Journal articles on the topic 'Great inquisitor'

Em Pernambuco, ao final do século XVI, muitas mulheres se dirigiram ao inquisidor para denunciar amigos, familiares, conhecidos ou desconhecidos. Apesar das inúmeras possibilidades para explicar essas ações, o ato de procurar o Santo Ofício no intuito de prestar seu depoimento denota a essas fontes grande relevância, pois as vozes femininas emergem nos registros inquisitoriais. Entretanto, as denúncias e seus protagonistas, ou seja, as denunciadoras, suas motivações e o conteúdo das acusações ainda carecem de estudos pormenorizados na historiografia brasileira. Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa consiste na análise das denunciantes, ou seja, seu perfil sócio-ocupacional, bem como das relações de conflito que as envolviam e também aquelas suscitadas ou reforçadas pela presença do inquisidor. Constata-se que o esforço pela sobrevivência e as dificuldades do dia-a-dia emergem nas denúncias das mulheres, revelando que a inquisição contribuiu para aflorar lembranças, despertar temores e favorecer o rompimento de relações afetivas ou familiares. Relationships and Conflicts in the Feminine Universe: the Denouncers in the Tribunal of the Holy Office in Portuguese America (16th Century) In Pernambuco, at the end of the sixteenth century, many women went to the inquisitor to denounce friends, relatives, acquaintances or strangers. Despite the innumerable possibilities to explain these actions, the act of seeking the Holy Office in order to give their testimony denotes to these sources a great relevance, since the female voices emerge in the inquisitorial registers. However, the denunciations and their protagonists, that is, the denouncers, their motivations and the content of the accusations still lack detailed studies in the Brazilian historiography. In this sense, this research consists of the analysis of the denouncers, that is, their socio-occupational profile, as well as the conflict relations that involved them, as well as those raised or reinforced by the presence of the inquisitor. It is noted that the struggle for survival and the difficulties of daily life emerge in women's denunciations, revealing that the inquisition contributed to the emergence of memories, to the arousing of fears and to favor the rupture of affective or family relations.

Between 1 June and 1 August 1508, the newly refounded tribunal, known to history as the Spanish Inquisition, was subjected tojudicial investigation by a ‘General Congregation’ at Burgos, in Old Castile. The process resulted from the activities of Diego Rodriguez Lucero. As inquisitor of Córdoba, he was accused of making false charges of ‘judaising’ against conversos, or converts from Judaism and/or their descendants, and ‘Old Christians’ alike. During the Congregation's examination of his work, many of the tensions and difficulties which had arisen in Spanish society as a result of the Inquisition's work were exposed. To date, the only detailed consideration in English of Lucero's rise and fall - published in 1897-has been that of the great liberal Protestant historian of the Inquisition, H. C. Lea. As ever, his work was solidly based on the best early printed sources, but also on documents from the Castilian national archives at Simancas and the cathedral archives in Cordoba itself, as well as other places. In recent years, however, many more documents have come to light, which make possible a more profound and thorough investigation of the Lucero affair. Progress towards increased knowledge has not, however, been uninterrupted. Many of the manuscript sources in the Cordoba Cathedral archives to which Lea refers are no longer traceable, having, in some cases, been torn from their bindings; others have simply vanished. Such, it appears, is the degree of passion which the name of Lucero still inspires.

/ In this paper, we observe the chapter “The Great Inquisitor” in the novel The Brothers Karamazov as a literary field in which the dominant discourse of Power, the Church elite, represented by the Grand Inquisitor, is confronted by the subversive aspirations of marginalized social groups, embodied in the figure of Christ. Initially considering that the “poem” is an eminent text of culture, in which a vast number of textual clues have been absorbed, primarily the Holy Bible, we discover how the character of the Grand Inquisitor was constructed from the generic-hermeneutic angle. This implies a contextual theological, (inter)textual and semantic framework. In the central part of the paper, the focus of our analysis is the mechanisms by which institutions of power control subversive elements and aspects of their rebellion from the perspective of New Historicism. At the end of the paper, we point to the histori- cal and civilizational implications of an antagonistically conceived narrative on the problems of human freedom, action, and the implementation of power in history and, consequently, the organization of the (contemporary) world.

Perhaps our most learned and knowledgeable informant concerning both the heretics and their persecutors is the great inquisitor, hagiographer and Dominican historian Bernard Gui (1261–1331), who has been immortalized as the personification of evil by Umberto Eco inThe Name of the Rose. In his manual for inquisitors, Gui issued the following caveat concerning the conduct of inquiries into heresy:It is worthwhile noting that if too many questions and answers are raised, the truth is distorted and destroyed as a result of the diversity of persons and events. Rather, it is suitable not to write down all the questions and answers, but only those which touch directly on the substance and character of the event and which more closely appear to express the truth. If in one deposition too many questions and answers are found, another deposition will appear thereby diminished since too little is recorded. When so many questions and answers are written down in a trial, agreement can scarcely be found in the depositions of the witnesses, which should be both considered and avoided.

PurposeThe study investigates the use of accounting information in the form of a confession as a tool for telling the truth about oneself and reinforcing power relations in the context of the Roman Inquisition.Design/methodology/approachThe study adopts Foucault's understanding of pastoral power, confession and truth-telling to analyse the accounting practices of the Tribunal of the Inquisition in the 16th century Dukedom of Ferrara.FindingsDetailed accounting books were not simply a means for pursuing an efficient use of resources, but a tool to force the Inquisitor to open his conscience and provide an account of his actions to his superiors. Accounting practices were an identifying and subjectifying practice which helped the Inquisitor to shape his Christian identity and internalise self-discipline. This in turn reinforced the centralisation of the power of the Church at a time of great crisis.Research limitations/implicationsThe use of accounting for forcing individuals to tell the truth about themselves can inform investigations into the use of accounting records as confessional tools in different contexts, especially when a religious institution seeks to reinforce its power.Social implicationsThe study documents the important but less discernible contributions of accounting to the formation of Western subjectivity at a time which Foucault considers critical in the development of modern governmental practices.Originality/valueThe study considers a critical but unexplored episode in Western religious history. It offers an investigation of the macro impact of religion on accounting practices. It also adds to the literature recognising the confessional properties of written information by explicitly focusing on the use of financial information as a form of confession that has profound power implications.

On November 22, 1923, Emmy Hennings received an ecstatic letter from Hugo Ball, her husband and fellow founder of Zurich Dada, describing his “constant immersion in jurisprudence”: For months, I have studied the writings of Professor Schmitt, of Bonn. He is more important for Germany than the entirety of the Rhineland, with its carbon mines included. Rarely have I read a philosophy with as much passion as his, and a philosophy of law at that! A great triumph for the German language and for legality. He seems to me even more precise than Kant, and rigorous like a Great Spanish Inquisitor when it comes to ideas.

Is scientific knowledge the domain of the intellectual elite or is it everyman’s concern, thus making the popularization of science a democratic activity integrally required of science itself? This is a question whose history extends back even longer than the enlightenment period. As technology starts to permeate every inch of daily life, the issues involved for our future development become more pressing and a matter of socio-political development. Dostoyevsky brought this to the point in a fictional dispute between a Great Inquisitor and Christ. This was also the subject of fierce scientific debates, the most prominent of which was probably the debate between Ernst Mach and Max Planck at the turn of the century, before the first world war, when the new Physics (quantum theory and relativity) was discovered and its relevance for our view of the world and our place in it was hotly discussed. For Mach, the job of popularization should rest with science - an informed public cannot be manipulated as easily by ‘pop science’. This article focuses on the mostly neglected political epistemological level of the debate, its sporadic later flare-ups in different places with different protagonists (Wagenschein, Wittenberg), and its relevance for the popularization of science today.

Mexico's Tribunal of the Holy Office of the Inquisition founded by Philip II in January 1569 had developed its bureacratic structure by the first decade of the seventeenth century. Spectacular autos de fé between 1574 and 1601 allowed the Tribunal to establish its reputation in the colony and to augment its financial base beyond the yearly 10,000 peso subvention provided by the Spanish monarchy. Trials of crypto-Jews in the 1590s netted considerable income and caused the king to cease his payment of inquisitional salaries for a time. During the first decade of the seventeenth century the Tribunal petitioned the crown to assign the income from a series of cathedral canonries for support of the Inquisition bureaucracy. Between 1629 and 1636 “reserved” canonries were established for Holy Office income and by 1650 nine of these were generating the Inquisition's salary budget. It was always understood that royal subsidies were to decrease as canonry income paid salaries. All other expenses had to come from judicial fines.

The paper presents a series of arguments which indicate that significant historiographic works describing and analyzing bygone political phenomena as well the literary works which picturesquely depict political situations and human destinies - with their specific approaches and methods - contribute to the better insight and understanding of the phenomena in the political life which philosophy and social sciences express by notions. Social and political life have their bright and dark sides. It is less arguable that political sciences - in the study of phenomena included in their topic -find great help in history, if it is - as Leopold von Ranke advised - oriented only to "show what really happened". Historical studies, specially the ones of the socalled great historians, present to us the images of the situation in a certain period or event with all significant details and contribute to the understanding of that phenomenon, helping to clarify its essence. Thus for example, Appian's Roman Civil Wars or Tacitus' descriptions in The Annals of the suffering of the innocent victims in the power struggle during civil wars and during the ferocious persecution of Christians -innocent, but accused of all possible crimes. What astonishes the reader is the grea similarity between the phenomena, processes, actions happening two millennia ago and in the 20th century. Philosopher and political thinkers (like Aristotle), but also some historians (like Thucydides) offer explanations why some patterns repeat and why they would "keep repeating". In Khalil Inalcik's work, we find detailed descriptions of brutal mutual killings among the sons of the majority of the Turkish sultans in the power struggle after their fathers' death. Generalizing on the basis of the material provided by history, we reach an entire string of general notions in political and social sciences. Great thinkers and writers, from the oldest Eastern and the greatest antique philosophers till the ones from the 20th century, used found inspiration and drew ideas and incentives or material from the sources with which they supplemented their theoretical categories, notions and explanations, including the images of political life. These sources are represented in the great literary works. Contradictory opinions about the character and significance of ail and literature are found in Plato's and Aristotle's writings. Aristotle, who analyzed this problem, presented arguments why literary insights - precisely because of the character of insights they offer - deserve to stand in the same pedestal with philosophy. He used the expression he himself introduced to mark one aspect of the effect of art and literature - and that is catharsis. Psychology facilitates our insights into the motives and consequences of the participants' behavior social psychology being particularly important, but also ethics. The means used to convey a certain truth is less important, its essence is more important. Several Greek philosophers (Parmenides, Empedocles, Xenophon) even the Roman ones (for example, Lucretius Cains) wrote their philosophical treatises in verse. Kant's famous words Sapere aude! with which he asks people to have courage to use their own mind and thus become enlightened originate from the Roman poet Horace, and Michel de Montaigne also used them. Plato and Aristotle referred not only to the available sources about preceding philosophical ideas and political systems, including the first Greek historians, but also to the tragedians, primarily Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides, to the comedy writers (like Aristophanes), to the lyricists (Solon, Simonides, Archilochus). When Aristotle expounds one of the key categories of his political theory about man as a political animal (zoon politikon), he refers to Homer to confirm what he himself believes. Anica Savic-Rebac quotes Strabo's formulations about poetry as "the first philosophy", as well as about Homer's work as "poetic philosophy" and as a source of every kind of wisdom, even every kind of knowledge. With his ideas and images he presented in his literary works, Dostoyevsky influenced several philosophers (Nietzsche, Camus and others) and scientists (Freud, Adler and others). "The philosophy of existence" and its ethical orientation were presented not only in the philosophical, but also in the literary works (Kierkegaard, Sartre, Camus). The so called philosophy of the absurd and "the literature of the absurd" mutually merge and supplement. Not even the best 20th century theoretical treatise about the nature of power - like those by Charles Merriam, Bertrand Russell, Bertrand de Jouvenel or Harold Lass well can depict what man gets to know through the tragedies of Marlowe Shakespeare, Goethe, in which main participants are driven and urged by the yearning to achieve absolute power. "The Great Inquisitor", "The Iron Heel" "Dark at Noon", but also the personalities like Raskolnikov or Verhovensky from the novel The Possessed help us to understand many things. "Gulag" became a political notion because of the title of the novel Gulag. Literature-antiutopia pointed to the dangers of the closed mind and of the technological society before scientific studies had done that.

The Spanish Inquisition was established as an official body blessed by the Roman Catholic Church, because the Catholic rulers Isabella and Ferdinand were determined to rid Spain of any heretics or non-Catholics. The greatest impact of the inquisition was the banishment of Islam from Spain. Spain has been a vibrant civilization for six centuries, serving as the shield of other religions. There was no divine guidance left untouched, or even a small group of believers left. It has resulted in Islam being delayed in Christian Europe for several decades. Even though Muslims have come to Europe in the last two centuries, Islam has been practiced as a personal religion of worship and prayer, but never as a government that has protected and enriched the lives of all religions, as we have seen during the Muslim rule of Andalusia. The aim of this paper is specifically to discuss the policies of the Spanish Inquisition on the Muslims in Andalusia. Muslim policies are discussed in great depth compared to other groups, because they were the majority and most resistant to policies. The analysis of the impact of the Inquisition is important to understand how Islam was eradicated from the Spanish society and later re-emerged as a significant presence in Spain.

The central institutions of the Florentine criminal law system in the early fifteenth century were still the medieval courts of the three foreign rectors, the Podestà, the Captain of the People, and the Executor of the Ordinances of Justice, just as they had been throughout the fourteenth century. Similarly, criminal trials were conducted using inquisition procedure just as they had been from the late thirteenth century. Important changes, however, had taken place and were continuing to take place in the offices of the rectors and in inquisition procedure that greatly enhanced the effectiveness of this system. The fortuitous confluence of a strong state with improvements in inquisition procedure and the court system led to a strongly self-reliant court system that could, for the first time in the early fifteenth century, fully implement inquisition procedure by arresting criminals in flagranti, initiating cases through public initiation, gathering evidence independently, compelling witnesses, and successfully convicting. Because the political and social atmosphere influenced the effectiveness and the philosophies of prosecution of the criminal law system, a study of this system must include some consideration of political and social influences. Conversely, a study of the judicial system supplies a great deal of evidence about the government and society. When this interrelated sphere is regarded as a whole, the early fifteenth century is seen to be dominated by three closely related developments: the full implementation of inquisition procedure; the continued development of the territorial state, which made this possible; and the struggle between republican institutions and the nascent oligarchy.

