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Klynina, Tetiana. "Information war. The USA and Great Britain during World War II (1939 - 1945)." Skhid, no. 2(142) (June 3, 2016): 53–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/1728-9343.2016.2(142).70479.
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Harviainen, Tapani. "The Jews in Finland and World War II." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 21, no. 1-2 (September 1, 2000): 157–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69575.
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In the years 1989–1944 two different wars against the Soviet Union were imposed upon Finland. During the Winter War of 1989–1940 Germany remained strictly neutral on the basis of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact&&Great Britain and France planned intervention in favour of Finland. When the second, so-called Continuation War broke out in the summer of 1041, Finland was co-belligerent of Germany, and Great Britain declared war on Finland in December 1941. De jure, however, Finland was never an ally of Germany, and at the end of the war, in the winter 1944–1945, the Finnish armed forces expelled the German troops from Lapland, which was devastated by the Germans during their retreat to Norway. Military service was compulsory for each male citizen of Finland. In 1939 the Jewish population of Finland numbered 1 700. Of these, 260 men were called up and approximately 200 were sent to serve at the front during the Winter War.
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Caplow, Theodore. "The Political Geometry of the Gulf War." Tocqueville Review 13, no. 1 (January 1992): 201–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.13.1.201.
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In the course of World War II, the seven great powers of 1939 – Germany, the Soviet Union. Britain. France, Italy, Japan and the United States – were temporarily reduced to two. each commanding awesome strength, and each posing a realistic threat of world domination. The huge forces of the Soviet Union at the edge of western Europe were positioned to move all the way to the Atlantic, thus achieving the control of the Eurasian heartland that, according to geopolitical doctrine, would confer world domination. There were fifth columns prepared to assist them within most European and Asiatic nations.
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Benken, Przemysław. "Artysta i artylerzysta – o służbie wojskowej Adama Bunscha w latach 1915–1945." Klio - Czasopismo Poświęcone Dziejom Polski i Powszechnym 51, no. 4 (December 30, 2019): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/klio.2019.040.
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Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zaprezentowanie mało znanej historii służby wojskowej Adama Bunscha w armii austro-węgierskiej i polskiej w latach 1915–1920 i 1939–1945. Bunsch, który wywodził się ze znanej krakowskiej rodziny (jego ojciec był rzeźbiarzem, a brat po II wojnie światowej został popularnym polskim pisarzem), był do tej pory szerzej znany przede wszystkim ze swojej pracy artystycznej, jako plastyk i dramaturg. Jednakże wydaje się, że miał istotne dokonania także jako żołnierz służący w jednostkach artylerii podczas wojny polsko-ukraińskiej i polsko-bolszewickiej, a także w latach 1939–1940. Bunsch odegrał również istotną rolę jako oficer oświatowy służąc w 1. Dywizji Pancernej generała Stanisława Maczka w Wielkiej Brytanii.The aim of this article is to present a very little known history of Adam Bunsch’s military service in Austro-Hungarian and Polish armies between 1915–1920 and 1939–1945. Bunsch, who descended from well-known Cracowian family (his father was a sculptor, his brother became a popular Polish writer after the II World War), has been so far widely known mainly for his art work as a visual artist and playwright. It seems however that he had significant achievements as a soldier serving in various artillery units during Polish-Ukrainian and Polish-Bolshevik wars and between 1939–1940. Bunsch also played vital role as educational officer serving in general Stanislaw Maczek’s 1. Armored Division in Great Britain.
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Wixforth, Harald. "The Economic Consequences of the First World War." Contemporary European History 11, no. 3 (July 31, 2002): 477–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777302003090.
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Arthur Turner, The Cost of War: British Policy on French War Debts, 1918–1932 (Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 1998), 272pp., £45.00 (hb), ISBN 1-898723-37-0.Patricia Clavin, The Great Depression in Europe, 1929–1939 (Basingstoke: Macmillan/Palgrave 2000) 244pp., £13.99 (pb), ISBN 0-333-60681-7.Karl Mayer, Zwischen Krise und Krieg. Frankreich in der Außenpolitik der United States zwischen Wirtschaftskrise und Zweitem Weltkrieg (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1999), 275pp., DM 84.00, ISBN 3-515-07373-6.Christoph Buchheim and Redvers Garside, eds., After the Slump. Industry and Politics in 1930s Britain and Germany (New York and Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2000), 235pp., DM 69.00. ISBN 3-631-34912-2.Philipp Heyde, Das Ende der Reparationen. Deutschland, Frankreich und der Youngplan 1929–1932. Paderborn: Schöningh, 1998), 506 pp., DM 134.00 ISBN 3-506-77507-3.Monika Rosengarten, Die Internationale Handelskammer. Wirtschaftspolitische Empfehlungen in der Zeit der Weltwirtschaftskrise 1929–1939 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2001), 360 pp., DM 148.00, ISBN 3-428-10411-0.
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REYNOLDS, DAVID. "FROM WORLD WAR TO COLD WAR: THE WARTIME ALLIANCE AND POST-WAR TRANSITIONS, 1941–1947." Historical Journal 45, no. 1 (March 2002): 211–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01002291.
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This review examines some of the recent British, American, and Russian scholarship on a series of important international transitions that occurred in the years around 1945. One is the shift of global leadership from Great Britain to the United States, in which, it is argued, the decisive moment was the fall of France in 1940. Another transition is the emergence of a wartime alliance between Britain and America, on the one hand, and the Soviet Union, on the other, followed by its disintegration into the Cold War. Here the opening of Soviet sources during the 1990s has provided new evidence, though not clear answers. To understand both of these transitions, however, it is necessary to move beyond diplomacy and strategy to look at the social, cultural, and economic dimensions of the Second World War. In particular, recent studies of American and Soviet soldiers during and after the conflict re-open the debate about Cold War ideology from the bottom up.
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Zaletok, N. "Service and Life of British and Soviet Women in the Navy during World War II." Problems of World History, no. 14 (June 10, 2021): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-3.
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Comparative studies on the experiences of female representatives of different countries in WWII remain relevant today. They not only deepen our understanding of the life of women at war, but also allow us to explore the power regimes of different states at one stage or another. After all, the government organized the activities of various groups of the population aimed at winning the war. Women were no exception in this respect, regardless of whether they worked in the rear or defended their homeland with weapons in hand. For centuries, the navy for the most part represented a purely masculine environment, and the presence of a woman on a ship was considered a bad omen. However, the scale of hostilities during the world wars and, as a consequence, the need for a constant supply of personnel to the armed forces made their adjustments – states began to gradually recruit women to serve in the navy. The article compares the experiences of Great Britain and the USSR in attracting women to serve in the navy during WWII. The countries were chosen not by chance, as they represent democracy and totalitarianism, respectively, and studying their practice of involving women in the navy can deepen our knowledge of these regimes.
After analysing the experience of women’s service in the navy in 1939-1945, the author concludes that their recruitment to the navy in Great Britain took place through a special organization – the Women’s Royal Naval Service (WRNS). Its personnel were trained mostly separately from men and then sent to military units of the navy. The USSR did not create separate women's organizations for this purpose; women served in the same bodies as men. The main purpose of mobilizing women to the navy in both the USSR and Great Britain was initially to replace men in positions on land to release the latter for service at sea. However, in both countries there were cases when women also served at sea. The range of positions available to them in the navy expanded during the war, and in the USSR reached its apogee in the form of admission of women to combat positions. In Great Britain, women in the navy did not officially perform combat roles, and there was a ban on them from using lethal weapons.
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Magadeev, I. E. "Lessons of World War II and Strategic Planning of the Big Three (1945–1949)." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 45–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-45-84.
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The paper examines how military and political leaders of the Soviet Union, the United States and Great Britain assessed in the first post-war years and in the face of emerging bipolar world order the lessons of World War II, how the latter influenced their strategic planning and forecasts with the emergence of nuclear weapons. The author outlines the key features of this period (1945–1949), including still fresh memories of the unprecedented destruction and losses of the past war, the US ‘nuclear monopoly’, and the absence of a system for nuclear deterrence. The paper provides a systematic comparison of lessons from the past war, learnt by the Soviet, the US and British establishment, identifies similarities and differences between them. The author concludes that WWII was perceived by the political and military leaders of that time as a model of the eventual ‘great war’ in the future, which almost certainly would be ‘total’ and ‘global’ in scope and would demand both thorough preparations during the peacetime and the militarization of civil life. Indeed, the experience of WWII had greatly influenced the strategic and operational planning in the USSR, the USA and Great Britain in 1945–1949. Moscow prepared to face the potential aggression on its Western borders or in the Far East in order to avoid the mistakes of 1941. In Washington the decisionmakers acknowledged the Soviet superiority in conventional weapons and didn’t exclude the possibility that the Soviet Army could quickly establish control over the Western Europe and that the US military would have to retake it in a ‘new Operation Overlord’. The pessimistic outlook of the ‘defense of the Rhine’ was also shared in London, and the British military planned to evacuate the troops to the British Isles (‘shadow of Dunkirk’) and to focus on strategic bombing of the USSR and its allies. Even the appearance of nuclear weapons, that would dramatically alter the strategic context in the following years, played a relatively minor role in 1945–1949. The author concludes that the shadow of World War II and its lessons had a long-lasting effect on the post-war international relations.
