Academic literature on the topic 'Great Britain. Prison Dept'

In 1973 PhD (building structures}. Professor at the Dept of Building Technology and Management. In 1987 Dr Habil (building technology and management). Research visits to Moscow Civil Engineering Institute, Leipzig and Aachen Technical Universities. He maintains close academic links with the universities of Aalborg (Denmark}. Salford and Glamorgan (Great Britain}, Poznan University of Technology (Poland). Leipzig Higher School of Technology. Economics and Culture (Germany} and Aachen Technical University (Germany}. Member of international organisations. Member of steering and programme committees of many international conferences. Member of editorial boards of some research journals. Author of monographs in Lithuanian, English. German and Russian. Research interests: building technology and management, decision- making theory. automation in design. expen systems.

The paper examines the meanings of the notion of reform. Is reform an act or a process; what is an object of reform and how is it performed; is the scope of its performance limited or does it permeate deeper social structures? The approach to reform in this paper is genealogical, through the analysis of the processes of institutionalisation of the prison in Great Britain in 18th and 19th centuries. Although the elaboration of these processes revolves around a particular era and place, this micro-sample gives rise to conclusions that surpass historically conditioned analysis. The aim of this paper is to show that reform has to be understood as an expression and effect of a profound transformation of the political, as well as the complex, multilateral and dispersive process which penetrates into and alters extant social relations.

Abstract This essay argues that Great Britain provided the strongest and most relevant contemporary model for the Spanish American independence leaders. Over the course of two eventful decades, 1808 to 1826, over 70 patriot leaders made the long and difficult journey to London to seek political recognition, arms, recruits, and financial backing for their emancipation movements. Countless others remained at home in Spanish America but allied themselves with Britain through their commercial ventures, their ideological affiliation, or their enthusiastic emulation of British institutions, inventions, and practices such as the Lancasterian system of monitorial education, trial by jury, freedom of the press laws, steam engines, and mining technology. This generation of independence leaders carried on a purposeful correspondence with famous British figures such as abolitionist William Wilberforce, prison reformer Elizabeth Fry, utilitarian philosophers Jeremy Bentham and James Mill, scientist Humphrey Davy, and vaccination proponent Edward Jenner. Their conscious choice to draw closer to Great Britain, rather than Napoleonic France or the early republican United States, reveals much about the kind of cultural model the Spanish American independence leaders admired and their vision of the countries they wanted to create.

During 1993 the excavations at Sagalassos continued for their fourth season from 3 July until 19 August. From 21 until 28 August a survey was carried out in the district immediately south and south-east of the excavation site. The work was directed by Professor Marc Waelkens (Dept. of Archaeology, Catholic University of Leuven). A total of 45 Turkish workmen and 62 scientists or students from various countries (Belgium, Turkey, Great Britain, Portugal, France, Austria and Greece) were involved in the project. The team included 25 archaeologists, 8 illustrators, 8 architect-restorers (supervised by T. Patricio and directed by Prof. K. Van Balen and Prof. F. Hueber), 4 cartographers (directed by Prof. F. Depuydt), 2 geomorphologists (Prof. E. Paulissen and K. Vandaele), 2 archaeozoologists from the Museum of Central Africa at Tervuren (Belgium), 6 conservators (directed by G. Hibler-Vandenbulcke), 1 photographer (P. Stuyven), 2 computer specialists and 4 people taking care of everyday logistics. The Turkish Antiquities Department was represented by Mrs. Nurhan Ülgen for the first and by Mrs. Aliye Yamancı for the second half of the season, whom we both thank for their much appreciated help and collaboration.

The article analyzes the manifestations of violent crime in places of imprisonment in some foreign countries (USA, Great Britain, the Federal Republic of Germany, the Netherlands, Latin American countries). The violent penitentiary crime is a concentrated expression of the qualitative and quantitative state of all crime in the state and a manifestation of systemic problems that do not allow the effective prevention of crime in places of imprisonment. The mass riots of group disobedience occur in prisons in the United States, a number of Latin American countries (whose prison systems are in crisis), most of which are accompanied by hostage-taking and destruction of property. Different approaches to the prevention and elimination of mass riots in penitentiary institutions are considered. The experience of countries such as the United States, Brazil, Venezuela, El Salvador, and the Philippines has shown that the cessation of mass riots at any cost causes the death of both convicts and prison personnel. It is found that in the United States and Latin America, more important problem is the violent suppression of riots. Another approach is demonstrated by the penitentiary systems of European countries, where the emphasis is on the prevention of mass riots and other manifestations of violent penitentiary crime with the help of technical innovations. In particular, the penitentiary institutions of Great Britain and the Federal Republic of Germany have taken an approach according to which the convict`s behavior is directly dependent on the conditions of serving the sentence. In the penitentiary institutions of the Netherlands, one of the ways to prevent violent crime is the use of various technical innovations (video surveillance system, audio control, no bars, installation of armored windows, the possibility for convicts to use the Internet, etc.). It is the one of the directions of combating crime of convicts in places of imprisonment is the study of the positive experience of foreign countries in the field of prevention of violent crime, its critical analysis with the aim of introducing the penitentiary system. Key words: penitentiary system, violent crime, penitentiary crime, mass riots in penitentiary institutions, prevention of violent penitentiary crime.