[He] is in the line of the great souls of the Middle Ages who spanned the whole compass of current knowledge. Bishop and doctor, William of Auvergne is one of the noble figures of the thirteenth century (F. Vernet).William was chaplain to Queen Blanche, King Louis’ mother, and in an age of great bigotry he excelled in excessive bigotry (Ch. Merchavia).In 1240 William of Auvergne, Bishop of Paris, was present at a form of hearing, trial, disputation, or inquisition between Christians and Jews to determine whether or not the Parisian Jews should have their copies of the Talmud destroyed. The Talmud was condemned. Some two years later the large quantity—probably twenty-four cartloads—of Jewish books which had been confiscated in 1240, and locked since then in the Dominican convent, was publicly burned. The consigning of the books to the flames is reminiscent of the burning of heretics and is one of the circumstances of the whole event which has led some commentators to see the trial as a form of Inquisition.

Following a linguistic-descriptivist approach, Marianne Doury has studied debates about “parasciences” (e.g. astrology), discovering that “parascientists” frequently argue by “appeal to Galileo” (i.e., defend their views by comparing themselves to Galileo and their opponents to the Inquisition); opponents object by criticizing the analogy, charging fallacy, and appealing to counter-examples. I argue that Galilean appeals are much more widely used, by creationists, global-warming skeptics, advocates of “settled science”, great scientists, and great philosophers. Moreover, several subtypes should be distinguished; critiques questioning the analogy are proper; fallacy charges are problematic; and appeals to counter-examples are really indirect critiques of the analogy.

Resum: En 1804, el Tribunal de la Inquisició vivia els seus darrers moments. Lluny de les grans persecucions inicials contra jueus i moriscos, el Sant Ofici semblava llanguir, però sense dubte, tot i que amb menys força que en temps passats, encara era un instrument formidable de repressió. En aquest context, Àgueda Guimerà, mare soltera, i per això criticada i maltractada, va haver de fer front a una denúncia per calúmnies per part del seu confessor en què en tot moment plana la sospita del delicte de sol·licitació en acte de confessióParaules clau: Inquisició, conducta moral, dona soltera, segle XIX, sol·licitacióAbstract: In 1804, the Court of the Inquisition was living its last moments. Far from the great initial persecutions against Jews and Moors, the Holy Office seemed to languish, but certainly, although with less force than in past times, still was a formidable instrument of repression. In this context, Àgueda Guimerà, a single mother, and therefore criticized and mistreated, had to face a denunciation for slander by her confessor in which the suspicion of the crime of solicitation in the act of confession was floating in the air.Keywords: Inquisition, moral conduct, single woman, nineteenth century, solicitation

The past ten years have seen great strides in our understanding of the many forces at work in Counter-Reformation Spain. Historians and hispanists have demonstrated clearly that the Spanish religious landscape was complex and have elucidated several problems of interpretation. How readily did Spanish monarchs, religious leaders, and laity follow the decrees of the Council of Trent? How influential was the Spanish Inquisition in enforcing religious beliefs and behaviors? In what ways did religious reform involve assumptions about gender and differing religious roles for men and women? Finally, and more to my point, how did men and women respond to such assumptions and roles?

This article aim to identify the alimentary habits of the older consumer, presenting the main foods consumed in the daily meals and when, where, with who and whom it consumes such foods, besides comparing the behavior with the global standards. The empirical study it was lead together to a sample of 96 elderly ones inside of two hypermarket store in Campo Grande, Brazilian southwest, in September of 2004. For the collection of data questionnaire structuralized with questions of closed answers was used, by means of direct inquisition. Great part of the interviewed ones presents a concern with its physical well-being and healthful feeding. The nutritional quality and the price of the products are the aspects most relevant in the purchase decision. Rice, beans, meat and vegetables compose the preferred diet. 55.2% of the interviewed ones it consumes products diet and light and 95.8% almost makes the meals in house during the week. Other important data are presented. The interviewed ones are not adhering to the new present trend in developed countries and great Brazilian urban centers, in which the traditional food consumption comes being substituted for industrialized foods and of easy preparation.

Many Italian physicians embraced Protestant ideas during the sixteenth Century: this suggests a connection between medical science and religious nonconformity. But why were physicians so exposed to the influence of Protestantism? Can we suppose that their heretical views affected the way in which they conceived medicine? And can we posit a particular link between certain kinds of medical thinking and specific religious doctrines? In order to analyse this relationship, I will focus on a specific character: Girolamo Donzellini. As a physician of great renown, put on trial five times by the Venetian Inquisition and eventually sentenced to death, Donzellini is a good case study. Moreover, his exposure to the works of Paracelsus allows one to put forward some considerations on Italian Paracelsianism, showing that medical attitudes often described as incompatible by historians could actually coexist in the same person, as a result of the complexity of the cultural and religious context.

Введение. Предпринята попытка исследования рецепции антропологического идеала в романе Ф. М. Достоевского «Братья Карамазовы» русскими религиозными философами порубежной эпохи XIX–XX вв. Аутентичное понимание и интерпретация ключевых идей писателя о человеческом идеале, его ценностях и смысле жизни возможны только в контексте православной антропологии. Важность этого материала не ограничивается осмыслением проблемы антропологического идеала и его влияния на дальнейшее развитие русской религиозно-философской мысли, позволяет исследовать особенности художественного мира романа, в том числе специфику репрезентации в идейном поле произведения авторского начала, мировоззрения писателя. Материал и методы. Материалом исследования послужили работы В. С. Соловьева «Три речи в память Достоевского», В. В. Розанова «Легенда о Великом инквизиторе», Н. А. Бердяева «Миросозерцание Достоевского», Н. О. Лосского «Достоевский и его христианское миропонимание», канонический текст романа Ф. М. Достоевского «Братья Карамазовы». Используются культурно-исторический, сравнительно-сопоставительный, структурно-типологический методы. Результаты и обсуждение. Наука о Достоевском начинается именно с трудов русских религиозных философов и мыслителей конца XIX – начала XX в., которые идеи о сущности человека, его предназначении, идеале делают содержательным ядром своих размышлений. Итоговый роман Великого Пятикнижия «Братья Карамазовы» как квинтэссенция жизненного и творческого пути Достоевского, неразрывно связанный с духовными и аксиологическими императивами православной антропологии, наиболее часто привлекается религиозными философами для рефлексии ключевых доминант собственных философских концепций, анализа и аргументации идей. Этот материал позволяет исследовать особенности художественного мира романа, специфику репрезентации в идейном поле произведения мировоззрения писателя и авторского начала, антропологического идеала, неразрывно связанного для Достоевского с такими духовными и ценностными доминантами, как Христос, Православие, святость, народность, добро и зло, и выявить его влияние на дальнейшее развитие русской религиозно-философской мысли. Заключение. Антропологический идеал Достоевского, по мысли религиозных философов, опирается на православное учение о человеке, раскрывающее как антиномичность человеческой природы (pro et contra в терминологии писателя), так и бытийную ее устремленность к Богу, Истине, потребность в добре, вне которых личность осознает свое не-бытие. Доминантами антропологического идеала писателя, которые находят отражение в трудах религиозных философов, становятся святость, красота как этическая доминанта личности, укорененность в ценностях и смыслах христоцентричной в своих основаниях русской культуры. Introduction. This article attempts to study the reception of the anthropological ideal in the novel by F. M. Dostoevsky “The Brothers Karamazov” by Russian religious philosophers of the late 19th–20th centuries. Authentic understanding and interpretation of the writer’s key ideas about the human ideal, its values and the meaning of life is possible only in the context of Orthodox anthropology. The importance of this material is not limited to comprehending the problem of the anthropological ideal and its influence on the further development of Russian religious and philosophical thought; moreover, it allows one to explore the peculiarities of the artistic world of the novel, including the specifics of the representation of the author’s principle in the ideological field of the work, the peculiarities of the writer’s worldview. Material and methods. The research material was the work of V. S. Solovyov “Three Speeches in memory of Dostoevsky”, V. V. Rozanov “The Legend of the Grand Inquisitor”, N. А. Berdyaeva “Dostoevsky’s worldview”, N. O. Lossky “Dostoevsky and his Christian worldview”, the canonical text of the novel by F. M. Dostoevsky “The Brothers Karamazov”. The work uses cultural and historical, comparative, structural and typological methods. Results and discussion. The science of Dostoevsky begins precisely with the works of Russian religious philosophers and thinkers of the late XIX – early XX centuries, which ideas about the essence of man, his purpose, ideally make him a meaningful core of his thoughts. The final novel of the Great Pentateuch “The Brothers Karamazov” as a quintessence of Dostoevsky’s life and creative path, inextricably connected with the spiritual and axiological imperatives of Orthodox anthropology, is most often attracted by religious philosophers to reflect key dominants of their own philosophical concepts, analyze and argue ideas. This material allows us to explore the features of the artistic world of the novel, the specifics of representation in the ideological field of the work of the writer’s worldview and author’s beginning, the features of the anthropological ideal, inextricably linked for Dostoevsky with such spiritual and value dominants as Christ, Orthodoxy, holiness, nationality, good and evil, and to identify its influence on the further development of Russian religious and philosophical thought. Conclusion. Dostoevsky’s anthropological ideal, according to religious philosophers, is based on the Orthodox doctrine of man, revealing both the antinomy of human nature («pro et contra» in the writer’s terminology) and its previous striving for God, Truth, the need for good, outside of which the person is aware of his non-existence. The dominants of the anthropological ideal of the writer, which are reflected in the works of religious philosophers, are holiness, beauty as the ethical dominant of the person, and reproach in the values and meanings of Christ-centered Russian culture in their foundations.

Before the extensive use of anaesthesia, great surgeons were measured by how little pain could be caused to patients in the shortest possible time. Simple operations, such as the extraction of rotting teeth, were terrible nightmares to patients. Some people compared surgery to the Spanish inquisition and there are many accounts in the literature of yells, screams, panicking, and resistance in the operating room. Because of this, before anaesthesia, surgery was mainly restricted to amputations and external growth removals and little advancements could be made over hundreds of years. Five men make the claim to have conquered the horror of surgery in the operating room by discovering ether as an anaesthetic agent: William T.G. Morton, Charles T. Jackson, Crawford W. Long, Horace Wells, and William Clarke. However, only William T.G. Morton is credited with discovering ether as an anaesthetic agent. Mr. Morton publicly used ether during the excision of a tumour from a patient’s neck on October 16, 1846 at the Massachusetts General Hospital in Boston. But William T.G. Morton was not the saint that he portrayed himself to be. There is no doubt that he made the first public discovery of anaesthesia but there is doubt as to whether it was because of his great knowledge and research in the field, or because he took advantage of an opportunity to display this borrowed method to the public. Keys TE. The History of Surgical Anaesthesia. New York: Dover Publications, 1963. Smith HM, Bacon DR. The History of Anesthesia. Clinical Anaesthesia. (PG Barash, B. Cullen, RK Stoeling, eds.) Philadelphia: Lippincott, Williams and Wilkins, 2006. Wolffe RJ. Tarnished Idol. California: Norman Publishing Company, 2001.

This paper describes the sand procedure of the Hetman’s Court in the Crown Army at the time of the Great Turkish War (1683-1699). The Court has not been the subject of a separate study since the 1920s, whereas older studies relied on a very meagre source base. Meanwhile, there were availble Hetman’s registers (copies of documents issued by Hetman’s chancellery) from the period when the offi ce was held by Stanisław Jan Jabłonowski, the Ruthenian Palatine and later Kraków Castellan. The registers, albeit incomplete (registers for 1683-1685, 1687-1689 and 1696 are missing), contain, inter alia, decrees issued by the Court Martial (i.e., the Hetman’s Court), which served as the basis for this discussion. The Great Crown Hetman, similarly to the connétable de France (until 1627), combined in his hand the authority of the Commander-in-Chief of the regular army and the administrative authority over it. One of the major aspects of the latter was administration of justice over soldiers. Originally, the hetman had exclusive jurisdiction in this respect but the demands of nobility who suffered from robberies by soldiers resulted in subjecting soldiers to the jurisdiction of ‘civil’ (i.e. non military) courts. In the late 17th century, one can speak of the practically overlapping jurisdiction of the Hetman’s Court, Crown Tribunal and fi scal organs with relation to so-called causae iniuriatorum (causes of the aggrieved: nobility vs. the army). The Great Crown Hetman did not have as extensive a judicial apparatus as some western European armies at that time. Most causes were adjudicated by Jabłonowski himself (possibly with the assistance of junior judges). The Court Martial had also its own instigator and ushers. The competences of military judges are not very clear. To perform certain evidentiary acts (such as inquisition – an equivalent of scrutinum conducted in district courts (sądy ziemskie) – a kind of on-site inspection combined with the hearing of witness testimony) the Hetman would delegate trusted offi cers or national enlistment comrades and, not infrequently, local ‘civil’ offi cers. The role of military police was doubtless performed by the Hetman’s company of Hungarian infantry. The procedure of the Hetman’s court was similar to that of a trial before a district court. A military trial was in principle instituted by a complaint, it was adversarial and controlled by the parties. Proceedings were instituted by bringing a complaint to the military instigator who, in turn, petitioned the Hetman to issue a writ of summons. The penalty for a failure to appear on the fi rst date was contumacy (a fi ne – so-called niestanne). A writ of summons for the second date was announced publicly. The second term was a strict one – a failure to appear meant losing the case, having one’s pay distrained (this, by the way, was the most effective remedy) and – theoretically – being dishonourably discharged from the army (wytrąbienie). The most common evidence included inquisition, interrogation (involving torture in the case of people of non-noble descent) and an oath. The most important penalties imposed by the Court Martial included the penalty of the throat (death penalty – imposed very rarely, it practically was not executed in the case of noblemen), imprisonment in a tower and fi nally damages, which had the greatest practical value.

The confluence between speculative thought and universities on the one hand and broad-based heretical movements on the other hand was a predominant theme in Bunny Leff’s great and monumental Heresy in the Later Middle Ages, notably in the case of Wyclif, Hus, and the popular propagation of their ideas. The first arm of this theme, university learning, seems to have no place in the history of Catharism. Where are there equivalent Cathar masters? In a university setting we do have Catholic theologians’ discussion of dualism, but is this more than a footnote in the history of Catharism? Take for example the University of Paris, its theology faculty, and the bachelor’s exercise of lecturing on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, where the question of there being one or several principles of things arose in the first distinction of the second book, and take three 1250s commentators. Tackling this question during his bachelor years (1252-6), St Thomas states five arguments in favour of plurality of principles, citing one logical and three natural works of Aristotle. He postpones naming the proponents of plurality until his response. Here he combines Aristotle’s survey of them in the first book of the Metaphysics and the Church’s experience of dualist heresy in a list: early natural philosophers, Empedocles and Pythagoras, and the heresy of the Manichees. Such a sentence commentary, showing us a formal proposition, one among several philosophical dualisms which were being ventilated in the theological schools of Paris, seems remote from the inquisitor’s register through which we see Cathar perfects and their followers living out theological dualism in fortified villages down south in Languedoc.

