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Journal articles on the topic 'Great Britian'
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1
&NA;. "THE CRANIOFACIAL SOCIETY OF GREAT BRITIAN." Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery 79, no. 3 (March 1987): 522. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00006534-198703000-00144.
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Gerber, Larry G. "The National Industrial Recovery Act in Comparative Perspective: Organized Labor's Role in American and British Efforts at Industrial Planning, 1929–1933." Journal of Policy History 6, no. 4 (October 1994): 403–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600004012.
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In both the United States and Britain, the Great Depression generated widespread interest in the possibility of utilizing state power to foster the development of corporatist institutions to restore order and stability to economic life. However, whereas Britian made only piecemeal efforts to implement corporatist mechanisms in a few selected industries, the United States proved willing, at least temporarily, to implement a far more thoroughgoing experiment in corporatism—he National Recovery Administration (NRA). This article seeks to explain this divergence in American and British policy responses to the depression. While considering the extent to which differences in state capacities, ideology, political contingencies, and the structure of economic organization may have contributed to America's greater willingness to attempt a comprehensive experiment with corporatism in the early 1930s, this article focuses on the importance of the weakness of organized labor in the American—as opposed to the British—political economy as an explanatory factor in the divergent experiences of the two nations.
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Student. "OPINION FROM GREAT BRITIAN CONCERNING WITHDRAWAL OF TREATMENT FROM NEWBORN INFANTS." Pediatrics 84, no. 5 (November 1, 1989): 885. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.84.5.885.
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Discussion and debate about decision making should form an important part of the continuing education of medical and nursing staff in neonatal units. Often it may be helpful to discuss cases which the staff have not been involved with the care of the baby and here film material can be valuable. Discussions with parents whose children died in the neonatal period or who survived with or without damage may be valuable, as are role play techniques. The aim of such continuing education is to improve decision-making practice in a situation where it is probably impossible to evolve specific guidelines to cover all eventualities. If a decision has been taken to cease active treatment, it is then the responsibility of the staff to ensure that a baby dies quickly and as painlessly as possible.
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Bucklin, Ann. "Biochemical Genetic Variation, Growth and Regeneration of the Sea Anemone, Metridium, of British Shores." Journal of the Marine Biological Association of the United Kingdom 65, no. 1 (February 1985): 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025315400060860.
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Sessile organisms capable of asexual reproduction may be expected to show much genetic differentiation among local populations: mating between distant individuals is unlikely and genetic drift will contribute to differentiation since habitats can be colonized by one or a few individuals. This study investigates genetic differentiation of populations of the sea anemone Metridium senile (L.) in Great Britain. Individuals of M. senile are sessile and reproduce both sexually, by free-spawning of gametes, and asexually, by regeneration of fragments torn from the pedal disc. Metridium senile is one of the most common and widespread of British sea anemones (Manuel, 1981); reports place it at an enormous number and variety of sites around Britian (unpublished results of surveys by the Underwater Conservation Society of the United Kingdom). The extensive geographic range and variability of the species have confounded attempts to determine the taxonomic status of the ecological and morphological forms, but make it an interesting system for genetic analysis.
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Romer, K. Gird. "Young, Britian And The World In The Twentieth Century." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 24, no. 1 (April 1, 1999): 41–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.24.1.41-42.
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Britain and the World in the Twentieth Century is a fine book. It is well written, well organized, and very informative. The work is part of a series titled "International Relations and the Great Powers," a series that includes Japan and the World since 1868, with titles such as France and the World in the Twentieth Century, and The United States and the World in the Twentieth Century forthcoming. The author of Britain and the World in the Twentieth Century, John W. Young, Professor of Politics at the University of Leicester, also wrote Britain and European Unity, 1945-92, Winston Churchill's Last Campaign, and Cold War Europe. Professor Young has a firm grasp of the material and the ability to present it clearly. The author does presuppose a slight knowledge of twentieth-century English and European history on the part of the reader, but a detailed knowledge is not necessary.
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Johnson, C. D. "Abstracts from the Twenty-Second Meeting of the Pancreatic Society of Great Britian and Ireland November, 1997." International Journal of Pancreatology 24, no. 1 (August 1998): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02787537.
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L., J. F. "THIS FEDERAL HEALTH PLAN WORKED TOO WELL." Pediatrics 93, no. 2 (February 1, 1994): A46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.93.2.a46.
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Before okaying any plan that attempts to increase access to health care while harnessing costs, congress ought to re-examine the government-funded End-State Renal Disease program. It shows that per-treatment costs can be controlled by setting limits on what providers are paid, but controlling the volume is vastly more complex... A program that initially served 11,000 people today serves 165,000 and is expected to soon have 300 000 beneficiaries... First year costs were $229 million and reached $1 billion by 1977. In 1991, the program cost $6.6 billion. Even so, efforts by Medicare, which administers the program, to control perpatient costs have been a great success. Administrators capped the reimbursement rate early and steadfastly refused to raise it—not even to compensate for inflation. Twice the rate was lowered. Thus, the cost in constant dollars of a dialysis treatment has fallen 61%—$54 from $138... Today dialysis patients are older and sicker, and people over age 65 form the fastest growing group of new users. Among the aged beneficiaries are people in a persistent vegetative state and nursing-home residents who go to dialysis centers on stretchers... In Britian it is rare for anyone over age 55 to go on dialysis, largely because the British health-care system contains an implicit bias against providing dialysis for any kidney patient with multiple serious disorders, which elderly patients almost always have. As a result, for every million people in Britain, 154 are on dialysis; in the U.S., 539 people out of every million are on dialysis.