Abstract In the article, some countries’ experience in organizing professional training and activities of probation officers has been analyzed. Based on comparative analysis of activities of the Probation Institute abroad, it has been determined that probation service has different functional and organizational features in individual countries. For instance, probation service in different countries is subordinate to different agencies. Thus, probation service in Great Britain, Denmark, Japan, Finland, Norway, Latvia, the Czech Republic and Estonia is under the control of the Ministry of Justice; in the USA, Germany, Hungary, it is subordinate to the judiciary; in the Netherlands – public prosecutor’s office; in Sweden – prison authorities; in Singapore, probation service is under the guidance of the Ministry of Community Development and Sports. Another difference consists in the fact that in some countries the law defines probation as punishment (Sweden, Finland, Latvia), whereas in other countries it refers to some criminal measures (Great Britain), exemption from punishment (Estonia) or is not determined at all (the USA). Despite the differences, the goals and means of achieving them in each probation service are similar in the context of criminal law. The approaches to professional training of probation officers have been analyzed and relevant conclusions have been drawn regarding organization of probation officers’ professional training in Ukraine. In particular, work with offenders should be performed by highly qualified specialists who have a degree and who have passed specialized training courses in educational institutions subordinate to probation authorities. It is important that the content of probation officers’ professional training should be constantly updated, taking into account new approaches and methods of working with convicts, which are recognized as effective.

During 1991 large-scale excavations at Sagalassos continued for their second season from 13 July until 5 September. The work was directed by Professor Marc Waelkens (Dept. of Archaeology, Catholic University of Leuven). A total of 42 scientists from various countries (Belgium, Turkey, Great Britain, Germany and Portugal) as well as 25 local workmen (supervised by Mr. Ali Toprak) carried out the work. The team included 20 archaeologists, 4 illustrators (supervised by G. Evsever and R. Kotsch), 4 architect-restorers (directed by Prof. R. Lemaire and Dr. K. Van Balen), 3 cartographers (directed by Prof. F Depuydt), 2 geologists (directed by Prof. W. Viaene), 2 geomorphologists (Prof. J. De Ploey and Prof. E. Paulissen), 1 archaeozoologist (Dr. W. Van Neer), 1 anthropologist (Dr. Chr. Charlier), 2 restorers for the small finds (directed by Miss K. Norman) and 1 photographer (P. Stuyven). The Turkish Antiquities Department was represented by Muhammet Alkan from the Sivas Museum, whom we thank for his help. Financial support came from the Research Council of the Catholic University of Leuven, the Belgian Fund for Collective Fundamental Research (F.K.F.O.), the Belgian Programme on Interuniversity Poles of Attraction (I.U.A.P. no 28), the National Bank of Belgium, the ASLK/CGER Bank, the tour operator ORION, the car rental company Interleasing, the restoration company E. G. Verstraete & Vanhecke N. V., Agfa-Gevaert films and the association “Friends of Sagalassos”.

This is a history of life after death—not the life of a disembodied soul, but of the body left behind in a prison yard, buried in quicklime. It is a history composed of family members, friends, politicians, and bureaucrats drawn into cooperation and conflict by the politics of rebellion, partition, and sexuality in Ireland and Great Britain. The deceased in dispute, Roger Casement, had been a controversial figure during the later years of his life, knighted by the British Crown in 1911 for his advocacy of humanitarian causes in Africa and South America and then hanged by the British government on 3 August 1916 for conspiring with Germany to mobilize and arm Irish separatists. Casement had requested that his body be buried at Murlough Bay, near his family's home in County Antrim in the province of Ulster. Instead, Casement's body was buried at Pentonville Prison in London, and for almost fifty years the British government rejected the appeals of Casement's family and supporters for the repatriation of his body to Ireland. In 1965, the body was finally exhumed and reinterred at Glasnevin Cemetery in Dublin, following a state funeral.Why did the British government take over fifty years to disinter Casement's body from Pentonville, and why was his request to be buried at Murlough Bay not honored? In exploring the answers to these questions, I focus on negotiations between the British and Irish governments, and the terms of their final agreement over the present location of Casement's remains.