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ROSE, EDWARD P. F. "BRITISH MILITARY CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE GEOLOGY OF MALTA, PART 2: THE SECOND WORLD WAR, 1939–1945." Earth Sciences History 41, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 186–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/1944-6187-41.1.186.
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ABSTRACT During the Second World War, the central Mediterranean island of Malta was famously besieged by the Italian navy and intensively bombed by Italian and later German air forces, from June 1940 until Allied victory in North Africa in May 1943 brought an end to the siege. It was then scheduled as a staging post to support the Allied invasion of Sicily from North Africa in July 1943 and of mainland Italy from Sicily in September. From 1941 until 1945, two Tunnelling Companies Royal Engineers, overlapping in succession, excavated underground facilities safe from aerial or naval bombardment. In 1943 and then 1944–1945, two Boring Sections Royal Engineers in succession drilled wells to enhance water supplies, initially for increased troop concentrations. Borehole site selection was guided in 1943 by the Director of the Geological Survey of Great Britain (Edward Battersby Bailey: 1881–1965) and by geologists Captain Frederick William Shotton (1906–1990) and Major Gordon Lyall Paver (1913–1988). In 1944, it was guided by geologist Captain Howard Digby Roberts (1913–1971), leading a detachment from 42nd Geological Section of the South African Engineer Corps that pioneered earth resistivity surveys on the island. Overall, these military studies generated a new but unpublished geological map of the island at 1:31,680-scale and refined knowledge of its geological structure: a much faulted but otherwise near-horizontal Oligo-Miocene sedimentary sequence. Further refinement was achieved as a consequence of the 1944–1945 drilling programme, led principally by geologist Captain Thomas Owen Morris (1904–1989) of the Royal Engineers. By 1945, this had helped to develop an improved water supply system for the island, and plans to develop groundwater abstracted from a perched upper aquifer (in the Upper Coralline Limestone and underlying Greensand formations, above a ‘Blue Clay’) as well as from the main lower aquifer, near sea level (in the Globigerina Limestone and/or underlying Lower Coralline Limestone formations).
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Wirpsza, Aleksander. "Druga wojna światowa na obszarze Międzymorza." Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, no. 14 (November 22, 2021): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3143.si.2021-14.1.
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This article describes the course of World War II in the Intermarium region in relation both to the national policies of several countries and to the resistance movement organized by the communities opposing the Soviets as well as German domination. The first phase of events takes place in the period from September 1939 to the German invasion of the USSR; the second phase lasts until the end of the war and launches the partisan actions inspired by communist organizations on behalf of the Communist International (Comintern). The aim of the partisans’ actions was the resistance to the domination of the Third Reich and Italy achieved through diversions at the rear of the armies of the Axis powers. At the same time the Soviets’ joining the alliance results in treaties of the Big Three (The USA, Great Britain and the Soviet Union) establishing the political order for Europe after the end of WWII, particularly the subjugation of Intermarium countries by the Soviet domination.
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Harrison, Mark. "The Volume of Soviet Munitions Output, 1937–1945: A Reevaluation." Journal of Economic History 50, no. 3 (September 1990): 569–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700037165.
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The only official measure of overall Soviet munitions output in World War II, first published in 1965, was based on changes in values, not volumes, and grossly understates change in the level of real Soviet war production. Subsequently published official data on production of ground and air munitions in physical units, supplemented by information about real spending on naval munitions, provide foundations for a new index. During the war the USSR produced more munitions than Great Britain or Germany, but much less than the United States.
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LYNCH, FRANCES M. B. "FINANCE AND WELFARE: THE IMPACT OF TWO WORLD WARS ON DOMESTIC POLICY IN FRANCE." Historical Journal 49, no. 2 (June 2006): 625–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005371.
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Fathers, families, and the state in France, 1914–1945. By Kristen Stromberg Childers. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2003. Pp. 261. ISBN 0-8014-4122-6. £23.95.Origins of the French welfare state: the struggle for social reform in France, 1914–1947. By Paul V. Dutton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. 251. ISBN 0-521-81334-4. £49.99.Britain, France, and the financing of the First World War. By Martin Horn. Montreal and Kingston: McGill – Queen's University Press, 2002. Pp. 249. ISBN 0-7735-2293-X. £65.00.The gold standard illusion: France, the Bank of France and the International Gold Standard, 1914–1939. By Kenneth Mouré. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. 297. ISBN 0-19-924904-0. £40.00.Workers' participation in post-Liberation France. By Adam Steinhouse. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2001. Pp. 245. ISBN 0-7391-0282-6. $70.00 (hb). ISBN 0-7391-0283-4. $24.95 (pbk).In the traditional historiography of twentieth-century France the period after the Second World War is usually contrasted favourably with that after 1918. After 1945, new men with new ideas, born out of the shock of defeat in 1940 and resistance to Nazi occupation, laid the basis for an economic and social democracy. The welfare state was created, women were given full voting rights, and French security, in both economic and territorial respects, was partially guaranteed by integrating West Germany into a new supranational institutional structure in Western Europe. 1945 was to mark the beginning of the ‘30 glorious years’ of peace and prosperity enjoyed by an expanding population in France. In sharp contrast, the years after 1918 are characterized as a period dominated by France's failed attempts to restore its status as a great power. Policies based on making the German taxpayer finance France's restoration are blamed for contributing to the great depression after 1929 and the rise of Hitler. However, as more research is carried out into the social and economic reconstruction of France after both world wars, it is becoming clear that the basis of what was to become the welfare state after 1945 was laid in the aftermath of the First World War. On the other hand, new reforms adopted in 1945 which did not build on interwar policies, such as those designed to give workers a voice in decision-making at the workplace, proved to be short-lived.
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Golson, Eric. "THE ALLIED NEUTRAL? PORTUGUESE BALANCE OF PAYMENTS WITH THE UK AND GERMANY IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR, 1939-1945." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 38, no. 1 (January 9, 2020): 79–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610919000314.
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ABSTRACTIn September 1939, Portugal made a realist strategic choice to preserve the Portuguese Empire maintaining by its neutrality and also remaining an ally of Great Britain. While the Portuguese could rely largely on their colonies for raw materials to sustain the mainland, the country had long depended on British transportation for these goods and the Portuguese military. With the British priority now given to war transportation, Portugal's economy and Empire were particularly vulnerable. The Portuguese dictator Antonio Salazar sought to mitigate this damage by maintaining particularly friendly financial relations with the British government, including increased exports of Portuguese merchandise and services and permission to accumulate credits in Sterling to cover deficits in the balance of payments. This paper gives an improved set of comprehensive statistics for the Anglo-Portuguese and German–Portuguese relationships, reported in Pounds and according to international standards. The reported statistics include the trade in merchandise, services, capital flows, loans and third-party transfers of funds in favour of the British account. When compared with the German statistics, the Anglo-Portuguese figures show the Portuguese government favoured the British in financial relations, an active choice by Salazar to maintain the Portuguese Empire.
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Zalietok, Nataliia. "SERVICE OF BRITISH AND SOVIET WOMEN IN SIGNAL CORPS DURING WORLD WAR II." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1, no. 32 (April 28, 2021): 140–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2021-32-140-144.
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Comparison of the peculiarities of the service of the representatives of the countries of the world in different branches of the military has not found a comprehensive coverage in both domestic and foreign historiography. In the available comparisons, their authors rather briefly dwell on the general features of the policy of states with different regimes of government on the organization of women’s service in 1939-1945. However, they do not study in more detail the common and different in experiences of representatives of different states in the service of one or another branch of the military. The article examines the peculiarities of the service and life of Soviet and British women who served in signal corps during World War II. The countries were chosen not by chance, because they represent democracy and totalitarianism, respectively, and studying the experiences of women serving in their armies can deepen our knowledge of these regimes. The author concludes that the women of the USSR and Great Britain in the signal corps during World War II held positions with the same or similar responsibilities, but the everyday life of Soviet women at the front was mostly much stricter, due to the high intensity fighting. At the same time, it should not be forgotten that, despite the fact that the enemy was never able to invade Great Britain by land, its territories were subjected to massive air attacks, which posed a constant danger to the country’s inhabitants, both civilian and military. Therefore, the service of British women in the signal corps in the homeland was also associated with significant risk. Among other things, British female signals officers took part in the top-secret and extremely important for Allied troops operation “Enigma”, which resulted in the decryption of the code of the famous cipher machine of Nazi Germany. According to various estimates, the success of the operation significantly precipitated the end of World War II.