When the true scale of what would later be called ‘crimes against humanity', ‘genocide’ and, specifically, ‘the Holocaust’ became clear in the aftermath of the Second World War, a number of questions were raised. First, is this a new type of crime, in which evil manifests itself in a radically different way than it had earlier? Some disputed this. Evil exists at all times and it has always confronted people with an abyss of atrocities. With Rawls, one might then say that every ‘great evil’ is sufficient in itself and that making comparisons is not necessary, even if the Holocaust cannot be detached from earlier ravages of evil such as the Inquisition and antisemitism. Others thought this question ought to be answered positively. Adorno and Levinas formulated their philosophies in part as a response to the unique character of the Holocaust. Even now, more than a half a century later, the events associated with the Holocaust form a rich source for public debate, scientific inquiry and literary expression. Secondly, the question has been raised as to how one is to cope with this modern form of political evil and with a new type of criminal offender. Some argued in favour of the familiar recourse to politics and international law. Specifically, political crimes ought either to be dealt with politically or to be considered in the light of the principle of international law: par in parem non habet jurisdictionem. So, ordinary criminal law is not applicable where the mutual conduct of states is concerned. Others, however, including the Allied governments in the period immediately following the termination of hostilities, argued that these crimes were such that punishment would be inevitable. This might give rise to legal problems, but these crimes ought to be dealt with to the extent possible by means of ordinary criminal procedure.

La delación fue la manera habitual que utilizó la Inquisición para condenar a los culpables de práctica de los delitos de herejía. A partir de aquí, los interrogatorios, la cárcel, el tormento y las penas funcionaban para el desarrollo del acto final, que era el Auto de Fe. Reseñar la importancia del Auto de Fe como la ceremonia pública de ejecución de personas condenadas por la Inquisición acusados de herejía y otros delitos. El Auto de Fe era la más impresionante de las ceremonias del Santo Oficio celebrada con gran pompa y solemnidad. Se fundamentaba en una procesión de los condenados, conducidos a una plaza pública, generalmente la plaza mayor, la pronunciación de un sermón y seguido de la ejecución de la sentencia en la que podía haber condenados en la hoguera, función que realizaba el brazo secular. Estas ejecuciones se realizaron tanto en los territorios de España y Portugal como en sus colonias.The delation was the habitual way that used the Inquisition to condemn the culprits of practice of the crimes of heresy. From here, the interrogations, the jail, the torment and sorrow were working for the development of the final act, which was the Auto-da-fé. To outline the importance of the Auto-da-fé as the public ceremony of persons’ execution condemned for the Inquisition accused of heresy and other crimes. It was the most impressive of the ceremonies of the Holy Trade celebrated with great pomp and solemnity. The major square was based on a procession of the reprobates, led to a public square generally and on the pronunciation of a sermon, followed of the execution of the judgment, in which it could have condemned in the bonfire, function that realized the secular arm. These executions were realized both in the territories of Spain and Portugal and in his colonies.

Wiseman, Eva. The Last Song. Toronto, ON: Tundra Books, 2012. Print. Set in Inquisition-era Spain, Wiseman tells us the story of Isabel, a young woman about to be married to a villainous young man from a wealthy and well-established Catholic family. Isabel has lived a life of privilege in the historically tolerant Spain until, in the late 15th Century, the monarchy embraces Catholicism and seeks to eradicate all other religions by any means necessary. As the Inquisition, led by the truly evil Torquemada, storms into Toledo, Isabel thinks she is impervious to the violence she passively witnesses on the streets, believing her family to be devoutly Catholic. In an unsurprising twist, we discover that Isabel’s family has converted to Catholicism from Judaism, yet surreptitiously practices their faith. Isabel does not have the crisis of conscience that one might expect, and begins to adopt Judaism immediately. Disguised as a boy, she sneaks into to the Juderia to attend Torah classes and learn about the religion she previously scorned. Although the theme of self-discovery would generally welcome such dedication, it is not written in such a way that it is compelling or believable. As her malicious fiancée, Luis seeks to destroy her family and family friends begin to abandon them, Isabel and her parents search for a means of survival in a town torn apart by hate, greed, and ignorance. The characters, even the protagonist, are static with minimal development. The majority of the Catholics are depicted as cold and heartless, while the Jews are kind and generous. Although one might assume that people in Spain were, at the time, terrified of being falsely accused of punishable crimes and therefore were predominately on the offensive, this was not explained in the book and someone unfamiliar with the time period may not arrive at those conclusions. Isabel has the potential to be a truly great protagonist, yet she falls flat. I appreciate Wiseman’s ability to build tension, however a series of contrived coincidences underpins the plot. The story tackles a brutal historical period, but does so only superficially. It gently introduces the reader to the Inquisition and to dealing with blind hate, but does not delve into the depths of the animosity that tore apart 800 years of peace. The root of the issue is barely addressed, and not in any meaningful way. An opportunity to raise awareness about this incredibly significant and tragic time was lost. After reading Wiseman’s previous novel, Puppet, I expected more from this book. It held so much promise, but failed to deliver. I would recommend this novel for early teens interested as a safe introduction into the Inquisition and the history of Judaism in Europe. Recommended with reservations: 2 out of 4 starsReviewer: Jorden SmithJorden Smith joins the team as a book reviewer. Jorden is a Public Services Librarian in Rutherford Humanities and Social Sciences Library at the University of Alberta. She is an avid fiction reader and subscribes to Hemingway’s belief that “there is no friend as loyal as a book.”

My very Reverend good sir althought the week past I have geven yow notice of my retorne from Colon and have withall answered souch of yours as expected me here in my absence soe that noe great occation doth rest which should move me this week to write yet to shew my self willinge to make some satisfaction for my former silence in tyme of my absence I have ben induced to breake my ordinary coustome of 15 dayes and this weeke alsoe to send yow thes few lines and the rather to certefie yow of the arrivall of don pedro de suniga from out of England unto this towne some six dayes past beinge now alsoe yesterday departed from hense towardes spayne. our kinge is sayed to have very honorably intreated him in his one [?] particuler and at his departure to have geven him in plate to the valew of 1500li stirlinge and at his request to have granted liberty unto 7 priestes wherof 3 are of our bretheren secular the 4th is f: Harington the franciscan frier and the other 3 are of the society and two of them thos which were taken in mrs Vaux her house, yt is alsoe sayed that he hath the grant and promise for the delivery of f: Baldwin upon condition diat one now in the inquisition at Rome who was sometyme tutor to my lord Rosse may be alsoe set at liberty, his chaplaine tould me that exception was taken agaynst the benidictans soe that he could not procuer liberty for any one of them nether for souch of our seculer as he demanded, but only for three best pleasinge to them selves, there names as yet I know not but m:r Musket is none of them thought [sic] he was demanded, 6 are arived to S:te Omers as mr: cape writeth unto me but I here nothinge what is become of f: Harington; the busines of the Embassador wrth the kinge is sayed to remayne very secret only to his maiesty two of his counsel and one interpreter as alsoe in spayne yt is only to the kinge, the duck of Lyrmo, one secretarie and the Embassador which was sent, from whose chaplaine I had this narration who althought he confesseth great extremity to be in England now used towards catholicks yet doth he withall indevor to insinuate great hopes of some speady redress, and for confirmation hereof they now geve forth that the mach of our prince with florence is broken of and that our kinge doth rather inclyne for the daughter of savoy and doe insinuate great hopes for Cadioliks hereby.

Plagiarism is wonderfully productive. It has spawned reams of policy documents, countless ‘model essay’ Web sites selling prefab or custom-written ‘examples’ of coursework, not to mention the database software used by universities to catch their clients and anyone else whose work presents a recurrence of a previously-seen paragraph, page or whole essay. That is not all. Plagiarism hearings at schools up and down the international educational hierarchy are a veritable job-creation scheme in themselves, now that every student’s first port of call when setting out on a research journey is Google, not the nearest library. Spare a thought for the futility of these endless exercises in the means of correct training: The accused sits in front of a presiding teacher (who sometimes is the accuser, sometimes not) with one or two other faculty who act as witnesses, jury or judges, depending on the system at hand. Of course, I can’t be specific about the hearings I’ve attended, but they tend to be dismally identical: The accusation is made, the consequences listed, the evidence presented and then the accused may offer explanations, mitigating circumstances, and other arguments in his/her defence. In these circumstances, the role of plagiarist is usually performed in the voice of one of three stock-characters: The unrepentant (‘OK, you caught me, so what? Do what you like.’), the complicit (‘This is so unfair! Everybody does it.’), and the ignorant (‘I didn’t know you weren’t supposed to!’). All of them are treated as sinners, but if plagiarism is a sin, what is the temptation? Those plagiarists meeting their fate at colleges and universities across the wired world, and all the others who are getting away with it, have been tempted to dip into texts that are freely or commercially accessible online, and to snatch snippets or whole chunks of those texts to present as their own. Why? The simplest answer is the desire to complete an assignment with the least effort. However, it won’t suffice to stop there and join the inquisitors. Lazy students existed long before Web pages and search engines were invented. There is something more happening here, and it has to do with the cultural transformation of the practice of writing. Student writers are faced with a wealth of material that is, if not authorless, then at least free of the ubiquitous authorial branding of conventional publishing. This is particularly true of scholarly material, often publicly funded, sponsored by grants, and made accessible on Web sites like M/C Journal. Alternatively, there exist various ‘open source’ writing projects taking place online, in weblogs (written by individuals or teams) and collectively produced ‘wikis‘. The Wikipedia is a good example of this kind of communitarian writing project. It’s an encyclopedia which the users can modify, regulated by the corrections and changes that other users make to the previous versions of an entry. It is a text constantly subjected to new updates, add-ons and hyperlinks. This variability is characteristic of all ‘new media objects’ (Manovich 36-40), and for writing it means that the draft-stage is never over – there are only successive versions. ‘But what about reliability, the authority of the sources?’ ask the scholarly-minded among us, myself included. Excepting peer-reviewed online journals, what guarantees do we have that the material our students are referencing or copy/pasting is worth the server-space it was stored on? For that, there is a tantalising answer; namely, another kind of authority which springs from the inherent inequality of Web links. We can illustrate this by the seemingly egalitarian practice of blogging. Anyone can start a weblog, and put their (and others’) work out into the online commons. Blogs contain not just text, but also images, audio, and music – they are highly flexible media platforms. Their content is free to see, hear, copy, even tinker with (or ‘version’), so long as the user links back to the original site. The link is the crucial reward, indicating that someone thinks this site worthy of attention. This is why blogs and other avenues of open source intellectual work are seemingly egalitarian. Linkage is the currency of all online content, and the organising principle of its hierarchy: The more links to a site, the greater its authority. Google does this for web pages in general, by cataloguing them and organising search query results by the number of links to the relevant websites. In a more specific way Technorati does the same thing for weblogs, measuring the ‘authority’ of a blog by how many others link to it. Finally, Blogshares.com takes the link-currency analogy all the way, operating a market for trading ‘shares’ in blogs. The valuation of each blog depends on the combined value of incoming links, which means that if I get linked by a particularly popular blog my stock goes up. In other words, there is a great deal of prestige or social capital to be gained by putting one’s work out into the online commons if – and this is a big if – it eventually gets noticed, cited, copied, distributed, engaged with, and linked. Linkage is currency because it represents a scarce resource, the attention of people. The low opportunity cost of starting a blog and the large number of bloggers make for a highly competitive environment, if a blogger’s objective is to get noticed. Jason Kottke has provided a concise illustration of this in a short article titled ‘Weblogs and Power Laws‘, which also contains a useful list of links (what else?) to further reading. Of course, counting citations has been a commonplace measure of a scholar’s authority for a long time, but when practiced on the Web in the form of linkage the old objection to citation-statistics is still pertinent: Just because someone gets cited does not mean the citations are favourable, and it doesn’t measure the quality of the scholarship. But it does measure the ability to gain and hold the attention of readers; the ‘stickiness’ (Gladwell 89-91) of a Web site, an author, or a piece of software is what counts. This is the media-situation in which students find themselves tempted. Plagiarism, far from being some sort of Internet-borne plague on the house of education, is a symptom of an emerging mode of reading and writing as usage – as participation in the creation of a social network of texts (e.g., blogrolls, comments-sections and social bookmarks sites like del.icio.us). Learners are easily baffled by linkage. They wander between Web sites, they browse, and sometimes they copy/paste material together. And sometimes they get caught. In other words, they need to be trained to take charge of their reading, processing and writing. The pedagogical challenge is to help students to participate in all of this. If our students can easily copy/paste out of the commons of the Web, and in a pinch buy an ‘example’ to pass off as their own, are not all summative essays and term papers now suspect? Furthermore, if this means the practice of basing a student’s mark on whatever product is handed in at the end of a course is now doomed to sink under the weight of endless plagiarism hearings, then that’s good news. At least it’s good news for those of us convinced that higher education is not about depositing information in the brains of our students, but rather to help them master the necessary information-skills; that is, to collect, assess, and utilise information on their own, and to integrate it into their practice. Learning to write is a lifelong process of finding one’s own voice, wrestling with the structural constraints of the sentence, the paragraph and the form. The way to spot a plagiarist is to notice the style, but style goes beyond words. It is the signature of independent thinking, of a successfully educated person who has passed beyond mere competence in a set of skills to creatively master them by means of apprenticeship, imitation and experimentation (Dreyfus 32-49). To put this in more concrete terms, encouraging continuous process over product is a feasible tactic to discourage plagiarism and the purchase of prefab essays online, because it forces the would-be plagiarist to reverse-engineer an outline, rough draft and other precursors to the final draft. When process matters, plagiarism becomes more trouble than it is worth. This tactic belongs to a larger strategy: What is at stake here is more than simply discouraging cheating; rather, there is now an opportunity to reassert the specific values of the humanities against the ubiquitous utilitarian reduction of higher education to mere knowledge-transfer, skills-training and the granting of credentials which may or may not provide an advantage in the job market. The now-pervasive temptation to plagiarise represents a chance for teachers to privilege process over product, and to teach the ethics of credit, attribution and linkage as immanent to that process. Wikis, blogs, and the mutual link-exchanges between online producers are now the facts of life for writers who interact, collaborate, and promote their work online. These practices afford new opportunities to think through the ethical principles of the online commons, not least what it means to give credit in social rather than monetary terms: Link and you shall be linked back to. References Dreyfus, Hubert. On the Internet. London: Routledge, 2001. Gladwell, Malcolm. The Tipping Point: How Little Things Can Make a Big Difference. New York: Little, Brown & Co., 2000. Kottke, Jason. “Weblogs and Power Laws.” Kottke.org. 15 Jun. 2005 http://www.kottke.org/03/02/weblogs-and-power-laws>. Manovich, Lev. The Language of New Media. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2001. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Sigthorsson, Gauti. "Copy/Paste: The Joys of Plagiarism." M/C Journal 8.3 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0507/04-sigthorsson.php>. APA Style Sigthorsson, G. (Jul. 2005) "Copy/Paste: The Joys of Plagiarism," M/C Journal, 8(3). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0507/04-sigthorsson.php>.