Abstract COMPENSATION TO VICTIMS OF CRIMINAL OFFENCES The system of composition, which was developed during the Middle Ages, especially under Germanic penal law, represents not only an abatement of the system of collective vengeance characteristic of this era, but also the first step towards the principle of compensation to victims of criminal offences. With the development and consolidation of a strong central power, the State asked for a share of these transactions either in the form of sanction or as a price for its intervention. W^hen at last the central government obtained the full and exclusive right to inflict punishment and when private justice gave way to public justice, the State's share of compensation increased progressively and took the form of fines, while the victim's share gradually diminished and withdrew little by little from the penal system to become civil compensation for damages. Nevertheless, the total separation between public action, whose aim is to ensure punishment, and civil action, whose main object is to secure compensation to the victim, did not materialize until very recently. This principle of total separation, which was adopted by the classical school of criminal law, resulted in a complete overlooking of the victim's right to compensation, in daily legal practice. New solutions were therefore proposed to remedy this deficiency in the penal systems, the most original and daring being those to be found in the Spanish Penal Codes of 1822 and 1848 which compel the State to compensate victims of criminal offences when the wrong-doers or other responsible persons are unable to do so. This idea of compensation by the State to victims of crime, although taken lip and elaborated several years later by Bentham and the Italian Positivist School, had absolutely no repercussions as far as practice was concerned. It was only in the second half of the XXth Century that an Englishwoman, Margaret Fry, drew the attention to this problem. Inspired by her compatriot Bentham, Margaret Fry proclaimed that compensation for harm caused to victims of criminal violence should be assumed by the State. This was the starting point of a considerable development in the study of compensation to the victim. During the last ten years, not only were many papers and conferences devoted to the subject, but also many legislations adopted the progressive solution of conferring upon the State the task of compensating the victim of criminal offences. In most contemporary penal legislations, the dissociation between public and civil action has resulted in relegating the subject of compensation solely to the civil domain. A certain number of penal systems (France, Belgium, Germany, etc.), while accepting in principle the civil character of this matter, nevertheless offer the injured party the possibility of bringing his action for damages before criminal courts. A last group of systems (Spain, Italy, Switzerland) treat this problem within the framework of the criminal code, although in most cases they do nothing but repeat analogous paragraphs of the civil code. Upon examining these different methods of coping with the problem of compensating the victim for damages caused by criminal violence, we find that certain reforms were put into effect but that they chiefly hinge upon one preliminary question ~— the means available to the victim for bringing his case before the criminal courts and of engaging in the criminal procedure, to obtain recognition of his rights by the Court. However, it often happens that once the sentence has been passed, the victim is obliged to act on his own to recover the sum of the indemnity. Modern penal law, progressive and innovating as it is in certain respects, often neglects the victim of crime. Certain solutions were proposed and even introduced into positive penal legislations, in view of securing for the injured party, as much as possible, the recovery of the compensation decided upon by the courts in his favour, especially in cases where the offender is destitute. Among such solutions, one should stress legal solidarity between co-delinquents, priority accorded to the compensation debt, accessory imprisonment, compulsory work in prison and in liberty, compulsory insurance and the creation of a compensation fund. Similar proposals tend to consider compensation to the victim as an indispensable condition for the obtainment of certain privileges (pardon, parole, probation, legal rehabilitation, etc.). Due to the insufficiency of the classical systems and of the solutions destinated to secure compensation of the victim by the offender, one again began to wonder whether the State should not undertake the charge of repairing damages caused by crime. The main argument offered in favour of this system is the State's failure in preventing crime and in protecting its citiiens against felonious acts. Despite the numerous criticisms concerning the essentially judicial composition of the courts in charge of the application of the system as well as of the procedure to be followed, the infractions to be compensated, the amount to be paid and the total cost of the system, some countries have recognized the right of the victim to be compensated and consequently adopted measures to enforce this principle (New Zealand, 1963; Great Britain, 1964; States of California and New York, 1966; the Canadian province of Saskatchewan, 1967).

