politics of War, 1940-1941, Sheila Lawlor has set these months apart from their traditional context in order to reveal that, contrary to the orthodox historical view, the Churchill government was no freer of conflicting interests, factionalism, and vacillation than the preceding governments.

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Markovich, Slobodan. "Activities of Father Nikolai Velimirovich in Great Britain during the Great War." Balcanica, no. 48 (2017): 143–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1748143m.

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Nikolai Velimirovich was one of the most influential bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the twentieth century. His stay in Britain in 1908/9 influenced his theological views and made him a proponent of an Anglican-Orthodox church reunion. As a known proponent of close relations between different Christian churches, he was sent by the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic to the United States (1915) and Britain (1915-1919) to work on promoting Serbia and the cause of Yugoslav unity. His activities in both countries were very successful. In Britain he closely collaborated with the Serbian Relief Fund and ?British friends of Serbia? (R. W. Seton-Watson, Henry Wickham Steed and Sir Arthur Evans). Other Serbian intellectuals in London, particularly the brothers Bogdan and Pavle Popovic, were in occasional collision with the members of the Yugoslav Committee over the nature of the future Yugoslav state. In contrast, Velimirovich remained committed to the cause of Yugoslav unity throughout the war with only rare moments of doubt. Unlike most other Serbs and Yugoslavs in London Father Nikolai never grew unsympathetic to the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic, although he did not share all of his views. In London he befriended the churchmen of the Church of England who propagated ecclesiastical reunion and were active in the Anglican and Eastern Association. These contacts allowed him to preach at St. Margaret?s Church, Westminster and other prominent Anglican churches. He became such a well-known and respected preacher that, in July 1917, he had the honour of being the first Orthodox clergyman to preach at St. Paul?s Cathedral. He was given the same honour in December 1919. By the end of the war he had very close relations with the highest prelates of the Church of England, the Catholic cardinal of Westminster, and with prominent clergymen of the Church of Scotland and other Protestant churches in Britain. Based on Velimirovich?s correspondence preserved in Belgrade and London archives, and on very wide coverage of his activities in The Times, in local British newspapers, and particularly in the Anglican journal The Church Times, this paper describes and analyses his wide-ranging activities in Britain. The Church of England supported him wholeheartedly in most of his activities and made him a celebrity in Britain during the Great War. It was thanks to this Church that some dozen of his pamphlets and booklets were published in London during the Great War. What made his relations with the Church of England so close was his commitment to the question of reunion of Orthodox churches with the Anglican Church. He suggested the reunion for the first time in 1909 and remained committed to it throughout the Great War. Analysing the activities of Father Nikolai, the paper also offers a survey of the very wide-ranging forms of help that the Church of England provided both to the Serbian Orthodox Church and to Serbs in by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement. general during the Great War. Most of these activities were channelled through him. Thus, by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement.

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Kolmakov, M. A. "BRITISH PRIME MINISTER FIGHT ROBERT WALPOLE WITH THE OPPOSITION IN THE 20S OF THE XVIII CENTURY." Vestnik Bryanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 07, no. 02 (June 30, 2023): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22281/2413-9912-2023-07-02-79-90.

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Robert Walpole was first elected to Parliament in 1701. At the beginning of his political career he worked in many parliamentary committees. In 1721 Walpole becomes the first Prime Minister of Great Britain. During the remainder of George I's reign, Walpole's influence steadily increased in the upper echelons of power. At this time, the principles of Walpole's interaction with the British crown, parliament and government were laid as part of the internal political struggle. The politician gradually consolidates his power at the government level, developing a new internal model of the state structure, which consisted in strengthening the power of the Whig group through a system of political control over the opposition in parliament and the ministry. The main goal of Walpole's domestic policy was to have MPs and ministers work in the interests of the Hanoverian dynasty, thereby distributing finances among their opponents in the Whig faction. In such realities, the political power of the opposition gradually decreased, and Walpole's influence over the king, parliament and ministries gradually increased. As a result, Walpole kept Parliament and the ministry on his side by supporting the Hanoverian dynasty, including through the introduction of low export duties and a reduction in the public debt. The activity of Robert Walpole was a reflection of the domestic policy of Great Britain in the 20s of the XVIII century, which showed the trends and moods that existed in the country.

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Mikheiev, Andrii. "The Image of Ukraine in Great Britain during 1919–1920s." Kyiv Historical Studies 12, no. 1 (2021): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.13.