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Choi, Kwan, and Minchi Kim. "Improvement of the South Korean Forensic Psychiatry Programs based on treatment programs in Great Britian, the United States, and Germany." KOREAN JOURNAL OF FORENSIC PSYCHOLOGY 7, no. 2 (July 31, 2016): 109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.53302/kjfp.2016.07.7.2.109.
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Grayzel, Susan R. "Fighting for Their Rights: A Comparative Perspective on Twentieth-Century Women's Movements in Australia, Great Britian, and the United States." Journal of Women's History 11, no. 1 (1999): 210–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2003.0096.
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Feingold, Henry L., and Moshe Davis. "With Eyes toward Zion. Volume 2, Themes and Sources in the Archives of the United States, Great Britian, Turkey, and Isreal." American Historical Review 93, no. 1 (February 1988): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1865697.
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Johnson, C. D. "Abstracts from the Twenty-First Meeting of the Pancreatic Society of Great Britian and Ireland at the Royal Postgraduate Medical School, London." International Journal of Pancreatology 21, no. 2 (April 1997): 189–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02822391.
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McWhinney, Edward, and Serge April. "The 1990 Triennial Elections to the International Court of Justice and the 1989 Casual Election." Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 28 (1991): 403–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0069005800004185.
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The regular, triennial elections for the International Court of Justice (ICJ), with a third of the fifteen seats on the Court coming up for renewal or replacement, were held on November 15, 1990. The five successful candidates thus elected, or re-elected, qualified for regular nine-year terms beginning on February 6, 1991. In the result, two incumbent judges, from France (Judge Guillaume) and Great Britian (Judge Jennings), who were candidates for re-election, were successful. Two other incumbent judges, from Argentina (the retiring Court President, Judge Ruda) and from Sénégal (Judge M'Baye), did not present themselves for re-election. A third incumbent judge, from India (Judge Pathak, who had been elected to the Court in a casual election held in April 1989), was nominated for re-election by a country other than his own, but chose to withdraw after the close of nominations and before the actual balloting. These three seats of the Court were filled by the election of candidates from Venezuela (Aguilar Mawdsley), Madagascar (Ranjeva), and Sri Lanka (Weeramantry).
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Sachs, William L. "Politics and the Churches in Great Britian, 1869 to 1921. By G. I. T. Machin. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987. xi + 376 pp. $72.00." Church History 57, no. 4 (December 1988): 563–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3166691.
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Rodríguez González, Gilberto. "Gestión del patrimonio arqueológico en Gran Bretaña." SPAL. Revista de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Sevilla, no. 5 (1996): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/spal.1996.i5.01.
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Pantyukhina, T. V. "Great Britain in the conflict over Iran oil: the First World War period." Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 9, no. 4 (2022): 577–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2022.4.7.
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The article highlights the activities of Great Britain in the competition for control over oil fields and the oil industry in Iran (Persia) and the South Caucasus in 1914-1918, which was not the subject of special research in Russian historiography. On the eve of the war, Great Britain actually controlled the production and refining of oil in Persia through the AngloPersian Oil Company. With the outbreak of the war, British interests in the region were put under threat by Germany and the Ottoman Empire, which sought to challenge the British monopoly on Persian oil. Despite the fact that the territory of Persia remained far from the major battles of World War I, the country was a strategically important war theater for Great Britain. The British troops stationed in Persia controlled the territory of southern Persia, while the north of the country was controlled by Russian troops. After Russia’s withdrawal from the war at the end of 1917, there was a threat of strengthening the positions of Turkish troops and their allies in Persia and their advance to the Caucasus, to the oil fields of Baku. To counter this threat, a special taskforce was formed, called «Dunsterforce». During its 8-month stay in Persia, Dunsterforce strengthened the British position in the country, successfully suppressing anti-British forces with weapons, diplomacy and the pound sterling. Dunsterforce failed to protect Baku from capture by the Turks in September 1918. However, in November 1918, British troops managed to take over Baku. As a result, by the end of the war the western, eastern and southern shores of the Caspian Sea were under the full control of the British military. under the full control of the British military.
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Stepanova, N. A. "Great Britain in the Commonwealth of Nations." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 214–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-214-221.
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The article is devoted to an analysis of the role of the Commonwealth of Nations in British history and politics. Having emerged at the end of the XIX c. as an informal association of Britain and dominions within the British Empire it has developed into an independent institute that includes almost all former British territories. Even though nowadays the Commonwealth is a free association of countries and manifests democratic values, this distinctive representation of imperialists stood at its origins, and at times the term itself signified the empire, though in a more progressive, democratic and human form. The author argues that for many decades the main reason for this evolution was British politicians'desire to deter regions from breaking away from within the British sphere of influence. Indeed, the Commonwealth countries belonged to one of the three most important and traditional circles of British political and economic interests, as formulated by W. Churchill, while its importance has been constantly emphasized in numerous election manifestos and government statements. However, with the weakening of Britain and growing independence within the organization, as well as because of contradictions between British national interests and the Commonwealth's founding ideals and principles, Britain has become less and less capable of impacting the organization, and its significance has declined, while some British leaders have even openly sabotaged it. Nevertheless, voices that appeal to reanimate the institution, as well as Britain's role in it, are still heard in the British political arena.
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Kovic, Milos. "Great Britain and the consular initiative of the Great Powers in Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1875." Balcanica, no. 50 (2019): 113–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950113k.
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This paper examines on the basis of the British archival records the attitude of Great Britain towards the consular initiative of the Great Powers in August and September 1875. It was the first joint undertaking of the European powers in the Great Eastern Crisis (1875-1878). In the British view, it was the ambitions of the League of the Three Emperors in the Balkans and Austria-Hungary in Bosnia-Herzegovina that underpinned the initiative. Although the consuls had limited authority, Britain accepted the initiative with reluctance and mistrust - and only after the Ottoman Empire had given its consent. When the League of the Three Emperors proposed more extensive powers for the consuls in order to prevent the failure of their mission, both the Ottoman Empire and Great Britain declined this proposal. This meant that the Consular Mission could accomplish nothing.