There is a disparity between expectations that the members of a community will work together for the common good — and the stark reality that human beings form into groups, or parties, to engage in conflict with each other. This is particularly the case in so-called popular governments that include some wider political involvement by the people. In ancient Greece stasis, or endemic conflict between the democratic and oligarchic elements of a city was very common. Likewise, the late Roman Republic maintained a division between the populares and the optimates. In both cases there was violence as both sides battled for dominance. For example, in late republican Rome street gangs formed that employed intimidation and violence for political ends.In seventeenth century England there was conflict between those who favoured royal authority and those who wished to see more power devolved to parliament, which led to Civil War in the 1640s. Yet the English ideal, as expressed by The Book of Common Prayer (1549; and other editions) was that the country be quietly governed. It seemed perverse that the members of the body politic should be in conflict with each other. By the late seventeenth century England was still riven by conflict between two groups which became designated as the Whigs and the Tories. The divisions were both political and religious. Most importantly, these divisions were expressed at the local level, in such things as the struggle for the control of local corporations. They were not just political but could also be personal and often turned nasty as families contended for local control. The mid seventeenth century had been a time of considerable violence and warfare, not only in Europe and England but across Eurasia, including the fall of the Ming dynasty in China (Parker). This violence occurred in the wake of a cooler climate change, bringing in its wake crop failure followed by scarcity, hunger, disease and vicious warfare. Millions of people died.Conditions improved in the second half of the seventeenth century and countries slowly found their way to a new relative stability. The Qing created a new imperial order in China. In France, Louis XIV survived the Fronde and his answer to the rage and divisions of that time was the imposition of an autocratic and despotic state that simply prohibited the existence of divisions. Censorship and the inquisition flourished in Catholic Europe ensuring that dissidence would not evolve into violence fuelled by rage. In 1685, Louis expelled large numbers of Protestants from France.Divisions did not disappear in England at the end of the Civil War and the Restoration of Charles II. Initially, it appears that Charles sought to go down the French route. There was a regulation of ideas as new laws meant that the state licensed all printed works. There was an attempt to impose a bureaucratic authoritarian state, culminating in the short reign of James II (Pincus, Ertman). But its major effect, since the heightened fear of James’ Catholicism in Protestant England, was to stoke the ‘rage of party’ between those who supported this hierarchical model of social order and those who wanted political power less concentrated (Knights Representation, Plumb).The issue was presumed to be settled in 1688 when James was chased from the throne, and replaced by the Dutchman William and his wife Mary. In the official language of the day, liberty had triumphed over despotism and the ‘ancient constitution’ of the English had been restored to guarantee that liberty.However, three major developments were going on in England by the late seventeenth century: The first is the creation of a more bureaucratic centralised state along the lines of the France of Louis XIV. This state apparatus was needed to collect the taxes required to finance and administer the English war machine (Pincus). The second is the creation of a genuinely popular form of government in the wake of the expulsion of James and his replacement by William of Orange (Ertman). This means regular parliaments that are elected every three years, and also a free press to scrutinise political activities. The third is the development of financial institutions to enable the war to be conducted against France, which only comes to an end in 1713 (Pincus). Here, England followed the example of the Netherlands. There is the establishment of the bank of England in 1694 and the creation of a national debt. This meant that those involved in finance could make big profits out of financing a war, so a new moneyed class developed. England's TransformationIn the 1690s as England is transformed politically, religiously and economically, this develops a new type of society that unifies strong government with new financial institutions and arrangements. In this new political configuration, the big winners are the new financial elites and the large (usually Whig) aristocratic landlords, who had the financial resources to benefit from it. The losers were the smaller landed gentry who were taxed to pay for the war. They increasingly support the Tories (Plumb) who opposed both the war and the new financial elites it helped to create; leading to the 1710 election that overwhelmingly elected a Tory government led by Harley and Bolingbroke. This government then negotiated the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, with the Whigs retaining a small minority.History indicates that the post-1688 developments do not so much quell the ‘rage of party’ as encourage it and fan the fires of conflict and discontent. Parliamentary elections were held every three years and could involve costly, and potentially financially ruinous, contests between families competing for parliamentary representation. As these elections involved open voting and attempts to buy votes through such means as wining and dining, they could be occasions for riotous behaviour. Regular electoral contests, held in an electorate that was much larger than it would be one hundred years later, greatly heightened the conflicts and kept the political temperature at a high.Fig. 1: "To Him Pudel, Bite Him Peper"Moreover, there was much to fuel this conflict and to ‘maintain the rage’: First, the remodelling of the English financial system combined with the high level of taxation imposed largely on the gentry fuelled a rage amongst this group. This new world of financial investments was not part of their world. They were extremely suspicious of wealth not derived from landed property and sought to limit the power of those who held such wealth. Secondly, the events of 1688 split the Anglican Church in two (Pincus). The opponents of the new finance regimes tended also to be traditional High Church Anglicans who feared the newer, more tolerant government policy towards religion. Finally, the lapsing of the Licensing Act in 1695 meant that the English state was no longer willing to control the flow of information to the public (Kemp). The end result was that England in the 1690s became something akin to a modern public culture in which there was a relatively free flow of political information, constant elections held with a limited, but often substantial franchise, that was operating out of a very new commercial and financial environment. These political divisions were now deeply entrenched and very real passion animated each side of the political divide (Knights Devil).Under these circumstances, it was not possible simply to stamp out ‘the rage’ by the government repressing the voices of dissent. The authoritarian model for creating public conformity was not an option. A mechanism for lowering the political and religious temperature needed to arise in this new society where power and knowledge were diffused rather than centrally concentrated. Also, the English were aided by the return to a more benign physical environment. In economic terms it led to what Fischer terms the equilibrium of the Enlightenment. The wars of Louis XIV were a hangover from the earlier more desperate age; they prolonged the crisis of that age. Nevertheless, the misery of the earlier seventeenth century had passed. The grim visions of Calvinism (and Jansenism) had lost their plausibility. So the excessive violence of the 1640s was replaced by a more tepid form of political resistance, developing into the first modern expression of populism. So, the English achieved what Plumb calls ‘political stability’ were complex (1976), but relied on two things. The first was limiting the opportunity for political activity and the second was labelling political passion as a form of irrational behaviour – as an unsatisfactory or improper way of conducting oneself in the world. Emotions became an indulgence of the ignorant, the superstitious and the fanatical. This new species of humanity was the gentleman, who behaved in a reasonable and measured way, would express a person commensurate with the Enlightenment.This view would find its classic expression over a century later in Macaulay’s History of England, where the pre-1688 English squires are now portrayed in all their semi-civilised glory, “his ignorance and uncouthness, his low tastes and gross phrases, would, in our time, be considered as indicating a nature and a breeding thoroughly plebeian” (Macaulay 244). While the Revolution of 1688 is usually portrayed as a triumph of liberty, as stated, recent scholarship (Pincus, Ertman) emphasises how the attempts by both Charles and James to build a more bureaucratic state were crucial to the development of eighteenth century England. England was not really a land of liberty that kept state growth in check, but the English state development took a different path to statehood from countries such as France, because it involved popular institutions and managed to eliminate many of the corrupt practices endemic to a patrimonial regime.The English were as interested in ‘good police’, meaning the regulation of moral behaviour, as any state on the European continent, but their method of achievement was different. In the place of bureaucratic regulation, the English followed another route, later be termed in the 1760s as ‘civilisation’ (Melleuish). So, the Whigs became the party of rationality and reasonableness, and the Whig regime was Low Church, which was latitudinarian and amenable to rationalist Christianity. Also, the addition of the virtue and value of politeness and gentlemanly behaviour became the antidote to the “rage of party’”(Knights Devil 163—4) . The Whigs were also the party of science and therefore, followed Lockean philosophy. They viewed themselves as ‘reasonable men’ in opposition to their more fanatically inclined opponents. It is noted that any oligarchy, can attempt to justify itself as an ‘aristocracy’, in the sense of representing the ‘morally’ best people. The Whig aristocracy was more cosmopolitan, because its aristocrats had often served the rulers of countries other than England. In fact, the values of the Whig elite were the first expression of the liberal cosmopolitan values which are now central to the ideology of contemporary elites. One dimension of the Whig/Tory split is that while the Whig aristocracy had a cosmopolitan outlook as more proto-globalist, the Tories remained proto-nationalists. The Whigs became simultaneously the party of liberty, Enlightenment, cosmopolitanism, commerce and civilised behaviour. This is why liberty, the desire for peace and ‘sweet commerce’ came to be identified together. The Tories, on the other hand, were the party of real property (that is to say land) so their national interest could easily be construed by their opponents as the party of obscurantism and rage. One major incident illustrates how this evolved.The Trial of the High Church Divine Henry Sacheverell In 1709, the High Church Divine Henry Sacheverell preached a fiery sermon attacking the Whig revolutionary principles of resistance, and advocated obedience and unlimited submission to authority. Afterwards, for his trouble he was impeached before the House of Lords by the Whigs for high crimes and misdemeanours (Tryal 1710). As Mark Knights (6) has put it, one of his major failings was his breaching of the “Whig culture of politeness and moderation”. The Whigs also disliked Sacheverell for his charismatic appeal to women (Nicholson). He was found guilty and his sermons ordered to be burned by the hangman. But Sacheverell became simultaneously a martyr and a political celebrity leading to a mass outpouring of printed material (Knights Devil 166—186). Riots broke out in London in the wake of the trial’s verdict. For the Whigs, this stood as proof of the ‘rage’ that lurked in the irrational world of Toryism. However, as Geoffrey Holmes has demonstrated, these riots were not aimless acts of mob violence but were directed towards specific targets, in particular the meeting houses of Dissenters. History reveals that the Sacheverell riots were the last major riots in England for almost seventy years until the Lord Gordon anti-Catholic riots of 1780. In the short term they led to an overwhelming Tory victory at the 1710 elections, but that victory was pyrrhic. With the death of Queen Anne, followed by the accession of the Hanoverians to the throne, the Whigs became the party of government. Some Tories, such as Bolingbroke, panicked, and fled to France and the Court of the Pretender. The other key factor was the Treaty of Utrecht, brokered on England’s behalf by the Tory government of Harley and Bolingbroke that brought the Civil war to an end in 1713. England now entered an era of peace; there remained no longer the need to raise funds to conduct a war. The war had forced the English state to both to consolidate and to innovate.This can be viewed as the victory of the party of ‘politeness and moderation’ and the Enlightenment and hence the effective end of the ‘rage of party’. Threats did remain by the Pretender’s (James III) attempt to retake the English throne, as happened in 1715 and 1745, when was backed by the barbaric Scots.The Whig ascendancy, the ascendancy of a minority, was to last for decades but remnants of the Tory Party remained, and England became a “one-and one-half” party regime (Ertman 222). Once in power, however, the Whigs utilised a number of mechanisms to ensure that the age of the ‘rage of party’ had come to an end and would be replaced by one of politeness and moderation. As Plumb states, they gained control of the “means of patronage” (Plumb 161—88), while maintaining the ongoing trend, from the 1680s of restricting those eligible to vote in local corporations, and the Whigs supported the “narrowing of the franchise” (Plumb 102—3). Finally, the Septennial Act of 1717 changed the time between elections from three years to seven years.This lowered the political temperature but it did not eliminate the Tories or complaints about the political, social and economic path that England had taken. Rage may have declined but there was still a lot of dissent in the newspapers, in particular in the late 1720s in the Craftsman paper controlled by Viscount Bolingbroke. The Craftsman denounced the corrupt practices of the government of Sir Robert Walpole, the ‘robinocracy’, and played to the prejudices of the landed gentry. Further, the Bolingbroke circle contained some major literary figures of the age; but not a group of violent revolutionaries (Kramnick). It was true populism, from ideals of the Enlightenment and a more benign environment.The new ideal of ‘politeness and moderation’ had conquered English political culture in an era of Whig dominance. This is exemplified in the philosophy of David Hume and his disparagement of enthusiasm and superstition, and the English elite were also not fond of emotional Methodists, and Charles Wesley’s father had been a Sacheverell supporter (Cowan 43). A moderate man is rational and measured; the hoi polloi is emotional, faintly disgusting, and prone to rage.In the End: A Reduction of Rage Nevertheless, one of the great achievements of this new ideal of civility was to tame the conflict between political parties by recognising political division as a natural part of the political process, one that did not involve ‘rage’. This was the great achievement of Edmund Burke who, arguing against Bolingbroke’s position that 1688 had restored a unified political order, and hence abolished political divisions, legitimated such party divisions as an element of a civilised political process involving gentlemen (Mansfield 3). The lower orders, lacking the capacity to live up to this ideal, were prone to accede to forces other than reason, and needed to be kept in their place. This was achieved through a draconian legal code that punished crimes against property very severely (Hoppit). If ‘progress’ as later described by Macaulay leads to a polite and cultivated elite who are capable of conquering their rage – so the lower orders need to be repressed because they are still essentially barbarians. This was echoed in Macaulay’s contemporary, John Stuart Mill (192) who promulgated Orientals similarly “lacked the virtues” of an educated Briton.In contrast, the French attempt to impose order and stability through an authoritarian state fared no better in the long run. After 1789 it was the ‘rage’ of the ‘mob’ that helped to bring down the French Monarchy. At least, that is how the new cadre of the ‘polite and moderate’ came to view things.ReferencesBolingbroke, Lord. Contributions to the Craftsman. Ed. Simon Varney. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1982.Cowan, Brian. “The Spin Doctor: Sacheverell’s Trial Speech and Political Performance in the Divided Society.” Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr Henry Sacheverell. Ed. Mark Knights. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. 28-46.Ertman, Thomas. Birth of the Leviathan: Building States and Regimes in Medieval and Early Modern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997.Fischer, David Hackett. The Great Wave: Price Revolutions and the Rhythm of History, New York: Oxford UP, 1996.Holmes, Geoffrey. “The Sacheverell Riots: The Crowd and the Church in Early Eighteenth-Century London.” Past and Present 72 (Aug. 1976): 55-85.Hume, David. “Of Superstition and Enthusiasm.” Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1985. 73-9. Hoppit, Julian. A Land of Liberty? England 1689—1727, Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000.Kemp, Geoff. “The ‘End of Censorship’ and the Politics of Toleration, from Locke to Sacheverell.” Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr Henry Sacheverell. Ed. Mark Knights. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. 47-68.Knights, Mark. Representation and Misrepresentation in Later Stuart Britain. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2005.———. The Devil in Disguise: Deception, Delusion, and Fanaticism in the Early English Enlightenment. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2011.———. “Introduction: The View from 1710.” Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr Henry Sacheverell. Ed. Mark Knights. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. 1-15.Kramnick, Isaac. Bolingbroke & His Circle: The Politics of Nostalgia in the Age of Walpole. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1992.Macaulay, Thomas Babington. The History of England from the Accession of James II. London: Folio Society, 2009.Mansfield, Harvey. Statesmanship and Party Government: A Study of Burke and Bolingbroke. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1965.Melleuish, Greg. “Civilisation, Culture and Police.” Arts 20 (1998): 7-25.Mill, John Stuart. On Liberty, Representative Government, the Subjection of Women. London: Oxford UP, 1971.Nicholson, Eirwen. “Sacheverell’s Harlot’s: Non-Resistance on Paper and in Practice.” Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr Henry Sacheverell. Ed. Mark Knights. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. 69-79.Parker, Geoffrey. Global Crisis: War, Climate Change & Catastrophe in the Seventeenth Century. New Haven: Yale UP, 2013.Pincus, Steve. 1688: The First Modern Revolution. New Haven: Yale UP, 2009.Plumb, John H. The Growth of Political Stability in England 1675–1725. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973.The Tryal of Dr Henry Sacheverell before the House of Peers, 1st edition. London: Jacob Tonson, 1710.