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Rosner, Anna M. "Kindertransporty – brytyjskie akcje ratowania żydowskich dzieci w latach 1938–1939." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 12 (November 30, 2016): 141–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.412.
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The article talks about Kindertransports – the major rescue action organized by British-Jewish organizations, and run from the territory of Great Britain between 1938 and 1939. The Kindertransports aimed at gathering and sending to Great Britain Jewish children under the age of seventeen, in order to prevent them from witnessing, or being victims of the acts of violence in Nazi controlled Europe. Once in Great Britain, the children were supposed to spend several weeks with British families willing to give them shelter and support. Those for whom foster parents would not be found, were to be sent to boarding schools or temporary shelters. In the action’s planning phase the institutions involved considered the Kindertransports to be a temporary solution. As the situation of the Jewish population in Nazi controlled Europe worsened, it became clear that the character of the action needed to be revised, and the families were expected to guest the children for a longer and unspecified time. In the end approximately 10.000 Jewish children, who travelled to the Isles, were allowed to stay throughout the times of war. In 1945 it became clear that vast majority of them had no place or family to get back to. They stayed in Great Britain becoming an important and vital part of the British society, with British citizenships granted shortly after the end of the war. The article discusses the organization of the Kindertransport and talks about other solutions taken under consideration both by the program organizers, and the British government. It elaborates on the experiences the children shared, that is being separated from their families, feeling homesick, or finding oneself in the new environment. It explains the question of the lost identity of the participants of the program and speaks on how the subjects dealt with it. It also shows how the British legislature and laws connected to the Enemy Alien status together with the Defence Regulation 18B influenced lives of the underage survivors. The article ends with an attempt of estimation of what happened to the Kindertransport children after the war. How many of them remained in Great Britain and considered themselves British, how many shown high level of mobility and spend their lives changing their place of residence. In the end how many of them kept their self-identification as Jews, and how many converted.
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Dudaiti, Аlbert K. "Problems of Iran’s relations with the leading world Powers in the initial period of the Second World War (1939–1941)." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 3(2021) (September 25, 2021): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-3-12-19.
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The article examines the complex relations between Iran and the leading world powers at the initial stage of the Second World War. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that Iran’s foreign policy is considered in the context of active diplomatic maneuvers of the Reza Shah government aimed at distancing itself from the belligerent powers and preserving Iran’s neutrality. The novelty of the research consists in studying the features of the foreign policy actions of the government of the Ira, which allow us to reveal the reasons for the formation of conflict relations with Great Britain and the USSR in the initial period of the war. It is established that despite the predominant military-political rivalry at the beginning of the war between Germany and Great Britain, the Iranian authorities were afraid of an invasion of the country by Anglo-Soviet troops. At the same time, it is emphasized that such a danger was real, given the active underground activities of Nazi agents in this country directed against the USSR, as well as the growth of pro-German sentiments in the Iranian government. These circumstances caused the desire of the USSR leadership to secure the southern borders of the country; In turn, the government of Great Britain set a goal to prevent Nazi Germany from implementing its long-term plans to invade the territories of the Near and Middle East controlled by the British, as well as British India. As a result of the conducted research, it is concluded that the entry of Anglo-Soviet troops into the territory of Iran was the logical consequence of the failed foreign policy actions of the Shah’s government aimed at further rapprochement with Nazi Germany, with the expectation that after its victory over the Soviet Union, Iran will be able to expand its borders at the expense of the border territories of the Soviet Transcaucasia.
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Myagkov, M. Yu. "USSR in World War II." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 4 (September 4, 2020): 7–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-7-51.
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The article offers an overview of modern historical data on the origins, causes of World War II, the decisive role of the USSR in its victorious end, and also records the main results and lessons of World War II.Hitler's Germany was the main cause of World War II. Nazism, racial theory, mixed with far-reaching geopolitical designs, became the combustible mixture that ignited the fire of global conflict. The war with the Soviet Union was planned to be waged with particular cruelty.The preconditions for the outbreak of World War II were the humiliating provisions of the Versailles Peace Treaty for the German people, as well as the attitude of the "Western democracies" to Russia after 1917 and the Soviet Union as an outcast of world development. Great Britain, France, the United States chose for themselves a policy of ignoring Moscow's interests, they were more likely to cooperate with Hitler's Germany than with Soviet Russia. It was the "Munich Agreement" that became the point of no return to the beginning of the Second World War. Under these conditions, for the USSR, its own security and the conclusion of a non-aggression pact with Germany began to come to the fore, defining the "spheres of interests" of the parties in order to limit the advance of German troops towards the Soviet borders in the event of German aggression against Poland. The non-aggression pact gave the USSR just under two years to rebuild the army and consolidate its defensive potential and pushed the Soviet borders hundreds of kilometers westward. The signing of the Pact was preceded by the failure in August 1939 of the negotiations between the military missions of Britain, France and the USSR, although Moscow took the Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations with all seriousness.The huge losses of the USSR in the summer of 1941 are explained by the following circumstances: before the war, a large-scale modernization of the Red Army was launched, a graduate of a military school did not have sufficient experience in managing an entrusted unit by June 22, 1941; the Red Army was going to bleed the enemy in border battles, stop it with short counterattacks by covering units, carry out defensive operations, and then strike a decisive blow into the depths of the enemy's territory, so the importance of a multi-echeloned long-term defense in 1941 was underestimated by the command of the Red Army and it was not ready for it; significant groupings of the Western Special Military District were drawn into potential salients, which was used by the Germans at the initial stage of the war; Stalin's fear of provoking Hitler to start a war led to slowness in making the most urgent and necessary decisions to bring troops to combat readiness.The Allies delayed the opening of the second front for an unreasonably long time. They, of course, achieved outstanding success in the landing operation in France, however, the enemy's losses in only one Soviet strategic operation in the summer of 1944 ("Bagration") are not inferior, and even exceed, the enemy’s losses on the second front. One of the goals of "Bagration" was to help the Allies.Soviet soldiers liberated Europe at the cost of their lives. At the same time, Moscow could not afford to re-establish a cordon sanitaire around its borders after the war, so that anti- Soviet forces would come to power in the border states. The United States and Great Britain took all measures available to them to quickly remove from the governments of Italy, France and other Western states all the left-wing forces that in 1944-1945 had a serious impact on the politics of their countries.
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Uchaev, Anton N., Elena I. Demidova, and Natalia A. Uchaeva. "The Prime Minister of Canada William Lyon Mackenzie King’s Perception of the USSR during World War II: 1939–45." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2021): 593–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-2-593-602.
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The article analyzes the specificity of the Canadian Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King’s attitude to the Soviet Union during the Second World War. The study analyzes the frequency of the Prime Minister referencing the USSR in his diary from September 1, 1939 to September 2, 1945, as well as his reaction to a number of the most significant events of the Second World War associated with the Soviet Union: the German attack on the USSR, the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Canada, the battles of Stalingrad and Kursk, the victory over Germany. In the course of work, both general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, inductive method, comparative method) and special methods (historical-chronological and content analysis) have been used to study the materials of the diary. The use of the historical-chronological method is due to the need to correlate information from the diary with the overall historical picture of the studied period, and the use of content analysis helps to create a more reliable picture of Canadian Prime Minister’s perception of the Soviet participation in World War II. The article has made allowances for the fact that Mackenzie King sought to create his own positive image in his diaries, planning their posthumous publication. But, since the USSR was not a key topic for the Prime Minister (as evidenced by keywords statistics), it can be stated that the leader of the Canadian liberals was quite frank, at least as frank as a person who, in his lifetime, was known as an extremely cautious politician could be. It is clear, that King was well aware of the significance of the events on the Eastern Front. But throughout the war he retained both a negatively neutral attitude towards the USSR (due to its communist nature) and his perception of the Soviet Union as part of Asia and thus a step below the Anglo-Saxon world, which had a higher level of culture and moral principles. The objective reality, i.e. absence of hostilities in Canada, its maneuvering between Great Britain and the United States, and priority of economic and domestic policy for King, explains that a lesser part of his attention was paid to the events in the USSR in comparison with processes associated with England and the United States.
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Devereux, David R. "State Versus Private Ownership: The Conservative Governments and British Civil Aviation 1951–62." Albion 27, no. 1 (1995): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000018536.