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The article examines the evolution of the image of Ukraine in the intellectual discourse of the British Empire immediately after the First World War, i.e., during 1919–1920s. This period was marked, on the one hand, by the continuation of the national liberation struggle within Ukraine and, on the other hand, by discussions on the post-war arrangement of Europe and the world at the Paris Peace Conference. Great Britain, as one of the victors in the war, as well as one of the most powerful states at the time, took an active part in these discussions, and the future of Ukrainian lands significantly depended on its position. Therefore, it seems interesting to trace the image of Ukraine that has developed among British intellectuals and politicians at this time, because it also made impact on the attitude of British diplomats to the Ukrainian question at the Paris Peace Conference. To achieve that goal, the article will analyze the attempts of the UPR Directory to establish contacts with British diplomats, the works of the famous British geographer and geopolitician Gelford Mackinder, the views of a prominent British statesman of the 20th century, and during 1919–1920s the Minister of War Winston Churchill, a booklet on Ukraine, issued by the Foreign Office in 1920, as well as the position of the then first man in the UK, British Prime Minister David Lloyd-George. Such a comprehensive view will provide a better understanding of the British vision of the Central and Eastern Europe region in general, and Ukraine in particular, in the context of that time.

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Nadeau, Richard, Richard G. Niemi, and Timothy Amato. "Prospective and Comparative or Retrospective and Individual? Party Leaders and Party Support in Great Britain." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 2 (April 1996): 245–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000442.

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We argue that voters' assessments of party leaders are comparative and prospective rather than individual and retrospective. Therefore, a prospective leadership-comparison evaluation should outperform a leader-approval, retrospective indicator as a determinant of government and party popularity. Using data from 1984–92, a popularity function that includes a variety of economic and political components, and several dependent variables, we test this hypothesis by comparing the performance of a ‘best prime minister’ question and the more usual ‘approval’ questions about party leaders. We find that the former gives consistently better results than the latter.

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Oats, Lynne, and Pauline Sadler. "POLITICAL SUPPRESSION OR REVENUE RAISING? TAXING NEWSPAPERS DURING THE FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY WAR." Accounting Historians Journal 31, no. 1 (June 1, 2004): 93–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.31.1.93.

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In 1797 the Prime Minister of Great Britain announced a substantial increase in the stamp duty on newspapers. This increase, and indeed the tax itself, has been variously represented as an attack on press freedom and an act of suppression of the working classes. This paper reconsiders these representations by reference to primary sources and concludes that the increases in stamp duty were part of a revenue raising exercise in which taxes on a number of luxury items were increased, including newspapers which were not at the time viewed as being necessities.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Great Britain. Prime Minister"

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Dyson, Stephen Benedict. "Prime minister and core executive in British foreign policy process, outcome and quality of decision /." Online access for everyone, 2004. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Dissertations/Fall2004/s%5Fdyson%5F112304.pdf.

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LaCoco, Kimberly Paz D. G. "British Prime Minister Tony Blair's decision to go to war in Iraq an evaluation of motivating factors /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-9842.

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LaCoco, Kimberly. "British Prime Minister Tony Blair's Decision to Go to War in Iraq: An Evaluation of Motivating Factors." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9842/.

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Blair sent British troops to join U.S. forces in the invasion of Iraq in 2003 at great political cost to himself. What motivated him to take this step? Sources for this work include: autobiographies and biographies of individuals close to Blair; journal and newspaper articles and monographs on this topic; Prime Minister's speeches and press conferences. Part one is comprised of five chapters including the Introduction; Blair's years at school; Blair's early political career; and From Parliament to Prime Minister. Part two includes four chapters that analyze motivating factors such as, Anglo-American Relations; Blair's personality, faith, and his relationship with Gordon Brown; and finally, Blair's perception of Britain's Manifest Destiny. All of these factors played a role in Blair's decision.

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Heidenreich, Donald E. "In the beginning : Disraeli, Gladstone and their first terms at the Exchequer /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9962531.

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Samarasinghe, Nayani. "The policies of three Prime Ministers of Ceylon from 1948-1956, with special reference to relations with Great Britain." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.329030.

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Peterson, Stephen. "Gladstone, religion, politics and America : perceptions in the press, 1868-1900." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/17262.

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This thesis examines American perceptions of William Ewart Gladstone in the religious and secular press from 1868 to 1900. The scope of the study encompasses his role as a Christian apologist and his engagement in public affairs where religion and politics converged. The opinions of Americans are examined in the general categories of evangelicals, Roman Catholics, secular news organs and to a lesser extent Unitarians and agnostics. Gladstone’s reputation in the United States is followed through much of the latter half of the nineteenth century, beginning shortly after the close of the Civil War when Americans in the North held him in disrepute for his impolitic acknowledgement of Southern nationhood. This thesis demonstrates that American opinions of Gladstone were transformed as they increasingly perceived him to be a champion of Liberal reform and religious liberty and, especially for conservative evangelicals, a stalwart defender of Christian truth and civilisation against the rising tide of modern secularism. It also suggests that a pervasive anti-Catholicism inspired many in the United States to support Gladstone’s political causes. Finally, this study demonstrates that Americans projected their own values and myths on to the statesman. For many, he came to embody their progressive worldview with respect to the spread of religious and political liberty.