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García Asuero, Agustín. "Chemical Society Y Pharmaceuthical Society Of Great Britain: Parallel Lifes." Anales de la Real Academia Nacional de Farmacia, no. 90(02) (July 1, 2024): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.53519/analesranf.2024.90.02.03.
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This report reviews the creation and beginnings of two important scientific societies, the “Chemical Society of London”, and the “Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain”. The similarity is noted in terms of their starting point and establishment of specific objectives, e.g., the practice of chemistry. Differences are observed in the admission criteria, which are more restrictive by the “Chemical Society”. Both societies are the result of the process of differentiation of science, and the reaffirmation of professional sentiment and the rights associated with the practice of the trade. Key figures are reviewed in both cases, highlighting in the case of the “Chemical Society” the German influence on British chemistry. The search for a headquarters that satisfies the material needs and the fulfilment of the entrusted missions involves a long pilgrimage. The “Chemical Society of London” soon became the “Chemical Society” and later became the “Royal Society of Chemistry”. The “Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain” became the “Royal Pharmaceutical Society” over the years. Keywords: Chemical Society of London; Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain; history
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Mole, John. "The Business Culture of Great Britain." International Area Review 4, no. 1 (March 2001): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590100400102.
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This paper intends to analyze the business culture of Breat Britain. The core assumption of this research is that ‘values and behaviours that affect the way individuals and groups do business together’. Three core analyzing areas of this research are business environment, british self-image and ‘what a foreigner can expect when doing business with british people.’ The characteristic points of research results are following: British business people are likely to primarily concerned with the short-term impact of new business on their annual budget and financial plan. British think of their management style as team-based and participative.
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Davydov, Andrey. "US - Great Britain Economic Relations." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 5 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760028381-6.
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This article covers the major trends of United States and Great Britain economic relations. Economic cooperation between these countries is closely connected with the phenomenon of “special relationships” in the political field. Sources and main points of the “special relationships” are being analyzed in the article. British departure from the European Union created possibilities to develop further economic cooperation between the United States and the United Kingdom. Negotiations on free trade agreement started under Donald Trump administration but were frozen under current US administration. In the result UK proved to be between Scylla and Charybdis. The article covers major trends of structural changes in mutual trade and investment flows during last decade. Statistical analysis shows that oil and natural gas are the major articles of US export to Great Britain. United Kingdom is exporting transport equipment, chemicals and different types of machinery. Different services (professional, business, finance and science) are also important for mutual cooperation. Current investment positions of both countries are being analyzed. Great Britain is interested to get American direct investment in different fields. UK big holding companies are the major target of US direct investors. British equities are also in great demand on the global financial market. Most of British capitals are invested in manufacturing companies of the US. Current situation with free trade negotiations is being analyzed. President John Baiden administration realizes conservative economic policy. US conservative policy is aimed to support national producers. In view of the above it is highly likely that trade negotiations between US and UK will not be in progress for a long period.
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Trofymenko, Mykola. "British Council as an Instrument of Public Diplomacy of Great Britain." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 35-36 (December 20, 2017): 305–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.305-312.
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Public diplomacy of Great Britain is one of the most developed in the EU and in the world. The United Kingdom has developed an extremely efficient public diplomacy mechanism which includes BBC World Service (which due to its popularity boosts the reputation and the image of Great Britain), Chevening Scholarships (provides outstanding foreign students with opportunity to study in Great Britain and thus establishes long-lasting relations with public opinion leaders and foreign countries elite) and the British Council, which deals with international diplomatic ties in the field of culture. The British Council is a unique organization. Being technically independent, it actively and efficiently works on consolidating Great Britain’s interests in the world and contributes to the development of public diplomacy in Great Britain.
The author studies the efforts of the British Council as a unique public diplomacy tool of the United Kingdom. Special attention is paid to the role of British Council, which is independent of the governing board and at the same time finds itself under the influence of the latter due to the peculiarities of the appointment of Board’s officials, financing etc.
The author concludes that the British Council is a unique organization established in 1934, which is a non-departmental state body, charitable organization and public corporation, technically independent of the government. The British Council, thanks to its commercial activities covers the lack of public funding caused by the policy of economy conducted by the government. It has good practices in this field worth paying attention by other countries. It is also worth mentioning that the increment in profit was getting higher last year, however the issue of increasing the influence of the government on the activities of British Council is still disputable. Although the Foreign Minister officially reports to the parliament on the activities of the British Council, approves the appointment of the leaders of organizations, the British Council preserves its independence of the government, which makes it more popular abroad, and makes positive influence on the world image of Great Britain. The efficiency of the British Council efforts on fulfillment of targets of the United Kingdom public diplomacy is unquestionable, no matter how it calls its activities: whether it is a cultural relations establishment or a cultural diplomacy implementation.
Keywords: The British Council, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, cultural relations, Foreign Office, Her Majesty’s Government, official assistance for development
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Cherkasova, V. "Public Broadcasting Service: Great Britain & Russia." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2014): 120–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-10-120-128.
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The author examines the essence and distinguishes the features of public broadcasting service, conducts critical analysis of establishment and development of this institution in Great Britain (using the example of The British Broadcasting Service), estimates its development level in Russiа. The comparative analysis allows to state that in Great Britain this institution has arisen and is fully functioning, while in Russia it is premature to assess the attempt of its creation as successful.