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Studies of post-1945 Britain have often concentrated upon political and foreign policy history and are only just now beginning to address the question of the restructuring of the British economy and domestic policy. Civil aviation, a subject of considerable interest to historians of interwar Britain, has not been given a similar degree of attention in the post-1945 era. Civil aviation policy was, however, given a very high priority by both the 1945-51 Labour government and its Conservative successors. Civil aviation represented part of the effort to return Britain to a peacetime economy by transferring resources from the military into the civil aircraft industry, while at the same time holding for Britain a position of pre-eminence in the postwar expansion of civil flying. As such, aviation was a matter of great interest to reconstruction planners during World War Two, and was an important part of the Attlee government's plans for nationalization.Civil aviation was expected to grow rapidly into a major global economic force, which accounted for the great attention paid it in the 1940s and 1950s. Its importance to Britain in the postwar era lay in the value of air connections to North America, Europe, and the Empire and Commonwealth, and also in the economic importance of Britain's aircraft industry. In a period when the United States was by far the largest producer of commercial aircraft, the task of Labour and Conservative governments was to maintain a viable British position against strong American competition. What is particularly interesting is the wide degree of consensus that existed in both parties on the role the state should play in the maintenance and enhancement of this position.
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Borisov, A. Y. "Diplomatic History of the Great Patriotic War and the New World Order." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(42) (June 28, 2015): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-3-42-9-20.
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From ancient times, war was called "the creator of all things". And winners created the postwar world order. The article reveals the backstage, the diplomatic history of the Great Patriotic War, which make the picture of the main events of the war, that culminated in victory May 1945 in the capital of the defeated Third Reich, complete. The decisive role of the Soviet Union and its armed forces in the defeat of Nazi Germany and its allies was the strong foundation on which to build the strategy and tactics of Soviet diplomacy during the war. It was implemented in the course of negotiations with the Western Allies - the United States and Britain, led by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill. World history teaches, large and small wars have been fought on Earth for centuries for specific political interests. In this context, the Second World War has been a shining example not only to curb the aggressor states, the liberation of peoples from the Nazi tyranny, but also an attempt by the victor to organize a new, better postwar world order to guarantee a durable and lasting peace based on the cooperation of the allied states. But the allies in the war did not become allies in the organization of the postwar world. Their collaboration briefly survived the end of hostilities and was overshadowed start turning to the Cold War. It was largely due to the US desire to realize their material advantages to the detriment of the Soviet Union after the war and build a system that would be a one-sided expression of the interests of Washington. Americans, especially after the death of President Roosevelt, and during his successor Truman understood international cooperation as an assertion of its global leadership while ignoring the interests of the Soviet Union, which bore the brunt of the war.
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Kitsak, Volodymyr. "The Politics of Great Britain Concerning the Establishment of the Eastern Frontier of Poland in 1944-1945." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.105-115.
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The policy of the government of Great Britain concerning the establishment of the eastern frontier of Poland during the final period of World War II has been investigated in an article. The policy priorities of Great Britain concerning the regulation of postwar political status of Poland have been determined. It has been researched that British politics were giving a try to restore diplomatic relations between the exile government of Poland and the government of the USSR that had been cut in April 1943 by Soviets. Unsuccessful attempts of W. Churchill to compel the USSR return the legal government of Poland into the arias that were occupied by the Soviet army are analyzed. After the pro-Soviet Lublin government proclamation British politics negotiated about a coalition cabinet forming. It has been proved that by the end of the World War II the major priority of Great Britain was to restore the prewar government in Poland and to avoid its transformation into the Soviet satellite like Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. It has been established that British politics exchanged the problem of the eastern boundary with the following deportations of population on the return of Polish cabinet from London. Lviv and Vilnius had to belong to Soviets. Churchill considered that the mass migration of Ukrainians and Poles was inevitable and could help to avoid conflicts in future. Western Ukraine and Western Belarus loss was indemnified to Poland with territories on its western frontier and in Prussia. Negotiations of British cabinet with exile Polish government have been analyzed. Churchill and Iden gave a try to force the Prime minister of Poland Mykolaychyk to proclaim renunciation from the established eastern boundary of Poland. During those years Great Britain did not achive the aim. The government of the USSR and Stalin did not keep an agreement made on Tehran and Yalta conferences and in personal correspondence.
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Tkachuk, T. "The United States Position on the Military Assistance to Great Britain at the Beginning of the World War II (1939 – 1941)." Problems of World History, no. 17 (January 27, 2022): 110–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-17-5.
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The article examines the problem of relations between the two leading countries of the world – Great Britain and the United States, which had a significant impact on the international political situation in the world in 1939–1941, and still have nowadays. As a vector of research, the author used the factor of American military aid to the British governments of N. Chamberlain and W. Churchill to fight against Nazi Germany. According to this, the author aimed to conduct a comprehensive analysis and his own assessment of the United States’ position on providing Britain with the necessary weapons and ammunition at the beginning of World War II.
During the research the author used a comparative-historical method to analyze various factors influencing the US position on military assistance to London, a problem-chronological method to present the material in chronological order, and a statistical – to analyze the attitude of ordinary Americans on important decisions of the Roosevelt administration. That allowed the author to analyze and rethink the evolution of the United States’ position on Britain in the problem of providing military aid regarding the current geopolitical situation.
The author works out that under the necessity of supporting London with various types of weapons, armament and ammunition to fight against Hitler’s regime the United States significantly changed the principles of its foreign policy – from “isolationism” in 1939 to its cancellation in the late 1941. At the same time, according to the author, this process was caused by a number of factors, including both the “isolationist” opposition in Congress and the Roosevelt administration’s gradual understanding of the Nazi regime threat to the security of the United States.
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Headrick, Daniel R., and Pascal Griset. "Submarine Telegraph Cables: Business and Politics, 1838–1939." Business History Review 75, no. 3 (2001): 543–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3116386.
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International telecommunication is not only a business but also a political enterprise, the subject of great-power rivalries. In the late nineteenth century, British firms held a near monopoly, because Britain had more advanced industry, a wealthier capital market, and a merchant marine and colonial empire that provided customers for the new service. After the 1880s, they encountered increasing competition on the North Atlantic from American, German, and French firms. Elsewhere, the British conglomerate Eastern and Associated retained its hegemony until the 1920s. Following World War I, radiotelegraphy threatened the dominance of cables. In the 1930s, cable companies were almost bankrupted by the Depression and by competition from shortwave radio.
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Morgan, Kenneth O. "England, Britain and the Audit of War (The Prothero Lecture)." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 7 (December 1997): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679273.
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THE award of the Booker Prize for 1995 to Pat Barker'sGhost Roaddid more than pay tribute to the latest powerful novel in the author's ‘Regeneration Cycle’. It also emphasised once again how much the historical and cultural consciousness of twentieth-century Britain is dominated by images of war. With the obvious exception of Northern Ireland, Great Britain has been an unusually peaceful and stable country in a century marked by revolution and upheaval. Yet our national experience has been shaped, almost obsessed, by two world wars in a way true of few, if any, other countries. Memories of 1914 and 1939 tower over us like Lutyens's massive monument at Thiepval. The war leaders, David Lloyd George and Winston Churchill, are commonly thought of as our two greatest prime ministers in modern times (though another, more recent, prime minister, victorious in the Falklands, still has her champions). Armistice day, Remembrance Sunday and the wearing of poppies retain their potency as all-powerful national symbols of sacrifice. The British Legion remains an influential pressure group. The eightieth anniversary of the battle of the Somme in July 1996 emphasised anew the enduring impact of the tragedies of the first world war. More generally, the fiftieth anniversaries of VE Day and VJ Day the previous year were nationwide ceremonies of remembrance for the sacrifices of the second. Almost every episode in current history, especially where Europe is involved, is commonly linked with memories of earlier conflict. Even the 1996 crisis in Anglo-German relations, such as it was, arising from ‘mad cow disease’ evoked comparison with 1939.
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Kornéli, Beáta. "Nagy Britannia és Ausztrália közös atomprogramja 1945-1960." Belvedere Meridionale 31, no. 2 (2019): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2019.2.9.
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Australia was determined to obtain a nuclear weapon after the Second World War. The most obvious solution seemed to collaborate with Britain doing nuclear research in the so-called “joint project”. The British defence planners had been aware of the fact that Great Britain would not survive a forthcoming nuclear attack at the dawn of the cold war and thus, they were in need of their own nuclear weapon. When the MacMahon Act came into force the Government of United States of America rejected the British to continue the joint research in the Manhattan Project and they wanted to retain their sole atom monopoly. They provided the British neither with raw material nor with nuclear technology, furthermore, they were not allowed to participate in the test blasts. Hence, the role of Australia was revalued by the British Government. Several productive intitiatives such as the establishment of the Australian National University, launching the Snowy Mountains project, deployment of the Royal Australian Air Force in Southeast Asia coincided with the joint project. The culmination of the Australian–British cooperation was the atomic blast in 1952 and the decision of the British to contribute to the construction of an Australian nuclear reactor. Nevertheless, the nuclear achievements of the Soviet Union put an end to the so far successful joint project.
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Franzéén, Johan. "Communism versus Zionism: The Comintern, Yishuvism, and the Palestine Communist Party." Journal of Palestine Studies 36, no. 2 (January 1, 2007): 6–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.36.2.6.