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Alleman, Jennifer Lauren. "Religion and politics in the career of William Cecil : an evaluation of Elizabeth I's chief minister /." Read thesis online, 2010. http://library.uco.edu/UCOthesis/AllemanJ2010.pdf.

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Everett, M. "Qualities of a royal minister : studies in the rise of Thomas Cromwell, c.1520-1534." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2013. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/350769/.

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Existing studies of Thomas Cromwell (c. 1485-1540) have typically interpreted his life and work during the 1530s as being a reflection of his religious beliefs, his administrative zeal or his political ambitions. In doing so they have left a distorted picture of the man and his career, which often takes for granted exactly how he became the king’s leading minister. The purpose of this thesis is to describe how Cromwell rose so spectacularly, by examining previously neglected areas of work he undertook for the king, and presenting the first rounded study of Cromwell and his early career. A new study of Cromwell, which focuses on aspects of his life and work which have never before been examined, enables new insights to be drawn about the minister himself, while shedding fresh light on debate surrounding Henrician Court and government. An examination of Cromwell’s greatly neglected life as a lawyer and merchant in the 1520s demonstrates how he acquired many of the qualities which were required for him to prosper under Henry VIII, while fresh consideration of the manner of Cromwell’s transition into the king’s service challenges the longstanding belief about how and when this occurred. Despite the considerable evidence attesting to them in the State Papers, Cromwell’s earliest responsibilities for the king – those concerning the Crown lands and King’s Works, his management of the Church, and financing war with Scotland – have never before been examined. Doing so enables a new assessment of Cromwell’s early career to be drawn, which challenges the prevailing belief that the break with Rome was vital in his becoming chief minister. Examination of Cromwell’s earliest activities in government then presents an intriguing perspective on Cromwell as an administrative reformer. And the first comprehensive account of his role in the Anglo-papal schism not only offers new insights into his role and influence over this, but questions the existing accounts of the politics of the 1530s.

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Hill, Helen Louise. "The core executive and foreign policy : inter-dependency between the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary in post-war Britain." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.392473.

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Holm, Fredrik. "Primus inter pares? : an institutional comparison of the Office of Prime Minister : Britain, the Republic of Ireland, Sweden and Denmark." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1454/.

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Books on the topic "Great Britain. Prime Minister"

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Seatrobe, J. B. Oh, Prime Minister! London: Robson Books, 1999.

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1934-, King Anthony, ed. The British Prime Minister. 2nd ed. London: Macmillan, 1985.

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Stephen, King Anthony, ed. The British Prime Minister. 2nd ed. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1985.

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Rentoul, John. Tony Blair: Prime Minister. London: Time/Warner Paperbacks, 2001.

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Rentoul, John. Tony Blair: Prime Minister. London: Warner, 2001.

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Bower, Tom. Gordon Brown: Prime minister. London: Harper Perennial, 2004.

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W, Rhodes R. A., and Dunleavy Patrick, eds. Prime minister, cabinet, and core executive. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995.

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Buckley, Stephen. The Prime Minister and Cabinet. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2006.

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Moskin, Marietta D. Margaret Thatcher of Great Britain. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Julian Messner, 1990.

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Whiteley, Peter. Lord North: The prime minister who lost America. London: Hambledon Press, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Great Britain. Prime Minister"

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Renwick, Robin. "‘The Prime Minister of Great Britain has nothing to hide from the President of the United States’." In Fighting with Allies, 43–48. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230379824_6.

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Holze, Regina. "Shambolic blunder." In Remedies against the Pandemic, 169–95. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dapsac.102.06hol.

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During the Covid-19 pandemic, Great Britain’s Prime Minister Johnson had to admit the failure of his measures on several occasions and subsequently change policies. This paper analyses Johnson’s strategies of communicating failure, relying on a corpus of official statements and interviews dating from March 2020 to January 2021. Drawing on methods from corpus-assisted discourse analysis, his main strategies of communicating failure are analysed by identifying typical speech acts and classifying them according to Boin et al.’s accountability model (2017). Additionally, frequent frames are examined with relation to the narrative to which they contribute. Results show a tendency to avoid admitting policy failure and shirk responsibility, complemented by a common reference to the success of previous policies and the need for unity in crisis.

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Hill, Brian. "1715–45: A ‘Prime’ Minister." In The Early Parties and Politics in Britain, 1688–1832, 58–92. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24487-4_3.

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King, William. "Drift, Decline, and a Stubborn Prime Minister, 1954–1957." In Nerve Agents in Postwar Britain, 95–132. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70474-2_4.