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Valdés, Juan Núñez. "WOMEN IN THE EARLY DAYS OF PHARMACY IN GREAT BRITAIN." International Journal Of Multidisciplinary Research And Studies 04, no. 12 (October 1, 2018): 102–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.33826/ijmras/v04i12.1.1.
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This paper deals with the beginnings and historical evolution of Pharmacy studies in Great Britain and on the role played by the first women who practiced the profession there, The circumstances of that time, which made very difficult for a woman to work in that area, the biography of the first English woman licensed in Pharmacy, Fanny Deacon, and the biographies of the women who followed her as graduates in Pharmacy in Great Britain are commented, detailing not only their personal data but also the impact they had on the evolution and development of Pharmacy studies in their country. These women were Alice Vickery, Isabella Skinner Clarke, Margaret Elizabeth Buchanan, Rose Coombes Minshull and Agnes Thompson Borrowman.The main objective of the paper is to reveal the figures of these first women in Pharmacy in Great Britain to society, To do this, the methodology used has been the usual in researches of this type: search of data on these women in bibliographical and computer sources, as well as in historic archives. As the main results, the biographies of these pioneers pharmacist women mentioned above have been elaborated
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Hettich, Paul I. "Professional Development in Great Britain without Faculty Exchange." Teaching of Psychology 21, no. 3 (October 1994): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009862839402100317.
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The literature on faculty exchange with Great Britain demonstrates its value for professional development, but an exchange may not be possible or desirable. This article summarizes a semester-long sabbatical leave that involved part-time teaching, library research, visits to several British universities, and attendance at a British Psychological Society conference. Resources and practical considerations are discussed.
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Slinger, Michael J. "Great Britain and the Confederacy." British Journal of American Legal Studies 12, no. 2 (September 1, 2023): 357–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjals-2023-0028.
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Abstract This essay describes the efforts of the Confederate States of America to convince Great Britain to support its secession from the United States. Although the South's leaders were confident that Britain's need for cotton would lead it to become an ally, numerous factors—including the British public's aversion to slavery—contributed to the country remaining neutral.
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Пуховская, Наталья. "Great Britain and the Third Reich: From Pacification to Confrontation." Metamorphoses of history, no. 26 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/s230861810023654-9.
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The article presents the dynamics of Anglo-German relations in the 1930s, the distinguishing feature of which was the encouragement of the daring and aggressive initiatives of the Third Reich by Great Britain. Examining the political and diplomatic position of Great Britain, the author comes to the conclusion that it was dictated by the fact that through concessions and appeasement of Nazi political and diplomatic ambitions Hitler's foreign policy interests had to be redirected exclusively to the East, thereby securing the West from Nazi aggression. The British, based on anti-Soviet views, were guided solely by the categories of blind national egoism and opportunism; with the help of Nazi Germany, they sought to build a new world order without the USSR. In this political and diplomatic game that unfolded in the pre-war period Hitler outplayed the British. The article focuses on the transformation of the position of Nazi Germany towards Great Britain from anglophile to confrontational views, which was dictated by the understanding of the Nazi political elite that generous British concessions helped Hitler achieve tremendous diplomatic success, and therefore he no longer needed the "services" of the British. British political and diplomatic strategies of the 1930s were doomed to failure, and the result of this short-sighted policy was another world catastrophe, which could have been avoided by creating a collective security system initiated by the Soviet Union. The article analyzes the nature of political and diplomatic initiatives and maneuvers used by the British and Germans to achieve their foreign policy goals.
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Banerji, Sabita. "Ghazals to Bhangra in Great Britain." Popular Music 7, no. 2 (May 1988): 207–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000002762.
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The cultural identity of the Indian subcontinent has survived countless onslaughts and displacements often by simply absorbing and Indianising alien elements. The many hybrids in lifestyle, language, food and religion spawned of Britain and India's long, love-hate relationship are a testament to this. And now the process is repeating itself in the new generation of South Asians born and educated in Britain. It is a unique generation, its acceptance or rejection of and by white British society will probably set the pattern for generations to come, and the musical fusion which voices their cultural duality tends towards mutual acceptance.
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Ulunyan, Arutyun. "“Cotton Shadow” of the Great Game (1880s — Early 20th Century)." ISTORIYA 13, no. 12-1 (122) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023789-6.
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The article analyzes the interconnection between the political and economic interests of Britain in the context of the Great Game in the 1880s — early 20th century and the strengthening of the British participation in making and development of the Russian cotton industry. Archival sources, materials of parliamentary reports, the British press, publications of British and Russian participants in the events, all of them, provide legitimate basis to detect the peculiarities of the links between Britain’s economic and political interests during this period. The “cotton shadow” of the Great Game turned out to be a phenomenon that allows even at the statistical level to reveal the prevailing importance of economic interests over purely political assessments of the likely Russian threat to Britain in Central and East Asia and partially overshadow them.
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Gao, Jie. "Compromise and Defence: Great Britain and the Burma Road Crisis." China and Asia 3, no. 1 (September 29, 2021): 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2589465x-030102.