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This article discusses how the official communist position on the Zionist project in Palestine went from hostile condemnation in the early 1920s to wary support after World War II. In so doing, it focuses on the ideological struggle between the traditional party line and ““Yishuvism,”” a theory that sought to reconcile Zionist and communist ideas, as it played out in the two bodies most closely involved in shaping Comintern policy on Palestine (the Palestine Communist Party and the Communist Party of Great Britain). In following the tortured justifications for evolving positions, the author identifies the key actors shaping the debate and turning points impacting it, especially the 1936––39 Arab Revolt, Britain's 1939 White Paper, and the wartime fight against fascism. The author contends that an important reason for the USSR's post-war about-face on Palestine was the success of the Yishuvist ideological campaign.
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Shafer, Byron E., and Marc D. Stears. "From Social Welfare to Cultural Values: The Puzzle of Postwar Change in Britain and the United States." Journal of Policy History 11, no. 4 (October 1999): 331–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600003377.
Full textAbstract:
On Thursday, 5 July 1945, the British electorate appeared to draw a line under the prewar political world. This electorate turned the wartime government, led by the Conservative party, out of office. Moreover, it dismissed the Conservatives in favor of a party that still harbored doubts about its proper governing role, namely, British Labour. The scale of this reversal was additionally unprecedented. Labour had only ever formed minority, shortlived governments before; its last such venture, in 1929, had seen the party take power just in time to acquire responsibility for the Great Depression. The Tories had thus returned to effective leadership in 1931, such that Tory electoral and governmental dominance was still the context for the 1945 election. Now, however, Labour had returned with not just an absolute but an enormous majority in Parliament: it gained more seats than the Tories were left holding. And this over a party that had arguably weathered the Great Depression and saved the nation in a world war.
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NEIBERG, MICHAEL S. "Revisiting the Myths: New Approaches to the Great War." Contemporary European History 13, no. 4 (November 2004): 505–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304001924.
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Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau and Annette Becker, 14–18: Understanding the Great War (New York: Hill & Wang), 280 pp., $24.00, ISBN 0-8090-4643-1.Jeremy Black, ed., War in the Modern World since 1815 (London: Routledge, 2003), 268 pp., £18.99, ISBN 0-415-25140-0.Gail Braybon, ed., Evidence, History, and the Great War: Historians and the Impact of 1914–18 (Oxford: Berghahn, 2003), 304 pp., £50.00, ISBN 1-57181-726-7.Roger Chickering and Stig Förster, eds., The Shadows of Total War: Europe, East Asia, and the United States, 1919–1939 (Washington, DC, and Cambridge: German Historical Institute and Cambridge University Press, 2003), 364 pp., $60.00, ISBN 0-521-81236-4.Andrew Green, Writing the Great War: Sir James Edmonds and the Official Histories, 1915–48 (London: Frank Cass, 2003), 200 pp., £19.99, ISBN 0-7146-8430-9.John H. Morrow Jr, The Great War: An Imperial History (New York: Routledge, 2003), 352 pp., $27.50, ISBN 0-415-20439-9.Mario Morselli, Caporetto, 1917: Victory or Defeat? (London: Frank Cass, 2000), 176 pp., £65.00 (hb), ISBN 0-714-65073-0.Gary Sheffield, Forgotten Victory: The First World War, Myths and Realities (London: Headline, 2001), 318 pp., £7.99, ISBN 0-747-27157-7.The powers of Europe fought the Great War for more than four years, but it took France fifteen years to write its official history, Germany nineteen years, and the United Kingdom an astonishing twenty-six years. These works, moreover, encompass only land operations and fill twenty-three extraordinarily detailed volumes for France, an equal number for Great Britain, and fourteen volumes for Germany. The time and energy needed to compile the thousands of necessary documents, organise that data, and construct the interpretations reflect both the enormity of the war itself and the difficulty of finding meaning in an event that so deeply shook the continent.
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Bissonnette, Victor. "Operational Research and the British Bombing Offensive against Germany, 1941–1945: Calculating Choices in War." War in History 25, no. 4 (July 16, 2017): 534–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344516679042.
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Operational research is a scientific discipline that appeared in Great Britain on the eve of the Second World War. Bomber Command’s Operational research section began its studies in September 1941, using civilian scientists to analyse the bombing operations. Two potentially conflicting goals were pursued, one intended to maximize the offensive power against Germany, the other striving to minimize bomber losses. This article uses the Operational research performed during the conflict to illustrate the choices made by Bomber Command between those two possibilities, concluding on a clear priority in favour of the offensive.
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Leventhal, F. M. "“A Tonic to the Nation”: The Festival of Britain, 1951." Albion 27, no. 3 (1995): 445–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051737.
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No event of the post-Second World War decade in Britain is recalled as affectionately or enveloped in such an aura of nostalgia as the Festival of Britain, a five-month series of cultural events and exhibits, with its centerpiece at the South Bank in London. But the Festival dear to the recollections of those growing up during and after the war diverged sharply from the original conception of its progenitors.In 1943 the Royal Society of the Arts, partly responsible for the Great Exhibition of 1851, suggested to the government that an international exhibition along similar lines be staged in 1951 to commemorate the earlier event. To propose a celebratory occasion in 1943 was an act of faith that the war would not only end successfully, but that Britain would have recovered sufficiently by 1951 to warrant such a demonstration. In September 1945, with the war over and Labour in power, Gerald Barry, the editor of the News Chronicle, addressed an open letter to Stafford Cripps, then President of the Board of Trade, advocating a trade and cultural exhibition in London as a way of commemorating the centenary of the Crystal Palace. Such an exhibition would advertise British products and display British prowess in design and craftsmanship. He favored a site in the center of London, such as Hyde Park or Battersea, either of which would provide ample space for such an exhibition. What prompted these suggestions was the need to provide practical help to British commerce at a time when it was clearly under pressure shifting from wartime controls to peacetime competition.
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Redfern, Neil. "British Communists, the British Empire and the Second World War." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000080.
Full textAbstract:
For a few years after its foundation in 1920 the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) attempted, energetically prompted by the Comintern, to work in solidarity with anticolonial movements in the British Empire. But after the Nazi victory in Germany the Comintern's principal concern was to defend the Soviet Union and the liberal democracies against the threat of fascism. British communists criticized the British Government for failing to defend the Empire against the threat from its imperial rivals. After the entry of the Soviet Union into the war in 1941 they vigorously supported the British war effort, including the defense of Empire. This was not though simply a manifestation of chauvinism. British communists believed that imperialism was suffering a strategic defeat by “progressive” forces and that colonial freedom would follow the defeat of fascism. These chimerical notions were greatly strengthened by the allies' promises of postwar peace, prosperity and international cooperation. In the last year or so of war British communists were clearly worried that these promises would not be redeemed, but nevertheless supported British reassertion of power in such places as Greece, Burma and Malaya. For the great majority of British communists, these were secondary matters when seen in the context of Labour's election victory of 1945 and its promised program of social-imperialist reform.
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Pavlenko, Valerii, and Oleksandr Komarenko. "HISTORY REPEATS ITSELF: THE INABILITY OF THE FORCES OF PEACE AND DEMOCRACY AROUND THE WORLD TO PREVENT THE OUTBREAK OF A PLANETARY WAR IN THE 2ND HALF OF THE 1930S." European Historical Studies, no. 21 (2022): 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.6.
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In this paper the international political situation, which was established in Europe and in the world in the latter half of the 30s of the 20th century, is investigated. The authors draw a comparison between the 20s and 30s of the 20th century, pointing out that the 30s brought a series of military conflicts, as well as say that the fear of a new great war has been appeared throughout the world. Attention is drawn to the inactivity of the League of Nations, which failed to ensure a collective security policy between 1936 and 1938. Special attention has been drawn to the appeasement policy and the role of Great Britain and France in this policy, who did not want to bring the situation to military confrontation. It is pointed out that by the mid-1930s Germany went on the offensive and set itself the goal of achieving supremacy in Europe. Special attention is drawn to the reaction of Western countries to Hitler’s aggressive policy, as well as the actions of the Soviet Union and the policy carried out by Moscow on the eve of World War II are assessed. It is stated that in 1938-1939 the world policy increasingly focused on particular regions, where the conflict number and intensity were increasing sharply. The role of the Munich Conference in September 1938 and the fact that the initiative in international affairs was completely transferred to A. Hitler upon the signing of the agreement are determined. The policy of Great Britain and France after the Munich Conspiracy is analysed; it is explained why London and Paris thought primarily about personal security. A special place in this paper is given to the explanation of why the existing international system could no longer ensure the world order and why war becomes inevitable. The authors come to the conclusion that although Hitler managed to win the diplomatic struggle on the eve of World War II, but he did not finally become a triumphant.
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Levin, Yaroslav Alexandrovich. "Colonial system: balance and prospects after 1945 in the assessments of diplomats of the United States, the USSR and Great Britain." Samara Journal of Science 6, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201764214.