Photograph by Gonzalo Echeverria (2010)“Let us not doubt in philosophy what we do not doubt in our hearts.” (C. S. Peirce) Introduction Doubting has always had a somewhat bad name. A “doubting Thomas” is a pejorative term for one who doubts what he or she has not witnessed first-hand, a saying which derives originally from Thomas the Apostle’s doubting of the resurrected Christ. That doubt is the opposite of faith or conviction seems to cast doubt in a bad light. There is also the saying “He has the strength of his convictions” which seems to imply we ought correspondingly to say, “He has the weakness of his doubts”. One might recall that Socrates was likened to an electric eel because his peculiar form of questioning had the power to stun his interlocutors by crushing their pet convictions and cherished beliefs under the weight of the wise man’s reasonable doubts. Despite this bad press, however, doubting is a rational activity motivated by a vitally important concern for the truth, for getting things right. And our capacity to nurture reasonable doubts and to take them seriously is now more important than ever. Consider these examples: 1) In the modern world we are relying more and more on the veracity of the Internet’s enormous and growing mass of data often without much thought about its epistemic credentials or provenance. But who or what underwrites its status as information, its presumption of truth? 2) The global financial crisis depended upon the fact that economists and bank analysts placed unbounded confidence in being able to give mathematically precise models for risk, chance and decision-making under conditions of unavoidable ignorance and uncertainty. Why weren’t these models doubted before the crisis? 3) The CIA helped build the case for war in Iraq by not taking properly into account the scant and often contradictory evidence that Saddam Hussain’s regime had weapons of mass destruction. The neat alignment of US neo-conservative policy and CIA “intelligence” ought to have raised serious doubts that might have derailed the justification for war and its inevitable casualties and costs. (See Burns in this issue — Eds.) 4) On the other hand, it is quite likely that corporations that stand to lose large sums of money are fuelling unreasonable doubts about climate change—to what extent we are responsible for it, what the chances are of mitigating its effects, etc.—through misinformation and misdirection. In this paper I want to go a step beyond these specific instances of the value of appropriate doubt. Learning how to doubt, when to doubt and what to doubt is at the heart of a powerful pragmatist approach to philosophy—understood as reflective thinking at its best. After considering two ways of thinking about doubt, I shall outline the pragmatist approach and then briefly consider its bearing on the problems of dogmatism and bullshit in contemporary society. Two Notions of Doubt It is important to distinguish doubts about beliefs from doubts about certainty. That is, in everyday parlance the term “doubt” seems to have two connotations depending on which of these notions it is contrasted with. First of all, doubt can be contrasted with belief. To doubt a belief is to be in “twosome twiminds” as James Joyce aptly put it: a state of neither believing nor disbelieving but hovering between the two, without committing oneself, undecided. To doubt in this sense is to sit on the fence, to vacillate over a truth commitment, to remain detached. In this context doubt is not disbelief but, rather, un-belief. Secondly, doubt can be contrasted with certainty, the absence of doubt. To doubt something that we thought was certain is not to doubt whether it is true or reasonable to believe. If someone asks what the colour of my car is and I say it’s painted blue they might then say, “How do you know that someone has not painted it red in your absence?” This is, of course, possible but it is not at all likely. Even if it causes me to be very slightly doubtful—and, as we shall see, pragmatism offers reasons to block this step—it would not lead me to actually doubt what the colour of my car is. To be less than fully certain is consistent with continuing to believe and doing so for good (even overwhelming) reasons. Of course, some forms of belief such as religious faith may require certainty, in which case to doubt them at all is tantamount to undermining the required attitude. There is also a notion of absolute certainty, meaning the impossibility of doubt. Descartes inaugurates modern philosophy by employing a method of extreme and radical doubting in order to discover absolutely certain (i.e. indubitable) truths. His Meditations involves solipsistic doubts about whether there is an external world, including one’s own body and other people, since perhaps its all a myriad of one’s own subjective experiences. Clearly such philosophical doubt concerns matters that are not ordinarily doubted or even seen as open to doubt. As we shall see, pragmatism sides with common sense here. A Pragmatist Perspective on Doubt With this preliminary distinction in place we can now list four pragmatist insights about doubt that help to reveal its fruitfulness and importance for critical reflection in any field, including philosophy itself: 1) Genuine doubts require reasons. Genuine doubts, doubts we are required to take seriously, arise from particular problematic situations for definite reasons. One does not doubt at will just as one does not believe at will. I cannot believe that I am the Wimbledon tennis champion just by willing to believe it. So, too, I cannot doubt what I believe just by willing to doubt it. I cannot doubt that it is a sunny day if everything speaks in favour of its being so: I’m outside, seeing the sun and clear blue skies etc. Some philosophers think that the mere conceivability or possibility of error is enough to generate a live doubt but pragmatists contest this. For example, is knowledge of what I see before me now undermined because I am not able to rule out the possibility that my brain is being artificially stimulated to induce experiences, as seen in The Matrix? Such brain-in-a-vat doubts are not genuine for the pragmatist because they do not constitute a legitimate reason to doubt. Why? For one thing we have no actual machine that can create an artificial temporally extended “world image” through brain stimulation. These are merely conceivable or “paper” doubts, unliveable paradoxes that we think about in the study but do not take seriously in everyday life. Of course, if we did have such a machine—and it is not clear that this is even technically possible today—this situation would no doubt change. 2) There are no absolute certainties (guaranteed indubitable truths). As we have seen, ordinarily the term “certainty” stands for the actual absence of doubt. That is what we might call subjective certainty since where I am free of doubt another might be doubtful. Subjective certainty is the common state of most people most of the time about many things such as what their name is, where they live, who their family and friends are, what they like to eat etc. There is also Descartes’s notion of what cannot be doubted under any circumstances, which we might call absolute certainty. Traditional philosophy believed it could discover absolute certainties by means of reason alone, these truths being called a priori. At the heart of pragmatism are doubts about all propositions that were previously regarded as absolute certainties. That is, there are no a priori truths in the traditional sense according to the pragmatist. Nothing is guaranteed to be true come what may, even the truths of logic or mathematics which we currently cannot imagine being false. It was at one time thought to be a necessary truth that two straight lines both perpendicular to another straight line never meet… that was, until the nineteenth century discovery of Riemannian geometry. What was supposedly a necessary a priori truth turned out to be false in this context. That anything can be doubted does not mean that everything can be doubted all at once. The attempt to doubt all one’s worldly beliefs presumably includes doubting that one knows the meaning of the words one uses in raising this very doubt (since one doubts the meaning of the term “doubt” itself)—or doubting whether one knows the contents of one’s thoughts—in which case one would undermine the sense of one’s doubts in the very attempt to doubt. But that makes no sense. The moral is that if doubt is to make sense then it might be wide-reaching but it cannot be fully universal. The human desire for absolute certainty is probably inescapable so the lessons of fallibilism need to be hard won again and again. Anything can be doubted—in so far as it makes sense to do so. This is the pragmatist doctrine of fallibilism. It is the position one gets by making room for doubt in one’s system of beliefs without lapsing into complete skepticism. 3) Inquiry is the fallibilistic removal of doubt. Doubt is an unsettled state of mind and “the sole object of inquiry is the settlement of opinion” (Peirce, "Fixation" 375). We are, by nature, epistemically conservative and retain our body of beliefs, or as many of them as possible, in the face of positive reasons for doubt. A doubt stimulates us to an inquiry, which ends by dissolving the doubt and, perhaps, a slight readjustment of our network of beliefs. Since this inquiry is a fallible one nothing is guaranteed to be held fast: there are no eternal truths or indispensable methods. Ancient Pyrrhonian skeptics developed techniques for doubting whether we have any reason to believe one thing rather than another. A famous argument-form they explored is called Agrippa’s Trilemma. If we ask why we should believe any given belief then we must give another belief to serve as a reason. But then the same question arises for it in turn and so on. If we are to avoid the looming infinite regress of reasons for reasons we seem to only have two unpalatable options: either to argue viciously in a circle; or to simply stop at some arbitrary point. The argument thus seems to show that nothing we believe is justified. Pragmatism blocks this trilemma at its origin by arguing that our beliefs conform to a default-and-challenge structure. Current beliefs have the status of default entitlements unless or until specific challenges to them (real doubts) are legitimately raised. On this conception we can be entitled to the beliefs we actually have without requiring reasons for them simply because we have them and lack any good reason for doubt. In an image owed to Otto Neurath, we rebuild our wooden ship of beliefs whilst at sea, replacing planks as need be but, since we must stay afloat, never all planks at once (Quine). Inquiry demands the removal of all actual doubt, not all possible doubt. A belief is, as Charles Peirce conceives it, a habit of action. To doubt a belief, then, is to undermine one’s capacity to act in the relevant respect. The ancient philosopher, Pyrrho, was reputed to need handlers to stop him putting his hands into fire or walking off cliffs because, as a radical skeptic, he lacked the relevant beliefs about fire and falling to make him aware of any danger. The pragmatist, oriented towards action and human practices, does not rest content with his doubts but overcomes them in favour of settled beliefs by way of “a continual process of re-experimenting and re-creating” (Dewey 220) 4) Inquiry requires a democratic ethics. The pragmatist conception of inquiry rehabilitates Plato’s analogy between self and society: the norms of how one is to conduct one’s inquiries are the norms of democratic society. Inquiry is a cooperative human interaction with an environment not, as in the Cartesian tradition, a private activity of solitary a priori reflection. It depends on a social conception of (fallible) reason—understood as intelligent action— which conforms to the democratic ethical principles of the fair and equal right of all to be heard, an invitation and openness to criticism, the toleration of dissenting voices, and instituting methods to help cooperatively resolve disagreements, etc. We inquire in medias res (in the middle of things)—that is, from the midst of our current beliefs and convictions within a community of inquirers. There is no need for a Cartesian propaedeutic doubt to weed out any trace of falsity at the start of inquiry. From the pragmatist point of view we must learn to live with the ineliminable possibility of error and doubt, and of inevitable shortcomings in both our answers and methods. Problems can be overcome as they arise through a self-correcting experimental method of inquiry in which nothing is sacred. A key feature of this conception of inquiry is that it places reasonable doubt at its centre: 1) a sustained doubting of old “certainties” of traditional authorities (e.g. religious, political) or of traditional a priori reason (philosophy); 2) a constant need to distinguish genuine or live doubts from philosophical or paper doubts; 3) and the idea that genuine doubts are both the stimulant to a new inquiry and, when dissolved, signal its end. Dogmatism The importance of the pragmatist conceptions of inquiry and doubt can be appreciated by seeing that various pathologies of believing—pathologies of how to form and maintain beliefs that—are natural to us. Of particular note are dogmatism and fanaticism, which are forms of fixed believing unhinged from rational criticism and sustained without regard to such matters as evidential support, reasonableness and plausibility within the wider community of informed inquirers. Since they divide the world into us and them, fellow-believers and the rest, they inevitably lead to disagreements and hostility. Dogmatists and fanatics loom large in the contemporary world as evidenced by the widespread and malevolent influence of religious, ideological and political dogmas, confrontational forms of nationalism, and fanatical “true believers” in all shapes and forms from die-hard conspiracy theorists to adherents of fad diets and the followers of self-appointed gurus and cult-leaders. The great problem with such forms of believing is that they leave no room for reasonable doubts, which history tells us inevitably arise in matters of human social life and our place in the world. And as history also tells us we go to war and put each other to death over matters of belief and disbelief; of conviction and its lack. Think of Socrates, Jesus, the victims of the Spanish Inquisition, Ghandi, Martin Luther King, and Oscar Romero to name only a small few who have been killed for their beliefs. A great virtue of pragmatism is its anti-authoritarian stance, which is achieved by building doubt into its very methodology and by embracing a democratic ethos that makes each person equally answerable to reasonable doubt. From this perspective dogmatists and fanatical believers are ostracised as retaining an outmoded authoritarian conception of believing that has been superseded in the most successful branches of human inquiry—such as the natural sciences. Bullshit To bullshit is to talk without knowing what one is talking about. Harry Frankfurt has observed, “one of the most salient features of our culture is that there is so much bullshit” (117); and he goes on to argue that bullshitters are “a greater enemy of truth than liars are” (132). Liars care about the truth since they are trying to deceive others into believing what is not true. Bullshitters may say what is true but more often exaggerate, embellish and window-dress. Their purposes lies elsewhere than getting things right so they do not really care whether what they say is true or false or a mixture of the two. Politicians, advertising agents, salesmen and drug company representatives are notorious for bullshitting. Bill Clinton’s “I did not have sex with that woman” is a famous example of political bullshit. He said it for purely political reasons and when he was found to have lied (the evidence being the infamous unwashed dress of Monica Lewinsky) he changed the lie into a truth by redefining the word “sex”—another example of bullshit. The bullshitter can speak the truth but what matters is always the spin. The bullshitter need not (contra Frankfurt) hide his own lack of concern for the truth. He plays at truth-telling but he can do this more or less openly. The so-called bullshit artist may even try to make a virtue out of revealing his bullshit as the bullshit it is, thereby making his audience complicit. But the great danger of bullshit is not so much to others, as to oneself. Inveterate bullshitters are inevitably tempted to believe their own bullshit leading to a situation in which they do not know their own minds. Only one who knows his own mind is aware of what he is committed to, and what he takes responsibility for in the wider community of inquirers who rely on each other for information and reasonable criticism. Doubting provides a defence against bullshitters since it blocks their means: the doubter reaffirms a concern for the truth including the truth about oneself, which the bullshitter is wilfully avoiding. To doubt is to withhold a commitment to the truth through a demand not to commit too hastily or for the wrong reasons. A concern for the truth, for getting things right, is thus central to the practice of reasonable doubting. And reasonably doubting, in turn, depends on knowing one’s own mind, what truths one is committed to, and what epistemic responsibilities one thus incurs to justify and defend truths and to criticise falsehood. Democracy and fallibilist inquiry were borne of doubts about the benevolence, wisdom and authority of tyrants, dictators, priests and kings. Their continued vitality depends on maintaining a healthy skepticism about the beliefs of others and about whether we know our own minds. Only so can we sustain our vital concern for the truth in the face of the pervasive challenges of dogmatists and bullshitters. References Descartes, R. “Meditations on First Philosophy.” In The Philosophical Writings of Descartes: Vols. I-III. J. Cottingham et. al., eds. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985/1641. Dewey, J. The Middle Works, 1899-1924 Vol 12. Ed. Jo Ann Boydston. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1982. Dewey, J. The Middle Works, 1899-1924 Vol 14. Ed. Jo Ann Boydston. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1983. Frankfurt, H. “On Bullshit.” The Importance of What We Care About. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 1988. Joyce, J. Finnegan’s Wake. Penguin: London, 1999/1939. Peirce, C.S. “Some Consequences of Four Incapacities.” 1868. In The Essential Peirce.———. “The Fixation of Belief.” 1877. In The Essential Peirce. ———. “How to Make Our Ideas Clear.” 1878. In The Essential Peirce. ———. The Essential Peirce: Vol. 1. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992. ———. The Essential Peirce: Vol. 2. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999. Quine, W.V. Theories and Things. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1981. Sextus Empiricus. Outlines of Scepticism. Trans. J. Barnes & J. Annas. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Wittgenstein, L. On Certainty. Oxford: Blackwell, 1969.