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Abstract China and Britain both found themselves in extremely precarious situations by the early summer of 1940, when Japan demanded that Britain close the Burma Road, a vital overland supply route for Chinese forces fighting against Japanese aggression. The British had just seen all of their continental European allies fall like dominoes to Hitler’s forces over the span of a few weeks, while China was fighting a losing defensive war against Japan with minimal outside support. China desperately needed to maintain its overland supply line to the British Empire, the Burma Road, but Britain feared that the very existence of this conduit of war materiel would provoke a Japanese attack on vulnerable British colonies in the Far East. American policy on Japanese aggression was ambiguous at this point and neither Britain nor China could realistically expect help from Washington in the short term. As a result, Britain signed a one-sided confidential memorandum to close the Burma Road to buy time and shore up its East Asian position to the extent that it was able. This deal, a lesser-studied counterpart to Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain’s appeasement policy in Europe, compromised the Chinese war effort against Japan, paved the way for the Japanese conquest of Southeast Asia, and ultimately failed to prevent Britain’s defeat in East Asia. Recognizing that this temporary concession would not moderate Japanese behavior, Britain reopened the Burma Road three months later. This paper examines the vital role of the Burma Road in the Chinese war effort in 1940 and why Japan demanded that London close it, then explores the factors that led to Britain’s unavoidable capitulation on the issue and subsequent reversal three months later, along with the consequences for the Allied war effort in the Far East.
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Newell, Dianne. "The Politics of Food in World War II: Great Britain’s Grip on Canada’s Pacific Fishery." Historical Papers 22, no. 1 (April 26, 2006): 178–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030970ar.
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Abstract Maintaining and transporting food supplies during wartime are crucial activities. How to fulfill these obligations often is an important point in determining a government's wartime trade strategy. An example is the case of Great Britain during World War II. Britain attempted to control the cost and quality of its imported foodstuffs by influencing the production, supply and price within supplying countries. British food missions were established to negotiate the best-possible agreements and to protect Britain's long-term commercial interests. This self-interest can be seen in the food programme established by the British Ministry of Food and in the negotiations with British Columbia packers for canned salmon. Britain needed this nutritious and practical foodstuff, but refused to enter into longterm contracts with Canadian suppliers. The British Columbia salmon was considered too expensive, and Britain wanted to return to the cheaper Japanese and Russian suppliers after the war. The ultimate result was that the BC salmon canning industry was seriously curtailed at war's end, and the very existence of the resource was threatened.
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Samarskaia, Liudmila Maksimovna. "British Policy in Palestine: Interests versus Reality (1917-1922)." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 112–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-2-112-135.
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The period between the publication of the Balfour Declaration in 1917 and League of Nations mandates official assignment to Great Britain in 1922 was not lengthy, but highly eventful. All this time England was maneuvring between the Jewish and the Arab national movements, which also gradually formed their own demands and objectives. The problem was, pursuing British interests was possible through maneuvring only, as support of just one local force was not quite strategically advantageous. Britains official commitment to the Balfour Declaration remained at the core of its policy, however it could not completely ignore the demands of the Arab polutaion of Palestine. Although there were quite a number of British administrators and imperial politicians, who were sympathetic towards the Zionist cause and thus were ready to meet their requests to a certain extent, adherence to the British Middle East interests remained crucial to them. The idea of a Jewish national home (not a state, though) in Palestine did not come into contradiction with the general policy of Great Britain in the Middle East: it was rather its integral part. At the same time implementing the Zionist project had to be in line with it: any relatively radical (from the British administrators point of view) proposals were rejected or postponed indefinitely. Towards the Arabs of Palestine Great Britain was conducting mainly declarative policy without any serious consideration of their problems and grievances, although trying to appease their demands to a certain extent. Even the Arab riots of 1920 and 1921 did not cause a serious change in the British political course in Palestine, although they did contribute to the emergence of Churchills White Paper in 1922, declaring certain concessions to the Arab national movement, which never accepted the document. At the same time British policy in general was neither pro-Zionist, nor pro-Arab: England was pursuing its long-term strategic goals in the Middle East, skillfully utilizing Zionist and Arab national movements to achieve them.
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Zernetska, O. "Experience of Fighting against Separatism in Great Britain." Problems of World History, no. 6 (October 30, 2018): 132–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-6-10.
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Separatism in Great Britain is one of the biggest problems. It is closely connected with the building of the British Empire and continues to exist as a cause of it disintegration. Home and internationalcauses of separatism in Great Britain are detected in this article. One concerns home affairs and deals with the processes of separation of Northern Ireland and Scotland from Britain. The other lies in thesphere of international affairs and deals with the exit of Great Britain from European Union. The background of these processes has been analyzed and was proved that military actions have not beensuccessful. The best way is the three parts negotiations and compromises from the metropolitan state. It was exposed that to solve issues of international affairs such as separation of Great Britain from EUat the same time with separatism movements at home gives the latters the opportunity to leave metropolis and gain independence.
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Zernetska, O. "The Rethinking of Great Britain’s Role: From the World Empire to the Nation State." Problems of World History, no. 9 (November 26, 2019): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-9-6.
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In the article, it is stated that Great Britain had been the biggest empire in the world in the course of many centuries. Due to synchronic and diachronic approaches it was detected time simultaneousness of the British Empire’s development in the different parts of the world. Different forms of its ruling (colonies, dominions, other territories under her auspice) manifested this phenomenon.The British Empire went through evolution from the First British Empire which was developed on the count mostly of the trade of slaves and slavery as a whole to the Second British Empire when itcolonized one of the biggest states of the world India and some other countries of the East; to the Third British Empire where it colonized countries practically on all the continents of the world. TheForth British Empire signifies the stage of its decomposition and almost total down fall in the second half of the 20th century. It is shown how the national liberation moments starting in India and endingin Africa undermined the British Empire’s power, which couldn’t control the territories, no more. The foundation of the independent nation state of Great Britain free of colonies did not lead to lossof the imperial spirit of its establishment, which is manifested in its practical deeds – Organization of the British Commonwealth of Nations, which later on was called the Commonwealth, Brexit and so on.The conclusions are drawn that Great Britain makes certain efforts to become a global state again.
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Goldstein, Erik. "Great Britain and Greater Greece 1917–1920." Historical Journal 32, no. 2 (June 1989): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00012188.