Full textAbstract:
The following paper deals with the views of the ambassadors of the USSR, the USA and Great Britain, expressed in telegrams for foreign affairs agencies. Rolling the world to a new global confrontation, the aggressive rhetoric of each participating country, specific actions to build up political and military capabilities required some kind of balanced assessment from experts who were well-versed in the political and social development of states that appeared after the Second World War on different sides of the barricade. In addition, the third world acquired special importance in the new conditions. The disintegration of the colonial system opened great prospects for each of the great powers. Therefore, besides the analyses of prospects and characteristics of relations between the USSR and Western countries, diplomats in their analytical reports affected the prospects for the development of the former colonies, as well as tried to forecast the actions of the probable enemy and the closest allies, comprehended the existing contradictions on this issue and tried to give some assessment, propose solutions to these problems. Considering the influence of the telegrams analyzed in the framework of this study on the formation of the Cold War, conclusions are drawn about the impact of assessments expressed by diplomats on the development of relations with the countries of the third world. The analysis of J. Kennan, N. Novikov and F. Roberts notes shows the difference in the approaches and understanding of each country, both its opponents and its allies, a different view of the process of decolonization and its prospects. The paper is based on the sources on the diplomatic history of the Cold War and on some references on the topic.
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Kaviaka, Iryna. "German Question, 1945–1990, in Anglo-American Historiography: Key Aspects of the Problem Study." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013665-9.
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Understanding and, after the unification of Germany in 1990, rethinking the process of evolution of the German Question, in particular its main components, is an important scholarly task. The origins of the modern power of Germany, its desire to establish itself as a world power, were formed in 1945–1990 with the active participation of the United States and Great Britain. Therefore, the assessment of the development of the German Question by researchers from these countries is important for its understanding. The study of the problem contributes to a comprehensive analysis of the post-war international policy of Great Britain and the United States as well as their modern relations with the FRG. Special attention to the German Question in the publications of the United Kingdom and the United States was shown at the stages of its qualitative transformation: the creation of the FRG, its rearmament, the implementation of a new Eastern policy, as well as the unification of Germany. Each of these events required a prompt response from the academic and expert community and the development of a balanced model of foreign policy response. Anglo-American historiography of the German question has not previously been the object of a special study by Russian historians. The purpose of this article is to analyze the main aspects of the German problem study in the works of British and American researchers. The article identifies four key aspects of the German question, around which the study of the problem in Great Britain and the United States was concentrated. The historiographic core consists of the works devoted to the issues of denazification, West Germany rearmament, Ostpolitik, as well as the unification of Germany and its consequences. Each aspect study was of particular importance and relevance for determining the further foreign policy strategy of the Western countries in Europe, mainly in relation to the FRG and USSR. Changes in approaches to evaluation of the aspects during the post-war period are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to identifying and studying stable geopolitical models that accompanied the perception of the German question by academic and expert communities of Great Britain and the United States: the concepts of “Finlandization” and “Mitteleuropa”, as well as the “Rapallo complex”.
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Kazakova, Oxana, and Yuliia Samoilenko. "MUTUAL RELATIONS BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND POLAND AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR THROUGH THE PRYSM OF THE WAR CABINET ACTIVITY (BASED ON THE OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS OF THE BRITISH NATIONAL ARCHIVES)." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 3 (11) (October 27, 2021): 6–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2021-03-6-16.
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The article reveals mutual relationships between Great Britain and Poland on the verge of the Second World War based on the British National Archives documents. The authors acknowledge principles of the British foreign policy towards Poland and the activity of its diplomatic corps along with the War Cabinet. The paper determines that diplomatic and military-political relations between Great Britain and Poland have been multidimensional with deep historical roots.
The article represents the analysis of the main misunderstandings and challenges that determined British-Polish relations before and at the beginning of the Second World War. Sequentially, the British position and interest regarding the establishment of the strategic military partnership with Poland are shown. The authors examined British-Polish agreements that were signed during the spring-summer period of 1939 in order to designate the nature of the negotiation process between the states.
The publication also reveals the reasons for a weak practical element of the negotiation process, emphasising the difficulties concerning the Royal force on the European continent deployed on the Polish border. Also, the authors analyse scenarios of the counteractions towards the aggressive steps of Germany and search for the mechanisms of the aggression deterrence considering different dynamics of the events. It is stated that along with the British influence regarding the situation in Poland, either France took an active part in the decision-making process.
Based on the documents from the British National Archives, the authors established that diplomatic commentaries and reports written by ambassadors and state officials with regards to German actions on the Polish territories on the verge of the Second World War. Emphasising the cruel legacy of the Nazi regime, the rapid nature of German army attacks and brutal treatment towards the Polish population in the first days of September 1939 are described.
The authors concluded that actions of the British political and military circuits concerning aid to Poland at the start of the Second World War seem to have been inconsistent, unconfident and did not bring strategic effect.
After the Nazi occupation of Poland, British authorities had to change their approaches to the realisation of British-Polish relations. London accepted the idea of recognition of Polish emigrated government officials headed by V. Sikorsky, providing them with substantial empowerment to the Non-Aligned Movement.
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Galdan A., Galdanov. "«MONGOLIAN QUESTION» AT THE YALTA CONFERENCE (1945)." Human research of Inner Asia 2 (2021): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18101/2305-753x-2021-2-9-14.
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The article is devoted to the historical significance of the Yalta (Crimea) Conference held from 4 to 11 February 1945 for the history of Mongolia. The struggle of the Mongolian People’s Republic for independence and its participa-tion in World War II are the subject of constant study of Russian and Mongolian his-toriography. However, as a rule, these events are considered partially and are not an independent subject of research. The process of restoring the sovereignty of Mongo-lia has gone a long grassroots and difficult way. In 1911 Mongolia declared itself a sovereign state, and after that for almost fifty years it defended the right to be an in-dependent state, primarily in front of China, which remained the main sound-forming opponent of Mongolia’s sovereignty when it was reunited. China’s policy remained unchanged even after the military balance on this side changed in favor of the USSR. It was only after World War II that China officially recognized the independence of the Mongol People’s Republic. It is also worth noting the position of the allies of the USSR on the anti-Hitler coali-tion represented by the United States and the Great Britain on this question. Because of the strategic plans, the United States and the United Kingdom did not oppose it. But it should be emphasized that the United States carefully studied this question up to the trip of the American delegation to Mongolia in 1944. In the conclusion we have emphasized the important role of the Yalta (Crimea) Conference for Mongolia.
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Malkin, Stanislav Gennadyevich, Sergey Olegovich Buranok, and Dmitriy Aleksandrovich Nesterov. "Colonial empires and USA policy in the South-East Asia after the 1945." Samara Journal of Science 9, no. 4 (November 30, 2020): 252–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv202094207.
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The following paper analyzes the characteristics of the US foreign policy decision-making process at the beginning of the Cold War, due to the active appeal of representatives of the political establishment, the military and the countrys expert community to the colonial experience of the European powers in terms of the prospects of applying their experience in ensuring colonial control in Southeast Asia before and after the end of the World War II as part of the US political course in this region. In addition, it is concluded that more attention should be paid to the role and, therefore, to the prosopographic profile of the experts (in the broad sense of the word), who collaborated with the departments responsible for the development of American foreign policy, such as the Department of State and the Pentagon, and formulated many of the conclusions, which, at least rhetorically, formed the basis of Washingtons course in Southeast Asia after 1945. Special attention is paid to interpretations of the role of colonial knowledge in the light of the unfolding Cold War in the third world, proposed by British diplomats and the military to their American colleagues in the logic of the special relations between Great Britain and the United States.
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Gmurczyk-Wrońska, Małgorzata. "France in International Relations of the Second Half of the 20th Century and the Early 21st Century – Priorities in Foreign Policy." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no. 44 (December 31, 2014): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.03.
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After the Second World War France lost temporarily her position as a decision-maker in international relations. Soon enough, though, her diplomacy adapted to a bipolar system. Her foreign policy was to manoeuvre between the USSR, the United States and Great Britain, and to jointly create the structures of future European Union. It was in the EU that France has found the place to strengthen her role of mediator and arbiter. Nowadays, the foreign policy of France has numerous continuities originating from the 19th century and the years of 1918 – 1939, but also some modifications related to new directions in French foreign policy and to the adaptation of its tactics to main purposes in order to secure France’s security, her strong position in the EU and in the world.
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Zvegintseva, Irina Anatolyevna. "World War II in the Cinema of Green Continent." Journal of Flm Arts and Film Studies 7, no. 2 (June 15, 2015): 106–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/vgik72106-114.