Edelmayer, Friedrich / Gerhard Pfeisinger (Hrsg.), Ozeane. Mythen, Interaktionen und Konflikte (Studien zur Geschichte und Kuktur der iberischen und iberoamerikanischen Länder, 16), Münster 2017, Aschendorff, 336 S. / Abb., € 49,00. (Ruth Schilling, Bremen / Bremerhaven) Jaynes, Jeffrey, Christianity beyond Christendom. The Global Christian Experience on Medieval Mappaemundi and Early Modern World Maps (Wolfenbütteler Forschungen, 149), Wiesbaden 2018, Harrassowitz in Kommission, 483 S. / Abb., € 128,00. (Gerda Brunnlechner, Hagen) Weltecke, Dorothea (Hrsg.), Essen und Fasten. Interreligiöse Abgrenzung, Konkurrenz und Austauschprozesse / Food and Fasting. Interreligious Differentiations, Competition and Exchange (Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 81), Köln / Weimar / Wien 2017, Böhlau, 130 S., € 30,00. (Helmut W. Klug, Graz) Dirmeier, Artur (Hrsg.), Essen und Trinken im Spital. 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Territoriale Grenzziehungen im Heiligen Römischen Reich (Norm und Struktur, 47), Köln / Weimar / Wien 2018, Böhlau, 583 S. / Abb., € 80,00. (Falk Bretschneider, Paris) Denzel, Markus A. / Andrea Bonoldi / Anne Montenach / Françoise Vannotti (Hrsg.), Oeconomia Alpium I: Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Alpenraums in vorindustrieller Zeit. Forschungsaufriss, -konzepte und -perspektiven, Berlin / Boston 2017, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, VIII u. 313 S., € 99,95. (Franziska Neumann, Rostock) Rothmann, Michael / Helge Wittmann (Hrsg.), Reichsstadt und Geld. 5. Tagung des Mühlhäuser Arbeitskreises für Reichsstadtgeschichte, Mühlhausen 27. Februar bis 1. März 2017 (Studien zur Reichsstadtgeschichte, 5), Petersberg 2018, Imhof, 397 S. / Abb., € 29,95. (Angela Huang, Lübeck) Borgolte, Michael (Hrsg.), Enzyklopädie des Stiftungswesens in mittelalterlichen Gesellschaften, Bd. 1: Grundlagen, Berlin / Boston 2014, de Gruyter, 713 S. / Abb., € 209,00. (Christine Kleinjung, Mainz / Göttingen) Borgolte, Michael (Hrsg.), Enzyklopädie des Stiftungswesens in mittelalterlichen Gesellschaften, Bd. 2: Das soziale System Stiftung, Berlin / Boston 2016, de Gruyter, 760 S. / Abb., € 169,95. (Christine Kleinjung, Mainz / Göttingen) Borgolte, Michael (Hrsg.), Enzyklopädie des Stiftungswesens in mittelalterlichen Gesellschaften, Bd. 3: Stiftung und Gesellschaft, Berlin / Boston 2017, de Gruyter, 680 S. / Abb., € 199,95. (Christine Kleinjung, Mainz / Göttingen) Becher, Matthias (Hrsg.), Die mittelalterliche Thronfolge im europäischen Vergleich (Vorträge und Forschungen, 84), Ostfildern 2017, Thorbecke, 484 S., € 56,00. (Gerhard Lubich, Bochum) Reinle, Christine (Hrsg.), Stand und Perspektiven der Sozial- und Verfassungsgeschichte zum römisch-deutschen Reich. Der Forschungseinfluss Peter Moraws auf die deutsche Mediävistik (Studien und Texte zur Geistes- und Sozialgeschichte des Mittelalters, 10), Affalterbach 2016, Didymos-Verlag, 275 S. / Abb., € 54,00. (Christian Jörg, Tübingen) Flemmig, Stephan / Norbert Kersken (Hrsg.), Akteure mittelalterlicher Außenpolitik: Das Beispiel Ostmitteleuropas (Tagungen zur Ostmitteleuropaforschung, 35), Marburg 2017, Verlag Herder-Institut, VI u. 376 S., € 57,50. (Sabine Wefers, Jena) Neumann, Christian A., Venedig und Aragon im Spätmittelalter (1280 – 1410). Eine Verflechtungsgeschichte (Mittelmeerstudien, 15), Paderborn 2017, Fink / Schöningh, 809 S. / CD-ROM, € 129,00. (Tobias Daniels, München) Blennemann, Gordon / Christine Kleinjung / Thomas Kohl (Hrsg.), Konstanz und Wandel. Religiöse Lebensformen im europäischen Mittelalter (Studien und Texte zur Geistes- und Sozialgeschichte des Mittelalters, 11), Affalterbach 2016, Didymos-Verlag, 280 S. / Abb., € 54,00. (Jörg Sonntag, Dresden) Deutschländer, Gerrit / Ingrid Würth (Hrsg.), Eine Lebenswelt im Wandel. Klöster in Stadt und Land (Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte Sachsen-Anhalts, 14), Halle a. d. S. 2017, Mitteldeutscher Verlag, 287 S. / Abb., € 35,00. (Niels Petersen, Göttingen) Holbach, Rudolf / David Weiss (Hrsg.), Vorderfflik twistringhe unde twydracht. Städtische Konflikte im späten Mittelalter (Oldenburger Schriften zur Geschichtswissenschaft, 18), Oldenburg 2017, BIS-Verlag, 244 S. / Abb., € 22,80. (Robin Köhler-Kelzenberg, Bochum) Kah, Daniela, Die wahrhaft königliche Stadt. Das Reich in den Reichsstädten Augsburg, Nürnberg und Lübeck im Späten Mittelalter (Studies in Medieval and Reformation Traditions, 211), Leiden / Boston 2018, Brill, X u. 455 S. / Abb., € 125,00. (Marco Tomaszewski, Freiburg i. Br.) Kobayashi, Asami, Papsturkunden in Lucca (1227 – 1276). Überlieferung – Analyse – Edition (Archiv für Diplomatik, Schriftgeschichte, Siegel- und Wappenkunde, Beiheft 15), Köln / Weimar / Wien 2017, Böhlau, 582 S., € 70,00. (Werner Maleczek, Wien) Fumasoli, Beat, Wirtschaftserfolg zwischen Zufall und Innovativität. Oberdeutsche Städte und ihre Exportwirtschaft im Vergleich (1350 – 1550) (Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte. Beihefte, 241), Stuttgart 2017, Steiner, 580 S., € 82,00. (Oswald Bauer, Kastelruth) Gneiß, Markus, Das Wiener Handwerksordnungsbuch (1364 – 1555). Edition und Kommentar (Quelleneditionen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 16), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2017, Böhlau, 670 S. / Abb., € 130,00. (Patrick Schmidt, Rostock) Andresen, Suse, In fürstlichem Auftrag. Die gelehrten Räte der Kurfürsten von Brandenburg aus dem Hause Hohenzollern im 15. Jahrhundert (Schriftenreihe der Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 97), Göttingen 2017, Vandenhoeck &amp; Ruprecht, 655 S. / Abb., € 90,00. (Markus Frankl, Würzburg) Lüpke, Beatrice von, Nürnberger Fastnachtspiele und städtische Ordnung (Bedrohte Ordnung, 8), Tübingen 2017, Mohr Siebeck, 286 S., € 64,00. (Thorsten Schlauwitz, Erlangen) Wenzel, Silke, Lieder, Lärmen, „L’homme armé“. Musik und Krieg 1460 – 1600 (Musik der frühen Neuzeit, 4), Neumünster 2018, von Bockel, 422 S. / Abb., € 48,00. (Kirstin Wichern, Bad Homburg) Wilangowski, Gesa, Frieden schreiben im Spätmittelalter. Entstehung einer Vertragsdiplomatie zwischen Maximilian I., dem römisch-deutschen Reich und Frankreich (Ancien Régime, Aufklärung und Revolution, 44), Berlin / Boston 2017, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, X u. 288 S., € 69,95. (Harald Kleinschmidt, Tokio) Gamper, Rudolf, Joachim Vadian 1483/84 – 1551. Humanist, Arzt, Reformator, Politiker, Zürich 2017, Chronos, 391 S. / Abb., € 48,00. (Jan-Hendryk de Boer, Essen) Sowerby, Tracey A. / Jan Hennings (Hrsg.), Practices of Diplomacy in the Early Modern World c. 1410 – 1800 (Routledge Research in Early Modern History), London / New York 2017, Routledge, VII u. 306 S. / Abb., £ 105,00. (Hillard von Thiessen, Rostock) Weber, Alison (Hrsg.), Devout Laywomen in the Early Modern World (Women and Gender in the Early Modern World), London / New York 2016, Routledge, XIII u. 373 S. / Abb., £ 110,00. (Andreas Rutz, Bonn / Düsseldorf) Richter, Susan / Michael Roth / Sebastian Meurer (Hrsg.), Konstruktionen Europas in der Frühen Neuzeit. Geographische und historische Imaginationen. Beiträge zur 11. Arbeitstagung „Globale Verflechtungen – Europa neu denken“ der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Frühe Neuzeit im Verband der Historiker und Historikerinnen Deutschlands, 17. bis 19. September 2015 in Heidelberg, Heidelberg 2017, Heidelberg University Publishing, 338 S., € 54,90. (Elisabeth Lobenwein, Klagenfurt) Mallinckrodt, Rebekka von / Angela Schattner (Hrsg.), Sports and Physical Exercise in Early Modern Europe. New Perspectives on the History of Sports and Motion, London / New York 2016, Routledge, XII u. 272 S. / Abb., £ 110,00. (Michael Jucker, Luzern) Mulryne, James R. / Krista De Jonge / Pieter Martens / Richard L. M. Morris (Hrsg.), Architectures of Festival in Early Modern Europe. Fashioning and Re-fashioning Urban and Courtly Space (European Festival Studies: 1450 – 1700), London / New York 2018, Routledge, XXIV u. 335 S. / Abb., £ 105,00. (Jill Bepler, Wolfenbüttel) Adelman, Howard T., Women and Jewish Marriage Negotiations in Early Modern Italy. For Love and Money (Routledge Research in Early Modern History), London / New York 2018, Routledge, XIV u. 206 S., £ 120,00. (Bettina Pfotenhauer, München) Cristellon, Cecilia, Marriage, the Church, and Its Judges in Renaissance Venice, 1420 – 1545 (Early Modern History: Society and Culture), Cham 2017, Palgrave Macmillan, XVII u. 286 S., € 96,29. (Bettina Pfotenhauer, München) Sweet, Rosemary / Gerrit Verhoeven / Sarah Goldsmith (Hrsg.), Beyond the Grand Tour. Northern Metropolises and Early Modern Travel Behaviour, London / New York 2017, Routledge, IX u. 228 S., £ 110,00. (Michael Maurer, Jena) Naum, Magdalena / Fredrik Ekengren (Hrsg.), Facing Otherness in Early Modern Sweden. Travel, Migration and Material Transformations 1500 – 1800 (The Society for Post-Mediaeval Archaeology Monograph, 10), Woodbridge 2018, Boydell Press, XVI u. 367 S. / Abb., £ 40,00. (Heiko Droste, Stockholm) Klaniczay, Gábor / Éva Pócs (Hrsg.), Witchcraft and Demonology in Hungary and Transylvania (Palgrave Historical Studies in Witchcraft and Magic), Cham 2017, Palgrave Macmillan, XIV u. 412 S., € 96,29. (Karen Lambrecht, St. Gallen) Bongartz, Josef / Alexander Denzler / Ellen Franke / Britta Schneider / Stefan A. Stodolkowitz (Hrsg.), Was das Reich zusammenhielt. Deutungsansätze und integrative Elemente (Quellen und Forschungen zur höchsten Gerichtsbarkeit im Alten Reich, 71), Köln / Weimar / Wien 2017, Böhlau, 182 S., € 60,00. (Jonas Stephan, Bad Sassendorf) Stretz, Torben, Juden in Franken zwischen Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit. Die Grafschaften Castell und Wertheim im regionalen Kontext (Forschungen zur Geschichte der Juden. Abteilung A: Abhandlungen, 26), Wiesbaden 2017, Harrassowitz, X u. 598 S. / Abb., € 89,00. (Maja Andert, Würzburg) Schmölz-Häberlein, Michaela (Hrsg.), Jüdisches Leben in der Region. Herrschaft, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft im Süden des Alten Reiches (Stadt und Region in der Vormoderne, 7; Judentum – Christentum – Islam, 16), Baden-Baden 2018, Ergon, 377 S. / Abb., € 58,00. (Rotraud Ries, Würzburg) Stalljohann-Schemme, Marina, Stadt und Stadtbild in der Frühen Neuzeit. Frankfurt am Main als kulturelles Zentrum im publizistischen Diskurs (Bibliothek Altes Reich, 21), Berlin / Boston 2017, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, X u. 493 S. / Abb., € 89,95. (Johannes Arndt, Münster) Schmidt-Funke, Julia A. / Matthias Schnettger (Hrsg.), Neue Stadtgeschichte‍(n). Die Reichsstadt Frankfurt im Vergleich (Mainzer Historische Kulturwissenschaften, 31), Bielefeld 2018, transcript, 483 S. / Abb., € 49,99. (Holger Th. Gräf, Marburg) Huber, Vitus, Beute und Conquista. Die politische Ökonomie der Eroberung Neuspaniens (Campus Historische Studien, 76), Frankfurt a. M. 2018, Campus, 432 S. / Abb., € 39,95. (Laura Dierksmeier und Anna Weininger, Tübingen) Caravale, Giorgio, Preaching and Inquisition in Renaissance Italy. Words on Trial, übers. v. Frank Gordon (Catholic Christendom, 1300 – 1700), Leiden / Boston 2016, Brill, VIII u. 274 S., € 115,00. (Andreea Badea, Frankfurt a. M.) Mertens, Dieter, Humanismus und Landesgeschichte. Ausgewählte Aufsätze, 2 Teile, hrsg. v. Dieter Speck / Birgit Studt / Thomas Zotz (Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für geschichtliche Landeskunde in Baden-Württemberg. Reihe B: Forschungen, 218), Stuttgart 2018, Kohlhammer, XIV u. 1042 S. / Abb., € 88,00. (Ulrich Muhlack, Frankfurt a. M.) Grimmsmann, Damaris, Krieg mit dem Wort. Türkenpredigten des 16. Jahrhunderts im Alten Reich (Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte, 131), Berlin / Boston 2016, de Gruyter, XII u. 317 S., € 109,95 (Alexander Schunka, Berlin) Bauer, Joachim / Stefan Michel (Hrsg.), Der „Unterricht der Visitatoren“ und die Durchsetzung der Reformation in Kursachsen (Leucorea-Studien zur Geschichte der Reformation und der Lutherischen Orthodoxie, 29), Leipzig 2017, Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 278 S., € 58,00. (Thomas Fuchs, Leipzig) Stegmann, Andreas, Die Reformation in der Mark Brandenburg, Leipzig 2017, Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 279 S. / Abb., € 34,00. (Thomas Fuchs, Leipzig) Mariotte, Jean-Yves, Philipp der Großmütige von Hessen (1504 – 1567). Fürstlicher Reformator und Landgraf, übers. v. Sabine Albrecht (Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Hessen, 24; Quellen und Darstellungen zur Geschichte des Landgrafen Philipp des Großmütigen, 10), Marburg 2018, Historische Kommission für Hessen, 301 S. / Abb., € 28,00. (Thomas Fuchs, Leipzig) Doll, Eberhard, Der Theologe und Schriftsteller Friedrich Dedekind (1524/25 – 1598). Eine Biographie. Mit einem Beitrag von Britta-Juliane Kruse zu Dedekinds geistlichen Spielen und der Erstedition der „Hochtzeit zu Cana in Galilea“ (Wolfenbütteler Forschungen, 145), Wiesbaden 2018, Harrassowitz in Kommission, 623 S. / Abb., € 92,00. (Julia Zech, Sarstedt) Bullinger, Heinrich, Tigurinerchronik, 3 Teilbde., hrsg. v. Hans U. Bächtold (Werke. Vierte Abteilung: Historische Schriften, 1), Zürich 2018, Theologischer Verlag Zürich, XXVII u. 1388 S. (Teilbde. 