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The First World War saw the collapse of the old order in the Eastern Mediterranean with the disintegration of the Ottoman empire, an event which threatened to create a dangerous power vacuum. Great Britain for the pastcentury had attempted to prevent just such a crisis by supporting the maintenance of the territorial integrity of the Ottoman state. Britain had a number of crucial strategic concerns in the Eastern Mediterranean, in particular the Suez Canal and the Straits. The former was the more critical interest and Britain was determined to keep this essential link to its Indian empire firmly under its own control. As to the Straits Britain, which was concerned about over-extending its strategic capabilities, was content to see this critical waterway dominated by a friendly state. The question inevitably arose therefore as to what would replace the Ottoman empire. One alternative was Greece, a possibility which became increasingly attractive with the emergence of the supposedly pro-British Eleftherios Venizelos as the Greek leader in early 1917.
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Zubko, Andrii. "YSTEM OF WEIGHT MEASURES IN GREAT BRITAIN, THE COUNTRIES OF NORTH AMERICA AND OCEANIA." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 72 (2024): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2024.72.04.
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The territory of the islands of Britain and Ireland was inhabited by people in prehistoric times. Numerous megalithic monuments remain from this culture. In the first millennium BC, Celtic tribes moved there from continental Europe, who later mixed with the local population. The maritime trade of the ancient civilisations of the Mediterranean with the population of the British Isles is reported by some historical sources of the antiquity. This trade was conducted by exchanging goods for goods. There is no information in historical sources about the measures, in particular weights, used by the ancient population of the British Isles in production and trade. In the first century BC, the Romans conquered the territory of Britain. They established their own system of measures, including weights, and their own monetary system. After the fall of the Roman Empire in the V century, Germanic tribes such as the Angles, Saxons, and Utes invaded Britain. At first, they created several kingdoms here, and in the IX century, they united into a single Anglo-Saxon state. It was during the Anglo-Saxon period from the V to the XI centuries that the foundations of the modern British System of Measures and Monetary System were laid. In the formation of the British weight system, units of weight measures of the Celts, Romans and Germans were used. Norms of weight measures were approved in the laws of the Anglo-Saxon kings of the X–XI centuries, which have survived to this day. The conquest of Britain in 1066 by the Norman Duke William did not make changes to the system of weight measures used here. Over the centuries, from time to time, for the purpose of improvement, royal decrees and laws amended these measures. The transformation of the weight measurement system for a thousand years can be studied precisely by analysing the materials of English legislation. In the XVI–XX centuries, Great Britain became a colonial power, whose possessions covered vast territories in the North America, Africa, Asia and Oceania. Here, the colonial administration introduced the British system of weight measures, but the local population used their own measures along with the British ones. After the gradual disintegration of the British colonial empire, some new states that were formed on the site of its former possessions – the USA, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand – continued to use British standards of weight measures. The British system of weight measurements is made public in the USA. Nowadays, the British system of weight measures, along with the metric, is officially considered the state in the United Kingdom.
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Motruk, Siuzanna. "The impact of the Great War (1914-1918) on women`s suffrage in Great Britain." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 40 (July 3, 2023): 86–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2023-40.86-99.
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The purpose of the article is to investigate how the First World War aff ected women’s suff rage in Great Britain, to analyze what place was given to women in the political plane during the Great War. Compare the infl uence of women “before” and “aft er” the war, what specifi c changes took place. The methodological basis of the research is based on the princi- ples of objectivity and historicism. During the research, comparative, analytical methods and the method of gender monitoring have been used during the research. Th e scientifi c novelty is based on the involvement of sources and historiography related to the participation of women in the struggle for obtaining voting rights in Great Britain during the Great War, the need to supplement modern Ukrainian research on this issue, to expand the knowledge base, is also im- portant. Conclusions. Th is issue is revealed with the help of documentary materials (memoirs, periodicals). On the examp le of specifi c female images of leading fi gures (in particular, Emmeline Pankhurst, Christabel Pankhurst, Nancy Astor and others), the features of the suff ragist move- ment, which operated in Great Britain before the beginning of the Great War and during it, are analyzed. Th e research used materials from newspaper periodicals from the time of the First World War, the original documents were translated in order to make the research accessible to Ukrainian historical science. The author investigated the participation of women in the political sphere and represented this process on a modern level. Th e methods of women’s struggle for suf- frage are revealed and the reactionary actions of British politics towards feminism are presented. The article analyzes the «Act on People’s Representation» issued in 1918, which granted women limited voting rights. Th e purpose of the article is to explore how the First World War af- fected women’s suff rage in Great Britain. British women were the fi rst to rise in the fi ght for suf- frage among European women. Their activism inspired other women to struggle as they sought to change their situation. Th e study of women’s history is one of the leading and important prob- lems in European historical studies, therefore, in the future, with the involvement of European and international experience and studying the practices of Western European gender studies, which studies will be relevant and widespread in Ukraine as well. Ensuring equality in Ukraine is an urgent problem that needs to be solved. Th erefore, the progressive experience of British women in the struggle for voting rights can be very useful.
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Gierczak, Katarzyna. "Security of polish economic migrants in Great Britain in the light of Brexit." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 189, no. 3 (September 30, 2018): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.6224.
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The results of the referendum on leaving the European Union by Great Britain have surprised experts from the world of politics, business analysts and immigrant community which functions in the British Isles. British people have decided, by a majority of votes, to shape the future of the UK outside the structures of the European Union. What does this choice mean for the community of Polish immigrants, which numbers almost one million people, working in the United Kingdom? Does Brexit and its consequences constitute a threat to Poles? The aim of this article is to analyse the economic, social and cultural effects of leaving the European Union by Great Britain, from the perspective of the Polish community in the British Isles.