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Despite its remote location from the major theatre of operations, Australia participated in the war siding with the Anti-German Coalition from the outbreak of World War II up to its end. Naturally, this impacted upon economic, social and cultural life of the country. The war was broadly covered by the Australian filmmakers and took a significant place in Australian cinema. For Australia World War II began on September 3rd, 1939. A million of Australian men and women fought against Germany in 19391945. Talking of the war theme in the Australian cinema, one should firstly pay tribute to the memory of dozens of Australian cameramen sent to the World War front alongside with soldiers, who covered the events in the newsreels. As for feature filmmakers, they were not able to cover the war due to poor production funding. Only after resuscitation of the national filmmaking in 1970s Australian filmmakers got an opportunity of shooting a number of interesting films dedicated to the events that had taken place seventy years ago. The theme of World War II was covered in many films. A lot of the best national filmmakers paid tribute to it, ranging from Brendan Mahers Sisters of War (2010) with its unprecedented harsh and truthful depiction of the role of Australian women in the war, to Jonathan Teplitzkys The Railway Man (2013), based on the bestselling autobiography of Eric Lomax (co-produced with Great Britain). The relevance of this article and its innovative contribution comes down to proof, that, although the number of films dedicated to World War II is relatively limited, their quality is extremely high and noteworthy. Its also noteworthy, that Australian filmmakers have brought back in the viewers minds the heroism of their fathers and forefathers, thus paying tribute to the memory of those who saved the world from Nazism seventy years ago.
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Kardela, Piotr. "Professor Waclaw Szyszkowski — a Lawyer, Anticommunist, One From the Generation of Independent Poland." Internal Security Special Issue (January 14, 2019): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8401.
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The article presents the activity of Wacław Szyszkowski, a lawyer, an emigration independence activist and an outstanding scientist, who fought in the Polish-Bolshevik war of 1920 and, after Poland regained independence, was active in a secret Union of the Polish Youth “Zet” and a public Union of the Polish Democratic Youth. Until 1939 W. Szyszkowski was a defence lawyer in Warsaw, supporting the activities of the Central Union of the Rural Youth “Siew” and the Work Cooperative “Grupa Techniczna”. Published articles in political and legal journals, such as “Przełom”, “Naród i Państwo”, “Palestra”, “Głos Prawa”. During World War II — a conspirator of the Union for Defense of the Republic of Poland, soldier of the Union of Armed Struggle and Home Army, assigned to the Bureau of Information and Propaganda of the Home Army Headquarters. Fought in the Warsaw Uprising, after which he was deported by Germans to the Murnau oflag in Bavaria. For helping Jews during the occupation, the Yad Vashem Institute awarded him and his wife Irena the title of Righteous Among the Nations. After 1945, he remained in the West, engaging in the life of the Polish war exile in France, Great Britain and the United States. He received a doctorate in law at the Sorbonne. He belonged to the People’s Party “Wolność”, the Association of Polish Combatants. He was a member of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile. As an anti-communist, he was invigilated by the communist intelligence of the People’s Republic of Poland. In the 1960s, after returning to Poland, as a lawyer and scientist, he was first affiliated with the Maria Curie-Skłodowska University of Lublin, and then with Nicolaus Copernicus University of Toruń. W. Szyszkowski is the author of nearly two hundred scientific and journalistic publications printed in Poland and abroad.
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Lehner, Rolf Dieter. "Auschwitz as the Symbol of Mutual Guilt before Jewish People: 75 Years After." Beacon: Journal for Studying Ideologies and Mental Dimensions 4, no. 1 (January 21, 2021): 010410261. http://dx.doi.org/10.55269/thebeacon.4.010410261.
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At the ceremony dedicated to the 75th anniversary of Auschwitz liberation held in Yad Vashem Holocaust Commemoration Centre, Jerusalem, no complete truth about the Holocaust and Israeli state necessity, based on investigation of anti-Semitic crimes, was disclosed by any of Eurasian leaders. A careful examination of the Holocaust and foundation of the Israeli state shows that not only Germany and Nazi committed high and atrocious military and civil crimes against the Jewish people. The total Eurasian attitude towards the Jews was highly negative just before, during and after World War II. Soviet Union and Great Britain contributed most to the deferral of the Israeli state foundation. If the war had lasted longer and had ended in 1947 instead of 1945, there would not have been a single Jew in Eurasia because of mutual Eurasian aggression towards the Jewish people. Now, 75 years after, it is high time we revealed the importance of the Israeli state for Eurasian Jews and demythologize Eurasian “help” to the victims of Holocaust.
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Tochman, Krzysztof A. "Zapomniany kurier do Delegatury Rządu. Ppor. Napoleon Segieda „Wera” (1908–1991)." UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 20, no. 3 (2021): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2021.3.4.
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The article presents Second Lieutenant Napoleon Segieda, alias Gustav Molin “Wera” or Jerzy Salski (after the war), born in the Zamość region, a resident of Pomerania, and a political courier to the government of the Polish Underground State (during the war), parachuted to the country on the night of 7th November 1941. The paper is the first attempt to show his biography and military achievements. He was a participant in the war of 1939 (the defense of Warsaw), and then, a prisoner of war in the German camps, whence, after many trials and tribulations, he arrived at the Polish Forces base in Great Britain. On completing his mission in the country (summer 1942), Segieda set off to London again with the first comprehensive report of the Polish Underground State to the Polish government-in-exile, London. As early as in 1942, being a witness to the extermination, he alerted the world to the Holocaust, to practically no effect, since the West was not particularly interested in the problem. From spring to summer 1942, Napoleon Segieda stayed in the city of Oświęcim where he collected information about the Concentration Camp Auschwitz. On 8th August 1942, he left Warsaw and, via Cracow and Vienna, reached Switzerland where, for unknown reasons, he got stuck on the way to London for a few months. His report was later distributed among many important and influential politicians of the allied community in Great Britain and the USA. It is worth mentioning that the messages on the Holocaust by Stefan Karboński (the head of the leadership of civil combat) also arrived in London during the summer 1942. After the war, Napoleon Segieda settled down in London, under the surname of Jerzy Salski, where he died completely forgotten.
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Hewitt, Nicholas. "Introduction: Popular Culture and Mass Culture." Contemporary European History 8, no. 3 (November 1999): 351–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077739900301x.
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At the end of the Second World War, the countries of Western Europe found themselves in a state of economic and physical ruin and, in the cases of Germany, Italy and France, in a position of, at best, moral and political ambiguity and, at worst, outright bankrupcy. Only Britain emerged from the war with its political regime intact and its moral purpose vindicated, although paradoxically its economy was to prove the most severely wounded. Perhaps because of the very scale of the disaster, however, Western Europe embarked upon a process of reconstruction, aided financially by the Marshall Plan, which embodied grandiose ambitions for a radical rebirth. The Italian Communist Party's weekly magazine, for example, was called Rinascita, whilst the French Communist weekly Les Lettres Françaises celebrated a ‘new French “renaissance”, encompassing political life, urban redevelopment and a whole range of cultural development, which was seen, in the early days of the Liberation, as the legitimate reward and goal of the Resistance’. In Germany, the recognition of 1945 as constituting a Nullpunkt or Stunde Null, made possible the Kahlschlag, or clean sweep which would propel the new Republic towards democracy and prosperity. Even in Britain, there was the sense of the dawning of a new era, and if the Festival of Britain, in 1951, looked back to the Great Exhibition a century earlier and celebrated traditional British qualities, whilst also flexing the nation's industrial and military muscles, with the death of King George VI and the accession of his daughter, the country embarked, quite literally and self-consciously, on a ‘New Elizabethan’ age.
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Dudaiti, A. K. "Iran’s Foreign Policy in 1933-1939: Problems of Diversifying Relations with Leading World Powers." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 12 (December 28, 2021): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-12-309-326.
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The article is devoted to the problems of modernizing Iran’s foreign policy strategy on the eve of World War II, the implementation of a set of measures to diversify its relations with the leading world powers. The factors influencing the formation of the conflict relations of Iran with Great Britain and the USSR are revealed. The features of the nationalist policy of the Reza Shah regime, aimed at liberating the country from British control and weakening Soviet influence in the country, are traced. Particular attention is paid to the formation of a pro-German course in Iran’s foreign policy. The author emphasizes that the ideological factor (Nazi propaganda about the common Aryan origin of the Germans and Iranians) played an important role in the rapprochement of the Shah’s regime of Iran with the Nazi leadership of Germany. It is stated that the rapprochement of Iran with Germany contributed to the growth of tension in Europe, the intensification of the confrontation between the bloc of fascist states and the camp of anti-fascist forces. It is also noted that as a result of the Iranian-German rapprochement, Moscow’s relations with Tehran found themselves in a crisis situation: the strengthening of Nazi influence in Iran prompted the USSR leadership to take urgent measures to ensure reliable protection of the country’s southern borders against the threat of a German attack.
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Kraujelis, Ramojus. "The status and the future of Baltic States and Romania in the strategy of Western Allies in the early years of the Second World War: a comparative view." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 1 (August 15, 2010): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i1_8.