1 u. 2); V u. 425 S. / Abb. (Teilbd. 3), € 450,00. (Volker Leppin, Tübingen) Francisco de Vitoria, De iustitia / Über die Gerechtigkeit, Teil 1 u. 2, hrsg., eingel. u. ins Deutsche übers. v. Joachim Stüben, mit Einleitungen v. Thomas Duve (Teil 1) bzw. Tilman Repgen (Teil 2) (Politische Philosophie und Rechtstheorie des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit, Reihe I: Texte, 3 bzw. 4), Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt 2013 bzw. 2017, Frommann-Holzboog, CXII u. 191 S. bzw. CIX u. 355 S., € 168,00 bzw. € 188,00. (Nils Jansen, Münster) Der Portulan-Atlas des Battista Agnese. Das Kasseler Prachtexemplar von 1542, hrsg., eingel. u. komm. v. Ingrid Baumgärtner, Darmstadt 2017, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 144 S. / Abb., € 99,95. (Christoph Mauntel, Tübingen) Brevaglieri, Sabina / Matthias Schnettger (Hrsg.), Transferprozesse zwischen dem Alten Reich und Italien im 17. Jahrhundert. Wissenskonfigurationen – Akteure – Netzwerke (Mainzer Historische Kulturwissenschaften, 29), Bielefeld 2018, transcript, 341 S. / Abb., € 39,99. (Christiane Liermann, Como) Asmussen, Tina, Scientia Kircheriana. Die Fabrikation von Wissen bei Athanasius Kircher (Kulturgeschichten, 2), Affalterbach 2016, Didymos-Verlag, 220 S. / Abb., € 39,00. (Mona Garloff, Stuttgart / Wien) Schlegelmilch, Sabine, Ärztliche Praxis und sozialer Raum im 17. Jahrhundert. Johannes Magirus (1615 – 1697), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2018, Böhlau, 352 S. / Abb., € 50,00. (Pierre Pfütsch, Stuttgart) Félicité, Indravati, Das Königreich Frankreich und die norddeutschen Hansestädte und Herzogtümer (1650 – 1730). Diplomatie zwischen ungleichen Partnern, übers. aus dem Französischen v. Markus Hiltl (Quellen und Darstellungen zur hansischen Geschichte. Neue Folge, 75), Köln / Weimar / Wien 2017, Böhlau, 439 S., € 60,00. (Guido Braun, Mulhouse) Renault, Rachel, La permanence de l’extraordinaire. Fiscalité, pouvoirs et monde social en Allemagne aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Histoire moderne, 57), Paris 2017, Éditions de la Sorbonne, 389 S. / Abb., € 25,00. (Claire Gantet, Fribourg) Godsey, William D., The Sinews of Habsburg Power. Lower Austria in a Fiscal-Military State 1650 – 1820, Oxford 2018, Oxford University Press, XX u. 460 S. / Abb., £ 90,00. (Simon Karstens, Trier) Riotte, Andrea, Diese so oft beseufzte Parität. Biberach 1649 – 1825: Politik – Konfession – Alltag (Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für geschichtliche Landeskunde in Baden-Württemberg. Reihe B: Forschungen, 213), Stuttgart 2017, Kohlhammer, LII u. 779 S., € 64,00. (Stephanie Armer, Nürnberg) Müller, Andreas, Die Ritterschaft im Herzogtum Westfalen 1651 – 1803. Aufschwörung, innere Struktur und Prosopographie (Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Westfalen. Neue Folge, 34), Münster 2017, Aschendorff, 744 S. / Abb., € 69,00. (Nicolas Rügge, Hannover) Lange, Johan, Die Gefahren der akademischen Freiheit. Ratgeberliteratur für Studenten im Zeitalter der Aufklärung (1670 – 1820) (Beihefte der Francia, 84), Ostfildern 2017, Thorbecke, 339 S., € 45,00. 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Graham, Aaron / Patrick Walsh (Hrsg.), The British Fiscal-Military State, 1660 – c. 1783, London / New York 2016, Routledge, XI u. 290 S. / Abb., £ 80,00. (Torsten Riotte, Frankfurt a. M.) Hoppit, Julian, Britain’s Political Economies. Parliament and Economic Life, 1660 – 1800, Cambridge 2017, Cambridge University Press, XXII u. 391 S. / graph. Darst., £ 22,99. (Justus Nipperdey, Saarbrücken) Talbot, Michael, British-Ottoman Relations, 1661 – 1807. Commerce and Diplomatic Practice in Eighteenth-Century Istanbul, Woodbridge / Rochester 2017, The Boydell Press, XIII u. 256 S. / graph. Darst., £ 70,00. (Christine Vogel, Vechta) Niggemann, Ulrich, Revolutionserinnerung in der Frühen Neuzeit. Refigurationen der „Glorious Revolution“ in Großbritannien (1688 – 1760) (Veröffentlichungen des Deutsche Historischen Instituts London, 79), Berlin / Boston 2017, de Gruyter, XII u. 653 S. / Abb., € 64,95. (Georg Eckert, Wuppertal) Ducheyne, Steffen (Hrsg.), Reassessing the Radical Enlightenment, London / New York 2017, Routledge, XII u. 318 S., £ 32,99. (Bettina Dietz, Hongkong) Lehner, Ulrich (Hrsg.), Women, Enlightenment and Catholicism. A Transnational Biographical History, London / New York 2018, Routledge, XI u. 236 S. / Abb., £ 100,00. (Elisabeth Fischer, Hamburg) Möller, Horst / Claus Scharf / Wassili Dudarew / Maja Lawrinowitsch (Hrsg.), Deutschland – Russland. Stationen gemeinsamer Geschichte, Orte der Erinnerung, Bd. 1: Das 18. Jahrhundert, Berlin / Boston 2018, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, 410 S. / Abb., € 29,95. (Martina Winkler, Kiel) Bittner, Anja, Eine königliche Mission. Der französisch-jakobitische Invasionsversuch von 1708 im europäischen Kontext (Schriften des Frühneuzeitzentrums Potsdam, 6), Göttingen 2017, V&amp;R unipress, 277 S., € 45,00. (Torsten Riotte, Frankfurt a.M.) Schmidt-Voges, Inken / Ana Crespo Solana (Hrsg.), New Worlds? 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Füssel, Marian / Antje Kuhle / Michael Stolz (Hrsg.), Höfe und Experten. Relationen von Macht und Wissen in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit, Göttingen 2018, Vandenhoeck &amp; Ruprecht, 228 S. / Abb., € 55,00. (Alexander Querengässer, Leipzig) Fertig, Christine / Margareth Lanzinger (Hrsg.), Beziehungen – Vernetzungen – Konflikte. Perspektiven Historischer Verwandtschaftsforschung, Köln / Weimar / Wien 2016, Böhlau, 286 S. / Abb., € 35,00. (Simon Teuscher, Zürich) Geest, Paul van/ Marcel Poorthuis / Els Rose (Hrsg.), Sanctifying Texts, Transforming Rituals. Encounters in Liturgical Studies. Essays in Honour of Gerard A. M. Rouwhorst (Brill’s Studies in Catholic Theology, 5), Leiden / Boston 2017, Brill, XL u. 489 S. / Abb., € 145,00. (Martin Lüstraeten, Mainz) Kallestrup, Louise Nyholm / Raisa M. Toivo (Hrsg.), Contesting Orthodoxy in Medieval and Early Modern Europe. Heresy, Magic and Witchcraft (Palgrave Historical Studies in Witchcraft and Magic), Cham 2017, Palgrave Macmillan, XVII u. 349 S. / Abb., £ 63,00. (Vitali Byl, Greifswald) Grüne, Niels / Jonas Hübner / Gerhard Siegl (Hrsg.), Ländliche Gemeingüter. Kollektive Ressourcennutzung in der europäischen Agrarwirtschaft / Rural Commons. Collective Use of Resources in the European Agrarian Economy (Jahrbuch für Geschichte des ländlichen Raums, 2015), Innsbruck / Wien / Bozen 2016, StudienVerlag, 310 S. / Abb., € 29,90. (Christine Fertig, Münster) Wilson, Peter H., The Holy Roman Empire. A Thousand Years of Europe’s History, [London] 2016, Allan Lane, XII u. 941 S. / Abb., £ 14,99. (Alexander Jendorff, Gießen) Krischer, André (Hrsg.), Stadtgeschichte (Basistexte Frühe Neuzeit, 4), Stuttgart 2017, Steiner, 260 S. / Abb., € 24,00. (Nicolas Rügge, Hannover) Fouquet, Gerhard / Jan Hirschbiegel / Sven Rabeler (Hrsg.), Residenzstädte der Vormoderne. Umrisse eines europäischen Phänomens. 1. Symposium des Projekts „Residenzstädte im Alten Reich (1300 – 1800)“ der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Kiel, 13.–16. September 2014 (Residenzenforschung. Neue Folge: Stadt und Hof, 2), Ostfildern 2016, Thorbecke, 501 S. / Abb., € 79,00. (Michel Pauly, Luxemburg) Lau, Thomas / Helge Wittmann (Hrsg.), Reichsstadt im Religionskonflikt. 4. Tagung des Mühlhäuser Arbeitskreises für Reichsstadtgeschichte, Mühlhausen 8. bis 10. Februar 2016 (Studien zur Reichsstadtgeschichte, 4), Petersberg 2017, Imhof, 400 S. / Abb., € 29,95. (Stephanie Armer, Nürnberg) Universitätsarchiv Heidelberg durch Heike Hawicks u. Ingo Runde / Historischer Verein zur Förderung der internationalen Calvinismusforschung e. V. / Kurpfälzisches Museum der Stadt Heidelberg (Hrsg.), Päpste – Kurfürsten – Professoren – Reformatoren. Heidelberg und der Heilige Stuhl von den Reformkonzilien des Mittelalters zur Reformation. Begleitband zur Ausstellung im Kurpfälzischen Museum der Stadt Heidelberg, 21. Mai bis 22. Oktober 2017, Ubstadt-Weiher [u. a.] 2017, Verlag Regionalkultur, 120 S. / Abb., € 14,00. (Anuschka Holste-Massoth, Heidelberg) Buchet, Christian / Michel Balard (Hrsg.), The Sea in History / La Mer dans lʼHistoire, [Bd. 2:] The Medieval World / Le Moyen Âge, Woodbridge 2017, Boydell Press, XXX u. 1052 S. / Abb., £ 125,00. (Thomas K. Heebøll-Holm, Odense) Scholl, Christian / Torben R. Gebhardt / Jan Clauß (Hrsg.), Transcultural Approaches to the Concept of Imperial Rule in the Middle Ages, Frankfurt a. M. [u. a.] 2017, Lang, 379 S. / Abb., € 66,95. (Linda Dohmen, Bonn) Connell, Charles W., Popular Opinion in the Middle Ages. Channeling Public Ideas and Attitudes (Fundamentals of Medieval and Early Modern Culture, 18), Berlin / Boston 2016, de Gruyter, XVIII u. 347 S. / Abb., € 89,95. (Heike Johanna Mierau, Erlangen) Netherton, Robin / Gale R. Owen-Crocker (Hrsg.), Medieval Clothing and Textiles, Bd. 13, Woodbridge / Rochester 2017, Boydell Press, XIII u. 161 S. / Abb., £ 40,00. (Angela Huang, Lübeck) Kirsch, Mona, Das allgemeine Konzil im Spätmittelalter. Organisation – Verhandlungen – Rituale (Heidelberger Abhandlungen zur Mittleren und Neueren Geschichte, 21), Heidelberg 2016, Universitätsverlag Winter, 655 S., € 68,00. (Johannes Helmrath, Berlin) Burton, Janet / Karen Stöber (Hrsg.), Women in the Medieval Monastic World (Medieval Monastic Studies, 1), Turnhout 2015, Brepols, VIII u. 377 S. / Abb., € 90,00. (Cristina Andenna, Dresden) Baker, John, The Reinvention of Magna Carta 1216 – 1616 (Cambridge Studies in English Legal History), Cambridge [u. a.] 2017, Cambridge University Press, XLIX u. 570 S., £ 120,00. (Andreas Pečar, Halle a. d. Saale) Bünz, Enno (Hrsg.), Geschichte der Stadt Leipzig, Bd. 1: Von den Anfängen bis zur Reformation, Leipzig 2015, Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 1055 S. / Abb., € 49,00. (Christian Speer, Halle