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Razhev, A. V. "The British Army in 1930s: Activity of Secretaries of State for War A. Duff Cooper and L. Hore-Belisha." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 12, no. 2 (2012): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2012-12-2-97-100.
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The article reviews the activities of Secretaries of State for War of Great Britain, Alfred Duff Cooper and Leslie Hore-Belisha on specific issues of modernization of British land forces during the period of 1936–1939. The work is based mainly on archival material: memoranda and conclusions of the British Cabinet, which are available on the official site of the National Archives of Great Britain.
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Markovich, Slobodan. "Activities of Father Nikolai Velimirovich in Great Britain during the Great War." Balcanica, no. 48 (2017): 143–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1748143m.
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Nikolai Velimirovich was one of the most influential bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the twentieth century. His stay in Britain in 1908/9 influenced his theological views and made him a proponent of an Anglican-Orthodox church reunion. As a known proponent of close relations between different Christian churches, he was sent by the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic to the United States (1915) and Britain (1915-1919) to work on promoting Serbia and the cause of Yugoslav unity. His activities in both countries were very successful. In Britain he closely collaborated with the Serbian Relief Fund and ?British friends of Serbia? (R. W. Seton-Watson, Henry Wickham Steed and Sir Arthur Evans). Other Serbian intellectuals in London, particularly the brothers Bogdan and Pavle Popovic, were in occasional collision with the members of the Yugoslav Committee over the nature of the future Yugoslav state. In contrast, Velimirovich remained committed to the cause of Yugoslav unity throughout the war with only rare moments of doubt. Unlike most other Serbs and Yugoslavs in London Father Nikolai never grew unsympathetic to the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic, although he did not share all of his views. In London he befriended the churchmen of the Church of England who propagated ecclesiastical reunion and were active in the Anglican and Eastern Association. These contacts allowed him to preach at St. Margaret?s Church, Westminster and other prominent Anglican churches. He became such a well-known and respected preacher that, in July 1917, he had the honour of being the first Orthodox clergyman to preach at St. Paul?s Cathedral. He was given the same honour in December 1919. By the end of the war he had very close relations with the highest prelates of the Church of England, the Catholic cardinal of Westminster, and with prominent clergymen of the Church of Scotland and other Protestant churches in Britain. Based on Velimirovich?s correspondence preserved in Belgrade and London archives, and on very wide coverage of his activities in The Times, in local British newspapers, and particularly in the Anglican journal The Church Times, this paper describes and analyses his wide-ranging activities in Britain. The Church of England supported him wholeheartedly in most of his activities and made him a celebrity in Britain during the Great War. It was thanks to this Church that some dozen of his pamphlets and booklets were published in London during the Great War. What made his relations with the Church of England so close was his commitment to the question of reunion of Orthodox churches with the Anglican Church. He suggested the reunion for the first time in 1909 and remained committed to it throughout the Great War. Analysing the activities of Father Nikolai, the paper also offers a survey of the very wide-ranging forms of help that the Church of England provided both to the Serbian Orthodox Church and to Serbs in by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement. general during the Great War. Most of these activities were channelled through him. Thus, by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement.
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Andreeva, T. "Great Britain and Processes of the European Integration after Euro Crisis." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 40–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-40-47.
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The paper is devoted to the Great Britain's stance on the promoting of European integration towards creation of a federal state, after the euro crisis. It focuses on advantages and losses of the British policy in the EU. There are standpoints and views of four main political parties of Great Britain on the country's secession from the EU as well as the results of both local elections and elections for the European Parliament which reveal the rise of the right secessionist and anti-European moods in British society. The author also considers the European nations' present views and attitudes to the European idea. The following questions are answered in the article: Do the anti-European moods exert the crucial and lasting effect on British European policy? Is it better and more profitable for Britain to stay within the organization taking an active part in the integration process, or to withdraw from it?
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Cebotari, Svetlana, and Carolina Budurina-Goreacii. "THE IMPACT OF BREXIT ON BRITISH-EUROPEAN RELATIONS." Moldoscopie, no. 1(92) (June 2021): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.52388/1812-2566.2021.1(92).03.
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The exit of Great Britain from the European Union, “Brexit”, respectively “British exit”, has become one of the most important processes that trouble and concern the European world and not only. The impact of Brexit on British-European relations is considerable. Withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Community. were argued by a series of arguments that can be grouped according to three major considerations: economic, political and security. Analyzing Brexit, it can be seen that the separation of the United Kingdom from the European Union is a phenomenon that can only bring disadvantages to both parties, as well as European security. Regarding the security of the two entities, Brexit is considered as a risk, but also an opportunity for Great Britain, as well as for the states of the European Union. This article aims to highlight the main consequences of Brexit on British-European relations, including the British Overseas Territories.
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Terniievska, Yevheniia. "DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATIONAL CONCEPTOSPHERE IN GREAT BRITAIN." Scientific Journal of Polonia University 53, no. 4 (November 15, 2022): 143–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/5316.
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The article analyzes the peculiarities of the process of the national conceptosphere development in Great Britain. It was found that the national conceptosphere is a set of categorized, standardized, processed concepts in the consciousness of the ethnic group. The conceptosphere expands with the enrichment of historical experience, culture of the nation, its art, science and literature. As a result of the analysis of modern linguistic sources it is determined that the main concepts of the British linguistic picture of the world are correlated with the features of the national character of the British. English people usually talk about themselves as quiet, reserved people who are dominated by common sense and who are not inclined to make rash decisions. At the same time, the Scots, Welsh and Northern Irish present themselves as the complete opposite, namely as romantic, impulsive and energetic people. In Victorian era such concept as “Englishness”, or English national identity, arose. In that period new traditions, new educational system, and new standards of the English language were emerging. Thus, the political, economic, cultural events and shifts in the history of the British nation at the turn of the XIX and XX centuries led to the formation of the modern conceptosphere of the people. This period in the life of Great Britain gave new meanings to many culturally marked signs embodying the material and immaterial culture.