Abstract Ion Valjan is the literary pseudonym of Ion Al. Vasilescu (1881-1960), famous lawyer, playwright, writer of memoirs, publicist and politician. Dramatic author in the line of Caragiale, he was the manager of The National Theatre in Bucharest between 1923 and 1924, and general manager of theatres between 1923 and 1926. He wrote drama, he collaborated with Sburătorul, Vremea, Rampa, being appreciated by the exigent literary critique of the inter-war period. After the war, in 1950, he was involved in a political trial, accused of high treason, espionage for Great Britain, and got sentenced to 15 years imprisonment, where he died. Valjan is the author of the only theatrical show, played in a communist prison, Revista Piteşti 59. Ion Valjan’s memoirs, With the Voice of Time. Memories, written during the Second World War, represent a turn back in time, into the age of the author’s childhood and adolescence, giving the contemporary reader the chance to travel in time and space, the end of the nineteenth century and the first two decades of the past century projecting an authentic image, in the Romanian version of a Belle Epoque, interesting and extremely prolific for the Romanian cultural life. Also, evoking his childhood years spent in cities by the Danube (Călăraşi, Brăila, Turnu-Severin), Valjan unveils the harmonious meeting of different peoples and their mentalities, which transform the Danube Plain into an interethnic space of unique value.

Within the research field of colonial violence, scholars focused on wars of conquest or independence and tended to picture counterinsurgency campaigns as an exceptional deployment of state violence in the face of peculiar threats. In colonial Kenya, the British repression of the Mau Mau uprising of the 1950s has been the object of extensive and thorough analysis, contrasting with the lack of research on colonial punishment during the preceding decades. Yet the unleashing of state violence during the 1950s actually has a much longer history, lurking in the shadows of the criminal justice system that British powers introduced in the colony in the late nineteenth century. In contrast to previous scholarship, this study shows how ordinary colonial violence - although massively scaled up during the 1950s - was progressively normalised, institutionalised and intensified throughout the colonial experience of the 1930s and 1940s, laying the ground for the deployment of a counterinsurgency campaign against Mau Mau fighters.

This project investigates the social role of gentleman in Victorian England as defined in two Victorian novels, Dinah Maria Mulock's John Halifax, Gentleman and Charles Dickens's Great Expectations. Mulock and Dickens promote the middle-class gentleman as a role that prioritizes the fulfillment of duty. Mulock's protagonist, John Halifax, displays this gentlemanliness throughout his social and economic rise. He bridges the upper and lower classes and embodies both a model and a pathway to middleclass gentlemanliness. Dickens's protagonist, Pip, develops this middle-class gentlemanliness as he learns from his own and four other characters' experiences. Dickens separates the inward, duty-focused gentleman and the outward, appearance-focused gentleman in the four characters that influence Pip, thus emphasizing their relationship and the power of social role encoding. These two novels reveal the performances of roles as social constructions that utilize the power of group definitions and the role writers play in shaping those definitions.
Department of English

Anglophone women, working in a new capacity as federal civil servants, exercised a significant influence on Canadian immigration policy in the interwar years. This dissertation focuses on the women's division of the Canadian Department of Immigration and Colonization, an agency charged with recruiting British women for domestic service from 1919 to 1938. The division was a product of the women's wing of the social reform movement and prevailing theories of gender difference and anglo-superiority. Tracing its nearly twenty years of operations shows how the division, initially regarded as a source of imperial strength and a means of English Canada's cultural survival, came to symbolize the disadvantages of Canada's connection to Great Britain and supposed weaknesses inherent in the female character. This institutional study explores the real and imagined connections among gender, imperialism, and the changing socio-economic landscape of interwar Canada.