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Beloff, Max. "Prime Minister and President: The Office of First Executive." In Politics and Consensus in Modern Britain, 23–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19178-9_3.

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O’Hara, Glen. "President Kennedy, Prime Minister Macmillan and the Gold Market, 1960–63." In Governing Post-War Britain, 53–72. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230361270_4.

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O’Hara, Glen. "President Johnson, Prime Minister Wilson and the Slow Collapse of Equilibrium, 1964–68." In Governing Post-War Britain, 73–90. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230361270_5.

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Burrett, Tina. "Theories of Leadership and the Prime Minister in Britain and Japan." In Contemporary Prime Ministerial Leadership in Britain and Japan, 17–48. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-44590-2_2.

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Smith, Martin J. "The Core of the Core: Relations between the Prime Minister and the Cabinet." In The Core Executive in Britain, 71–105. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27237-2_4.

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Fletcher, Winston. "1951: Watershed Year." In Powers of Persuasion, 7–9. Oxford University PressOxford, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199228010.003.0002.

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Abstract 1951 was a watershed year for Britain, and for British advertising. It was the year which marked the beginning of the transition from the trough of the Second World War, and post-war restrictions and privations, to the sunny uplands of economic affluence. Prime Minister Attlee ’s Labour government had always intended the year to be a watershed. On 3 May 1951, a century after the Victorians ‘ Great Exhibition of 1851, large crowds congregated on the South Bank of the Thames to see the King and Queen open the Festival of Britain, which was designed to celebrate British post-war achievements—to advertise to the world that Britain had said goodbye to austerity and shabbiness, and was well on the way to recovery and prosperity. Deputy Prime Minister Herbert Morrison called the Festival ‘the people giving themselves a pat on the back ’.

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Conference papers on the topic "Great Britain. Prime Minister"

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Dimitrijević, Milan S. "TEODOR METOHIT I NjEGOV UČENIK NIĆIFOR GRIGORA NA DVOROVIMA KRALjA MILUTINA I STEFANA DEČANSKOG." In Kralj Milutin i doba Paleologa: istorija, književnost, kulturno nasleđe. Publishing House of the Eparchy of Šumadija of the Serbian Orthodox Church - "Kalenić", 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/6008-065-5.223d.

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Theodore Metochites (Θεόδωρος Μετοχίτης; 1270–1332), a Byzantine Greek statesman and polymath, and his student, the greatest Byzantine astronomer Nicephoros Gregoras (1295-1360) were in several diplomatic missions on the courts of King Milutin and his son, King Stefan Dečanski. Both gave significant contributions in astronomy. Metochites, considered as the one of the greatest forerunners of the Renaissance in the Greek world, was a Platonist philosopher, astronomer and patron of the arts. From 1305 to 1328 he held the position of personal adviser (mesazon) to emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos. During his long political career he was also Great Logothetes (a kind of Prime Minister) of the Byzantine Empire. His teacher in astronomy was Manuel Bryennius. His known astronomical writting is an introduction to the study of Ptolemaic astronomy (Στοιχείωσις επί τη αστρονομική επιστήμη). Related to astronomy is also his paraphrases of Aristotle's works on natural philosophy and Σημειώσεις γνωμικαί (Annotations), where he provided an important critique of Aristotle. Metochites was five times on the court of King Milutin as the envoy of Andronikos II to make the peace with Serbia and to arrange the mariage of King Milutin with Simonida, grand daughter of the Byzantine emperor. He wrote a writting about his travels to Serbia (Пρεσβευτικός) which is translated to Serbian.

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Gifu, Daniela. "ROMANIAN TREEANNOTATOR." In eLSE 2019. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-19-024.

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E-learning is the most popular and effective study method centered on any kind of receptor eager to acquire new knowledge. Due the difference between generations, including the politicians, the language becomes a dynamic organism, meaningful in a social context. It is known that political discourse is influenced by the historical destiny of the society to which is addressed. It copies or it battles with the discursive manner of the great political figures of a certain people. It incorporates the cultural heritage of the listeners as well as the orator's intellectual amplitude. This paper describes a diachronic TreeAnnotator which is a very important linguistic resource in different comparative syntactic levels. It includes a wide range of data (e.g. text corpora belonging to different registers of language) that can be used for training, testing and evaluation of a parser for Romanian. The aim of this study is to create a starting point for joint Romanian language annotations in order to allow quick and easy access to the resources needed for processing political language. This tool considers a political corpus (Ion C. Bratianu, 1857, one of the famous Romanian politicians and prime-minister) annotated at the syntactic level. The concept behind this method is that the manner of adapting political discourse to the social, cultural, economic or religious context of the public is of paramount importance. This endeavor is meaningful and useful for linguists, specialists in political sciences, computer scientists, being helpful to non-native Romanians who want to study the different linguistic phenomena of our language.

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