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Lucas, Spencer G., Andrew B. Heckert, Nicholas C. Fraser, and Philip Huber. "Aetosaurus from the Upper Triassic of Great Britain and its biochronological significance." Neues Jahrbuch für Geologie und Paläontologie - Monatshefte 1999, no. 9 (October 21, 1999): 568–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/njgpm/1999/1999/568.
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Boyd, Richard W. "Electoral Change in the United States and Great Britain." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 4 (October 1985): 517–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340000435x.
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Major inter-election vote shifts are characteristic of present-day American and British elections. In American elections since 1960 the presidency has changed parties on four of the six occasions. In British elections since 1959 the government has changed parties on four of the eight occasions. Students of both election systems ask whether these large and frequent shifts portend either major realignments or the weakening of the parties. The purpose of this Note is to analyse inter-election changes in the United States and Great Britain and to highlight and explain their differences.
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Артур Мансурович, Вафин. "THE IDEOLOGY OF PUBLIC SERVICE IN GREAT BRITAIN." STATE AND MUNICIPAL MANAGEMENT SCHOLAR NOTES 1, no. 2 (June 29, 2022): 175–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2079-1690-2022-1-2-175-182.
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The article analyzes the regulatory documents of Great Britain concerning the phenomenon of public service. We believe that in addition to the classical political ideologies represented by political parties, there are non-political ideologies, corporate ideologies. Civil servants are a separate corporation in many modern democratic and non-democratic states. If the informal values of officials are often hidden (they are not always negative in themselves, but the most striking and prominent example of such abnormality is corruption), then formal ones, on the contrary, are visible and prescribed in regulatory documents. The article analyzes the codes of conduct of British officials. Objectives: to identify examples of the ideology of public service on the example of Great Britain.
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THORPE, ANDREW. "THE MEMBERSHIP OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF GREAT BRITAIN, 1920–1945." Historical Journal 43, no. 3 (September 2000): 777–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99001181.
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The opening of archives in recent years makes it possible to reassess the membership of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) before 1945. The revised aggregate figures, while not startling, suggest that revisions to established views of the effects of the General Strike, the shift to the ‘new line’ and the popular front, are in order. The party's membership was very predominantly male, tended to be young, often included a high proportion of unemployed people, and was heavily working class, with miners especially significant. Geographically, its membership was dominated for most of the period by London, Scotland, Lancashire, and South Wales. There was also a very high turnover of membership for much of the period. The reasons for this turnover, and explanations for the circumstances in which the party was best able to recruit, are discussed. Over time the party's membership did become less unrepresentative of Britain as a whole, enabling it to become an organic, if minor, part of British political life. CPGB membership patterns have similarities with those of other Western Communist parties and its predecessor organizations in Britain, showing how the CPGB reflected features of both international Communism and the British left.
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Lyons, Gene M. "The Study of International Relations in Great Britain: Further Connections." World Politics 38, no. 4 (July 1986): 626–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010170.
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Aside from language, students of international relations in the United States and Great Britain have several things in common: parallel developments in the emergence of international relations as a field of study after World War I, and more recent efforts to broaden the field by drawing security issues and changes in the international political economy under the broad umbrella of “international studies.” But a review of four recent books edited by British scholars demonstrates that there is also a “distance” between British and American scholarship. Compared with dominant trends in the United States, the former, though hardly monolithic and producing a rich and varied literature, is still very much attached to historical analysis and the concept of an “international society” that derives from the period in modern history in which Britain played a more prominent role in international politics. Because trends in scholarship do, in fact, reflect national political experience, the need continues for transnational cooperation among scholars in the quest for strong theories in international relations.
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Mudra, Olena. "MODERN PRINCIPLES OF ORGANIZATION AND FUNCTIONING OF THE PROFESSIONAL FOREIGN LANGUAGE COMMUNICATION COURSES IN GREAT BRITAIN." Germanic Philology Journal of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, no. 831-832 (2021): 231–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/gph2021.831-832.231-240.
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The objective of this article is to analyze the content of the professional foreign language communication courses at the universities of Great Britain – Oxford, Cambridge and London School of Economics. The purpose of our project is to identify the features of the organization and functioning of the professional foreign language communication courses at universities of Great Britain and to substantiate the possibilities of using the British experience in Ukraine. According to the purpose of the project, the following main tasks of our research are defined: to study the state of the problem research; to investigate the directions of reforming courses in Great Britain; to describe the organization and functioning of the professional foreign language communication courses; to carry out a comparative and pedagogical analysis of language policy in Ukraine and Great Britain and to exemplify some recommendations for the possible implementation of the experience of Great Britain in the practice of higher education in our country. The object of the project is the professional foreign language communication courses in universities of Great Britain. The subject of the study is the content, forms, methods and technologies of the above mentioned courses. During our research it has been proved that an important incentive for the creation of courses is the introduction and practice of both compulsory and optional elective courses in British universities. The practical significance of the obtained results of the project lies in the possibility of using the experience of organizing and functioning of professional foreign language communication courses in universities of Great Britain in higher educational institutions of Ukraine.
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International Labour Law Reports On, Editors. "Great Britain." International Labour Law Reports Online 39, no. 1 (November 19, 2021): 329–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116028-03901031.
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Smith, Alison. "Great Britain." Woman's Art Journal 24, no. 1 (2003): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1358827.
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