While most naval action within the Mediterranean during the First World War took place in the east and in the Adriatic, in waters that lapped the shores of the disintegrating empires of the Ottomans and the Habsburgs, the entire Mediterranean became the setting for rivalry between 1918 and 1939. At the centre of the struggle for mastery of the Mediterranean lay the ambitions of Benito Mussolini, after he won control of Italy in 1922. His attitude to the Mediterranean wavered. At some moments he dreamed of an Italian empire that would stretch to ‘the Oceans’ and offer Italy ‘a place in the sun’; he attempted to make this dream real with the invasion of Abyssinia in 1935, which, apart from its sheer difficulty as a military campaign, was a political disaster because it lost him whatever consideration Britain and France had shown for him until then. At other times his focus was on the Mediterranean itself: Italy, he said, is ‘an island which juts into the Mediterranean’, and yet, the Fascist Grand Council ominously agreed, it was an imprisoned island: ‘the bars of this prison are Corsica, Tunisia, Malta and Cyprus. The guards of this prison are Gibraltar and Suez.’ Italian ambitions had been fed by the peace treaties at the end of the First World War. Not merely did Italy retain the Dodecanese, but the Austrians were pushed back in north-eastern Italy, and Italy acquired much of Italia irredenta, ‘unredeemed Italy’, in the form of Trieste, Istria and, along the Dalmatian coast, Zara (Zadar), which became famous for the excellent cherry brandy produced by the Luxardo family. Fiume (Rijeka) in Istria was seized by the rag-tag private army of the nationalist poet d’Annunzio in 1919, who declared it the seat of the ‘Italian Regency of Carnaro’; despite international opposition, by 1924 Fascist Italy had incorporated it into the fatherland. One strange manifestation, which reveals how important the past was to the Fascist dream, was the creation of institutes to promote the serious study (and italianità, ‘Italianness’) of Corsican, Maltese and Dalmatian history.

This chapter gives a broad overview of British imperial internment, stressing its globality. It first looks at internee numbers both within Britain and in the Empire as a whole. It then develops a camp typology which includes specially built environments such as Knockaloe, military establishments and forts, old factories, and prison islands. Some of these structures were permanent, others only temporary. The chapter then tackles cultural life within camps, as well as conditions and the notorious barbed-wire disease. The chapter moves on to a detailed examination of two areas of the British Empire which have attracted limited attention from scholars of internment during the Great War in the form of Canada, where attention has tended to focus upon Ukrainians rather than Germans, and the West Indies and Bermuda.

Ahmednagar developed the same type of symbolic importance for those interned in India as that which Knockaloe held for the Germans interned in Great Britain. While much smaller in scale than the head camp further north, Ahmednagar lasted for a similar length of time and played a leading role in the incarceration of Germans from East Africa, India, and Siam. The camp lay on the site of a medieval fort. The few thousand male internees complained about the conditions they endured but, as in other imperial camps, they experienced humane treatment and developed a rich prison camp society. As in the rest of the Empire, the Germans in Ahmednagar and in the other camps in India faced deportation back to Europe, especially upon the Golconda during 1915 and 1916. This ship came to have the same symbolic significance as Ahmednagar for the end of the German presence in India.

Titles in the Complete series combine extracts from a wide range of primary materials with clear explanatory text to provide readers with a complete introductory resource. This chapter describes the UK’s main constitutional bodies or offices and their roles. The state’s institutions and offices are linked to the three main powers at work within it: executive power, legislative power, and judicial power. The Queen is the head of state for the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and heads the three branches of the state, although she is a constitutional monarch and her power is subject to constitutional limits. The executive is an umbrella term that describes two different entities: the political executive and the wider machinery of the government. The political executive contains the Prime Minister and government ministers. The wider machinery of government involves the collection of people who keep the country running, which includes the civil service, the police, the armed forces, members of executive agencies such as the Prison Service and the welfare benefits system. Parliament is the body tasked with law-making, the scrutiny of Bills, and holding the executive accountable. The courts oversee the operation of the rule of law by reviewing actions, omissions, and decisions taken by the executive to ensure that they are legal, rational, and procedurally proper, and comply with the terms of the Human Rights Act 1998. The chapter concludes with a discussion of elections to the Westminster Parliament—the mechanism through which MPs are elected and other ways in which those elections could be run.

Titles in the Complete series combine extracts from a wide range of primary materials with clear explanatory text to provide readers with a complete introductory resource. This chapter describes the UK’s main constitutional bodies or offices and their roles. The state’s institutions and offices are linked to the three main powers at work within it: executive power, legislative power, and judicial power. The Queen is the head of state for the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and heads the three branches of the state, although she is a constitutional monarch and her power is subject to constitutional limits. The executive is an umbrella term that describes two different entities: the political executive and the wider machinery of the government. The political executive contains the Prime Minister and government ministers. The wider machinery of government involves the collection of people who keep the country running, which includes the civil service, the police, the armed forces, members of executive agencies such as the Prison Service, and the welfare benefits system. Parliament is the body tasked with law-making, the scrutiny of Bills, and holding the executive accountable. The courts oversee the operation of the rule of law by reviewing actions, omissions, and decisions taken by the executive to ensure that they are legal, rational, and procedurally proper and that they comply with the terms of the Human Rights Act 1998. The chapter concludes with a discussion of elections to the Westminster Parliament—the mechanism through which MPs are elected and other ways in which those elections could be run.