a. d. S.) Kinne, Hermann, Das (exemte) Bistum Meißen 1: Das Kollegiatstift St. Petri zu Bautzen von der Gründung bis 1569 (Germania Sacra. Dritte Folge, 7), Berlin / Boston 2014, de Gruyter, XII u. 1062 S., € 169,95. (Ulrike Siewert, Chemnitz) Bauch, Martin / Julia Burkhardt / Tomáš Gaudek / Václav Žůrek (Hrsg.), Heilige, Helden, Wüteriche. Herrschaftsstile der Luxemburger (1308 – 1437) (Forschungen zur Kaiser- und Papstgeschichte des Mittelalters, 41), Köln / Weimar / Wien 2017, Böhlau, 449 S. / Abb., € 55,00. (Lenka Bobkova, Prag) Voigt, Dieter, Die Augsburger Baumeisterbücher des 14. Jahrhunderts, 2 Bde., Bd. 1: Darstellung; Bd. 2: Transkriptionen (Veröffentlichungen der Schwäbischen Forschungsgemeinschaft. Reihe 1: Studien zur Geschichte des Bayerischen Schwabens, 43), Augsburg 2017, Wißner, XII u. 228 S. / Abb. / CD-ROM (Bd. 1); X u. 906 S. (Bd. 2), € 65,00. (Jörg Rogge, Mainz) Housley, Norman (Hrsg.), Reconfiguring the Fifteenth-Century Crusade, London 2017, Palgrave Macmillan, XIII u. 344 S., € 106,99. (Kristjan Toomaspoeg, Lecce) Fudge, Thomas A., Jerome of Prague and the Foundations of the Hussite Movement, Oxford 2016, Oxford University Press, XV u. 379 S. / Abb., £ 64,00. (Jan Odstrčilík, Wien) Braun, Karl-Heinz / Thomas Martin Buck (Hrsg.), Über die ganze Erde erging der Name von Konstanz. Rahmenbedingungen und Rezeption des Konstanzer Konzils (Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für geschichtliche Landeskunde in Baden-Württemberg, Reihe B: Forschungen, 212), Stuttgart 2017, Kohlhammer, XXI u. 268 S. / Abb., € 32,00. (Ansgar Frenken, Ulm) Fuchs, Franz / Pirmin Spieß (Hrsg.), Friedrich der Siegreiche (1425 – 1476). Beiträge zur Erforschung eines spätmittelalterlichen Landesfürsten (Stiftung zur Förderung der pfälzischen Geschichtsforschung. Reihe B: Abhandlungen zur Geschichte der Pfalz, 17), Neustadt a. d. Weinstraße 2016, Selbstverlag der Stiftung zur Förderung der pfälzischen Geschichtsforschung, X u. 366 S., € 59,00. (Gabriel Zeilinger, Kiel) Förschler, Silke / Anne Mariss (Hrsg.), Akteure, Tiere, Dinge. Verfahrensweisen der Naturgeschichte in der Frühen Neuzeit, Köln / Weimar / Wien 2017, Böhlau, 258 S. / Abb., € 35,00. (Isabelle Schürch, Bern) Rediker, Marcus, Gesetzlose des Atlantiks. Piraten und rebellische Seeleute in der frühen Neuzeit, übers. v. Max Henninger u. Sabine Bartel (Kritik &amp; Utopie), Wien 2017, Mandelbaum, 310 S., € 18,00. (Magnus Ressel, Frankfurt a. M.) Forrestal, Alison / Seán A. Smith (Hrsg.), The Frontiers of Mission. Perspectives on Early Modern Missionary Catholicism (Catholic Christendom, 1300 – 1700), Leiden / Boston 2016, Brill, XI u. 202 S. / Abb., € 110,00; als Brill MyBook € 25,00. (Irina Pawlowsky, Tübingen) Graf, Joel, Die Inquisition und ausländische Protestanten in Spanisch-Amerika (1560 – 1770). Rechtspraktiken und Rechtsräume, Köln / Weimar / Wien 2017, Böhlau, 320 S., € 45,00. (Christoph Nebgen, Mainz) Mazur, Peter A., Conversion to Catholicism in Early Modern Italy (Religious Cultures in the Early Modern World, 22), New York / London 2016, Routledge, XIV u. 178 S. / Abb., £ 95,00. (Kim Siebenhüner, Jena) Germann, Michael / Wim Decock (Hrsg.), Das Gewissen in den Rechtslehren der protestantischen und katholischen Reformationen / Conscience in the Legal Teachings of the Protestant and Catholic Reformations (Leucorea-Studien zur Geschichte der Reformation und der Lutherischen Orthodoxie, 31), Leipzig 2017, Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 345 S. / Abb., € 68,00. (Nils Jansen, Münster) Höppner, Anika, Gesichte. Lutherische Visionskultur der Frühen Neuzeit, Paderborn 2017, Fink, 389 S. / Abb., € 69,00. (Rainer Walz, Bochum) Millar, Charlotte-Rose, Witchcraft, the Devil, and Emotions in Early Modern England (Routledge Research in Early Modern History), London / New York 2017, Routledge, XII u. 230 S. / Abb., £ 105,00. (Christina Antenhofer, Salzburg) Kounine, Laura / Michael Ostling (Hrsg.), Emotions in the History of Witchcraft (Palgrave Studies in the History of Emotions), London 2016, Palgrave Macmillan, XVI u. 321 S. / Abb., £ 74,50. (Christina Antenhofer, Salzburg) Dirmeier, Artur (Hrsg.), Leben im Spital. Pfründner und ihr Alltag 1500 – 1800 (Studien zur Geschichte des Spital-‍, Wohlfahrts- und Gesundheitswesens, 12), Regensburg 2018, Pustet, 269 S. / Abb., € 34,95. (Christina Vanja, Kassel) Nicholls, Angela, Almshouses in Early Modern England. Charitable Housing in the Mixed Economy of Welfare, 1550 – 1725 (People, Markets, Goods: Economies and Societies in History, 8), Woodbridge / Rochester 2017, Boydell, XI u. 278 S., £ 19,99. (Christina Vanja, Kassel) Mączak, Antoni, Eine Kutsche ist wie eine Straßendirne … Reisekultur im Alten Europa. Aus dem Polnischen von Reinhard Fischer und Peter O. Loew (Polen in Europa), Paderborn 2017, Schöningh, 237 S. / Abb., € 29,90. (Benjamin Müsegades, Heidelberg) Garner, Guillaume (Hrsg.), Die Ökonomie des Privilegs, Westeuropa 16.–19. Jahrhundert / Lʼéconomie du privilège, Europe occidentale XVIe-XIXe siècles (Studien zu Policey, Kriminalitätsgeschichte und Konfliktregulierung), Frankfurt a. M. 2016, Klostermann, VII u. 523 S. / graph. Darst., € 79,00. (Rachel Renault, Le Mans) Gemeine Bescheide, Teil 1: Reichskammergericht 1497 – 1805, hrsg. v. Peter Oestmann (Quellen und Forschungen zur höchsten Gerichtsbarkeit im Alten Reich, 63.1), Köln / Weimar / Wien 2013, Böhlau, VI u. 802 S., € 79,90. (Ralf-Peter Fuchs, Essen) Gemeine Bescheide, Teil 2: Reichshofrat 1613 – 1798, hrsg. v. Peter Oestmann (Quellen und Forschungen zur höchsten Gerichtsbarkeit im Alten Reich, 63.2), Köln / Weimar / Wien 2017, Böhlau, 480 S., € 60,00. (Ralf-Peter Fuchs, Essen) Süß, Thorsten, Partikularer Zivilprozess und territoriale Gerichtsverfassung. Das weltliche Hofgericht in Paderborn und seine Ordnungen 1587 – 1720 (Quellen und Forschungen zur höchsten Gerichtsbarkeit im Alten Reich, 69), Köln / Weimar / Wien 2017, Böhlau, 570 S., € 90,00. (Michael Ströhmer, Paderborn) Luebke, David M., Hometown Religion. Regimes of Coexistence in Early Modern Westphalia (Studies in Early Modern German History), Charlottesville / London 2016, University of Virginia Press, XI u. 312 S. / Abb., $ 45,00. (Alexander Schunka, Berlin) Blum, Daniela, Multikonfessionalität im Alltag. Speyer zwischen politischem Frieden und Bekenntnisernst (1555 – 1618) (Reformationsgeschichtliche Studien und Texte, 162), Münster 2015, Aschendorff, X u. 411 S., € 56,00. 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Untersuchungen zur Basler Geschichtsschreibung im 16. Jahrhundert (Spätmittelalter, Humanismus, Reformation, 98), Tübingen 2017, Mohr Siebeck, XII u. 252 S. / Abb., € 89,00. (Beate Kusche, Leipzig) Horst, Thomas / Marília dos Santos Lopes / Henrique Leitão (Hrsg.), Renaissance Craftsmen and Humanistic Scholars. Circulation of Knowledge between Portugal and Germany (Passagem, 10), Frankfurt a. M. [u. a.] 2017, Lang, 245 S. / Abb., € 55,95. (Martin Biersack, München) Boer, Jan-Hendryk de, Unerwartete Absichten – Genealogie des Reuchlinkonflikts (Spätmittelalter, Humanismus, Reformation, 94), Tübingen 2016, Mohr Siebeck, VIII u. 1362 S., € 189,00. (Albert Schirrmeister, Paris) Peutinger, Konrad, Tischgespräche (Sermones convivales) und andere Druckschriften. Faksimile-Edition der Erstdrucke mit einer Einleitung von Johannes Burkhardt und einer kommentierten Übersetzung von Helmut Zäh und Veronika Lukas, hrsg. v. Johannes Burkhardt (Historia Scientiarum. 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Lebensformen von Nonnen in Sachsen zwischen Reform und landesherrlicher Aufhebung (Quellen und Forschungen zur sächsischen Geschichte, 41), Stuttgart 2016, Sächsische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig / Steiner in Kommission, 455 S. / Abb., € 76,00. (Andreas Rutz, Bonn/Düsseldorf) Der Kurfürstentag zu Regensburg 1575, bearb. v. Christiane Neerfeld (Deutsche Reichstagsakten. Reichsversammlungen 1556 – 1662), Berlin / Boston 2016, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, 423 S., € 139,95. (Thomas Kirchner, Aachen) Kerr-Peterson, Miles / Steven J. Reid (Hrsg.), James VI and Noble Power in Scotland 1578 – 1603 (Routledge Research in Early Modern History), London / New York 2017, Routledge, XVI u. 219 S., £ 75,00. (Martin Foerster, Düsseldorf) Nellen, Henk J. M., Hugo Grotius. A Lifelong Struggle for Peace in Church and State, 1583 – 1645, übers. v. J. Chris Grayson, Leiden / Boston 2015, Brill, XXXII u. 827 S. / Abb., € 199,00. (Peter Nitschke, Vechta) Weber, Wolfgang E. J., Luthers bleiche Erben. Kulturgeschichte der evangelischen Geistlichkeit des 17. Jahrhunderts, Berlin / Boston 2017, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, VI u. 234 S. / Abb., € 29,95. (Cornel Zwierlein, Bamberg / Erfurt) Hennings, Werner / Uwe Horst / Jürgen Kramer, Die Stadt als Bühne. Macht und Herrschaft im öffentlichen Raum von Rom, Paris und London im 17. Jahrhundert (Edition Kulturwissenschaft, 63), Bielefeld 2016, transcript, 421 S. / Abb., € 39,99. (Susanne Rau, Erfurt) „Das Beispiel der Obrigkeit ist der Spiegel des Unterthans“. Instruktionen und andere normative Quellen zur Verwaltung der liechtensteinischen Herrschaften Feldsberg und Wilfersdorf in Niederösterreich (1600 – 1815), hrsg. v. Anita Hipfinger (Fontes Rerum Austriacarum. Abt. 3: Fontes Iuris, 24), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2016, Böhlau, 875 S. / Abb., € 97,00. (Alexander Denzler, Eichstätt) Roper, Louis H., Advancing Empire. English Interests and Overseas Expansion, 1613 – 1688, New York 2017, Cambridge University Press, XI u. 302 S., £ 25,99. 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(Pauline Puppel, Berlin) Onnekink, David, Reinterpreting the Dutch Forty Years War, 1672 – 1713, Palgrave Pivot 2016, London, VIII u. 138 S., £ 37,99. (Johannes Arndt, Münster) Froide, Amy M., Silent Partners. Women as Public Investors during Britainʼs Financial Revolution, 1690 – 1750, Oxford / New York 2017, Oxford University Press, VI u. 225 S. / Abb., £ 60,00. (Philipp R. Rössner, Manchester) Mulsow, Martin / Kasper Risbjerg Eskildsen / Helmut Zedelmaier (Hrsg.), Christoph August Heumann (1681 – 1764). Gelehrte Praxis zwischen christlichem Humanismus und Aufklärung (Gothaer Forschungen zur Frühen Neuzeit, 12), Stuttgart 2017, Steiner, XVI u. 265 S. / Abb., € 54,00. (Claire Gantet, Fribourg/Freiburg) Harding, Elizabeth (Hrsg.), Kalkulierte Gelehrsamkeit. Zur Ökonomisierung der Universitäten im 18. Jahrhundert (Wolfenbütteler Forschungen, 148), Wiesbaden 2016, Harrassowitz in Kommission, 300 S. / Abb., € 62,00. (Andrea Thiele, Halle a. d. S.) 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Eine Biographie, Beck 2017, München, 253 S. / Abb., € 24,95. (Georg Eckert, Wuppertal) Home, Roderick W. / Isabel M. Malaquias / Manuel F. Thomaz (Hrsg.), For the Love of Science. The Correspondence of J. H. de Magellan (1722 – 1790), 2 Bde., Bern [u. a.] 2017, Lang, 2002 S. / Abb., € 228,95. (Lisa Dannenberg-Markel, Aachen) Wendt-Sellin, Ulrike, Herzogin Luise Friederike von Mecklenburg-Schwerin (1722 – 1791). Ein Leben zwischen Pflicht, Pläsir und Pragmatismus (Quellen und Studien aus den Landesarchiven Mecklenburg-Vorpommerns, 19), Köln / Weimar / Wien 2017, Böhlau, 468 S. / Abb., € 60,00. (Britta Kägler, Trondheim) Oehler, Johanna, „Abroad at Göttingen“. Britische Studenten als Akteure des Kultur- und Wissenstransfers 1735 bis 1806 (Veröffentlichungen der Historischen Kommission für Niedersachsen und Bremen, 289), Göttingen 2016, Wallstein, 478 S. / graph. Darst., € 39,90. 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