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The fate of Lithuania and Romania as well as future of the whole Central and Eastern European region was determined in the years of the Second World War. The common origin of their tragic and painful history was the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact – the secret deal between Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, which divided Central and Eastern Europe between two totalitarian regimes. In June 1940 the three Baltic States and a part of Romania were directly occupied and annexed by the Soviet Union. The main objective of this paper is to identify, analyze and compare the attitudes of the United States and Great Britain with respect to the annexation of the Baltic States and the Romania territory and discussed the post-war future reserved to them. During the early years of the Second Word War (1940-1942) few interesting international discussions about possible post-war arrangement plans existed. The analysis of the Western attitude would enable us to give answers to certain questions: What could have been done by the Western states for the benefit of Central and Eastern European region; what have they, in fact, done and what did they avoid doing? The year 1943 witnessed the consolidation of the Western attitude with regard to Soviet Union’s western borders, which resulted in the fundamental fact that Moscow did not intend to retract its interests in the Baltic States, Eastern Poland, North Bucovina and Bessarabia while the West did not intend to fight for these territories. Considering the fact that at the Teheran conference (1943) the Western states agreed upon turning the Baltic states into a Soviet interest sphere, the United States and Britain entered the Yalta conference (1945) with no illusions as to the fate of Central and Eastern Europe in general.
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BINGHAM, ADRIAN. "‘The monster’? The British popular press and nuclear culture, 1945–early 1960s." British Journal for the History of Science 45, no. 4 (December 2012): 609–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087412001082.
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AbstractBritish popular newspapers were fascinated by the terrible power of the nuclear bomb, and they devoted countless articles, editorials and cartoons to it. In so doing, they played a significant role in shaping the nuclear culture of the post-war period. Yet scholars have given little sustained attention to this rich seam of material. This article makes a contribution to remedying this major gap by offering an overview of the coverage of nuclear weaponry in the two most popular newspapers in Britain, the Daily Express and the Daily Mirror, in the period from 1945 to the early 1960s. Although both papers supported British possession of the bomb, claiming that it was essential for the maintenance of great-power status, their reporting was more complex and critical than the existing scholarship has tended to assume. This article argues that sceptical voices in the press often disrupted official narratives and that journalists emphasized the potential dangers involved in the nuclear arms race. Newspapers frequently highlighted, rather than downplayed, the horrors of the bomb: it was repeatedly portrayed as a ‘monster’ threatening the world.
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Bellamy, Christine. "The Paradox of National Registration in a Liberal State: The Case of Wartime National Registers in Great Britain, 1915–52*." English Historical Review 134, no. 570 (October 2019): 1196–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez293.
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Abstract This article traces the history of British government policy on wartime national registration from 1915 to 1952. In contrast to accounts that emphasise the significance of registration for the development of an ‘information state’, it explores the implications of the fundamental paradox in national registration in a liberal state. That is, the distinctive value of a register lies in its continuing accuracy and comprehensiveness; but these properties depend on wholesale and continuing compliance with the bureaucratic demands of a tool widely regarded in Whitehall as intrusive, coercive and unpopular. The register used in the First World War never recovered from Whitehall’s unwillingness to enforce it, and preparations for registration in a second major war were frustrated by the reluctance of its principal users—those responsible for military conscription and food rationing—to be closely associated with it or dependent on it. The article explains why a robust register was nevertheless set up in 1939, but suggests, too, that the capabilities it offered to identify and trace people were less warmly welcomed and extensively exploited by other government services than is often assumed. Furthermore, the perceived need to maximise trust in its confidentiality restricted the disclosure of information recorded in the register to other public agencies, especially the police. The overall thrust of the article, then, is to cast doubt on whether the wartime national registers in the Great Britain could have developed into a formative pillar of an emergent information state.
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Rinke, Stefan. "From Informal Imperialism to Transnational Relations: Prolegomena to a Study of German Policy towards Latin America, 1918-1933." Itinerario 19, no. 2 (July 1995): 112–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006823.
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Although never more than a junior partner or rival to the hegemonic powers Great Britain and United States, the German states and later the Reich have since independence played an important role in the foreign relations of Latin America. German-Latin American relations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have been the subject of a growing body of research over the last three decades. The interest of historians has focused on the development of these relations throughout the nineteenth century, the era of German imperialism 1890-1914, and on the infiltration of National Socialism and its Auslandsorganisation (organization for Nazi party members living abroad) in Latin America from 1933 to 1945. In addition, the reconstruction of German ties to the Latin American states after the Second World War and postwar emigration from Germany to Latin America are subjects which scholars have recendy begun to analyze.
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Abed Al-Zubaidi, Riyam Ahmed, and Prof Dr Waleed Abood Mohammed Al-Dulaimi. "JAPAN’S NAVAL FORCE UNDER THE RISE OF ITS MILITARISM (1931-1939)." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF RESEARCH IN SOCIAL SCIENCES & HUMANITIES 12, no. 03 (2022): 494–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.37648/ijrssh.v12i03.028.
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The expansion of the role of the military category, which rejects the issue of naval restrictions and looks forward to military expansion and the strengthening of naval Force, is in line with Japan’s foreign policy, which completed in the 1930s the path of its transformation into a military state with expansionist ambitions, following the Great Depression (1929-1933) and its alliance with regimes Fascism and Nazi totalitarianism in Europe, from which the Axis powers emerged on the twenty-fifth of October 1936, and Accordingly, Japan at that time constituted a serious threat to the liberal economic and political systems. The research was set chronologically in the years (1931-1939), as the first date represented the beginning of the escalation of Japanese militarism in a clear manner following the convening of the first London Naval Conference in 1930, while the second date represented the outbreak of the Second World War, which represented an important historical turning point in which Japan sought through its Force the Navy to confirm its active role on the scene of events. In light of this, the research traced the steps of the Japanese government in supporting its military institutions, especially the navy, by adopting a set of building, expansion and development programs until its participation in the Second London Naval Conference in 1935 and its role in it, then its militarism Rise for the years (1936-1939), which was appear in Its occupation by China in 1937, Based on its conviction that Britain and France were unable to confront it under their suffering from the consequences of the Great Depression on the one hand, and the commitment of the United States of America to the laws of neutrality that did not allow it to intervene militarily in international problems on the other hand until 1939
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Kupchyk, Oleh. "Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University’s international cooperation with scientific and education institutions of Western countries in 1944–1975’s." European Historical Studies, no. 22 (2022): 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.5.
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The article reveals the international cooperation of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University with scientific and educational institutions of Western countries in 1944–1975. It was noted that at the end of the Second World War (1944–1945), Kyiv University couldn’t establish ties with educational and scientific institutions of Western countries due to the reconstruction of the city and the university itself. During the period of post-war reconstruction (1946–1950), the Soviet-Western confrontation was added to the mentioned problems, which then turned into the Cold War. However, the liberal social and political changes in the USSR associated with de-Stalinization (1953–1956) and the Khrushchev «Thaw» (1956–1964) had a positive impact on the international activities of the Soviet higher school and KSU named T. G. Shevchenko. It is indicated that since the mid-1950s, delegations and individual scientists from France, Austria, Belgium, and Sweden began to visit Kyiv University. Since the second half of the 1950s, teachers and scientists from Finland and Great Britain, as well as Communist Party leaders, and representatives of student and trade union organizations from Western countries visited Kyiv University to give lectures and deliver scientific reports. However, in 1959–1960, plans for the teaching work of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University in the Great Britain universities remained unrealized. Nevertheless, since then, teachers and scientists of Kyiv University have actively participated in international scientific events held in Western countries (Madrid, Paris, London, Vienna, and Stockholm). Some teachers completed internships at universities in Italy, France, and Great Britain. Students also did internships in these countries. Mostly, these were senior-year students of the Faculty of Philology who were studying foreign languages. It is noted that the scientific works and teachers of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University were published abroad. Among them were Professor Mytropolskyi Yu. (in Great Britain and Sweden), Professor Vsekhsvyatskyi S. (in Great Britain and Belgium), Professor Bileckyi A. (in Greece), Professor Marynych O. (in Great Britain and Sweden) works. Scientists of Kyiv University worked with colleagues from universities and scientific institutions of the West on common scientific themes. The international book exchange of Kyiv State University, as of July 1, 1965, was held with such universities as the Taylor Institute at the University of Oxford, the University of Oslo, the Mathematical Institute at the University of Bonn, Liège (Belgium), Besanson and Cannes (France) universities, and also by the academies of sciences of Denmark and Ireland. The emergence of an international détente in the relations between the West and the USSR at the end of the 1960s had a positive effect on the ties of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University with the countries of the West. The number of their youth at Kyiv University continued to grow. Thus, if in 1969 one representative of a Belgian and a Frenchman studied at the university, then as of January 1, 1975, 60 students from the «capitalist countries» studied at the university. In turn, the cooperation of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University with educational and scientific institutions of Western countries in 1975–1991 remains understudied. However, this is the subject of the next scientific research.