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Journal articles on the topic 'Greek and Roman comedy'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 13 February 2022

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1

Lowe, N. J. "IV From Greece to Rome." New Surveys in the Classics 37 (2007): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383508000466.

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The origins of Roman comedy are, in one sense, clear-cut: at the Ludi Romani or Roman Games of September 240, a Romanized Tarentine Greek known as Lucius Livius Andronicus, who at some point also translated the Odyssey into Latin, produced the first Latin translations of Greek plays on a Roman stage. This firm date, for which we have Cicero's friend Atticus to thank, marks the beginning of the establishment of a practice of translating classic Greek plays that would continue in both comedy and tragedy for at least a further century.

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2

Cartlidge, Ben. "JUVENAL 5.104: TEXT AND INTERTEXT." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 1 (May 2019): 370–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000508.

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This paper draws on Juvenal's intertextual relationship with comedy to solve a textual crux involving fish-names. The monograph by Ferriss-Hill will no doubt warn scholarship away from the treatment of Roman satire's intertextuality with Old Comedy for a time. Yet, Greek comedy's influence on Roman satire is far from exhausted, and this paper will show that this influence goes more widely, and more deeply, than is usually seen. In time, one might hope for a renewed monographic treatment of the subject.

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3

Anderson, William S. "The Roman Transformation of Greek Domestic Comedy." Classical World 88, no. 3 (1995): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351674.

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4

Penniston, Joyce K. "Pragma and Process in Greek and Roman Comedy." Syllecta Classica 7, no. 1 (1996): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/syl.1996.0026.

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5

Goldberg, Sander M. "Roman Comedy Gets Back to Basics." Journal of Roman Studies 101 (May 25, 2011): 206–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435811000074.

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Twenty-one plays survive under the name of Plautus. Add the six by Terence and the fragmentary record from Andronicus in the mid-third century to Turpilius late in the second, and the result is a significant corpus with something for nearly everyone: an extensive record of Latin at a key period in its history, a major arena for the Romans' ongoing struggle with Hellenism, a genre more central to later Western drama than anything Greek, and, however well scholarship may sometimes obscure the fact, plays that are genuinely funny and replete with the sights, sounds, and smells of what passes for daily life in the Roman Republic. Small wonder the comoedia palliata once attracted some of the great names in Roman studies. What Alison Sharrock was taught to regard as only ‘a stereotype-ridden exercise in lamentable literary secondariness’ (ix) must from the beginning have meant something quite different to Ritschl and Leo, not to mention Studemund, whose eyesight never recovered from the strain of transcribing the Ambrosian palimpsest of Plautus. How did the study of comedy ever become a literary backwater? And what has happened to it since?

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Feltovich, Anne. "Social Networking among Women in Greek and Roman Comedy." Classical World 113, no. 3 (2020): 249–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2020.0024.

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7

Feltovich, Anne. "Controlling Images: Enslaved Women in Greek and Roman Comedy." Arethusa 54, no. 1 (2021): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2021.0002.

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8

Connors, Catherine. "Monkey Business: Imitation, Authenticity, and Identity from Pithekoussai to Plautus." Classical Antiquity 23, no. 2 (October 1, 2004): 179–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2004.23.2.179.

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Abstract This essay explores references to monkeys as a way of talking about imitation, authenticity, and identity in Greek stories about the ““Monkey Island”” Pithekoussai (modern Ischia) and in Athenian insults, and in Plautus' comedy. In early Greek contexts, monkey business defines what it means to be aristocratic and authoritative. Classical Athenians use monkeys to think about what it means to be authentically Athenian: monkey business is a figure for behavior which threatens democratic culture——sycophancy or other deceptions of the people. Plautus' monkey imagery across the corpus of his plays moves beyond the Athenian use of ““monkey”” as a term of abuse and uses the ““imitative”” relation of monkeys to men as a metapoetic figure for invention and play-making. For Plautus, imitator——and distorter——of Greek plays, monkeys' distorted imitations of men are mapped not onto the relations between inauthentic and authentic citizens, as in Athens, but onto the relation of Roman to Greek comedy and culture at large. Monkey business in Plautus is part of the insistence on difference which was always crucial in Roman encounters with Greek culture.

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9

Reid, Jeffrey. "Hegel and the Politics of Tragedy, Comedy and Terror." Epoché: A Journal for the History of Philosophy 25, no. 1 (2020): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/epoche2020108172.

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Greek tragedy, in Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit, represents the performative realization of binary political difference, for example, “private versus public,” “man versus woman” or “nation versus state.” On the other hand, Roman comedy and French Revolutionary Terror, in Hegel, can be taken as radical expressions of political in-difference, defined as a state where all mediating structures of association and governance have collapsed into a world of “bread and circuses.” In examining the dialectical interplay between binary, tragic difference and comedic, terrible in-difference, the paper arrives at hypothetical conclusions regarding how these political forms may be observed today.

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10

Čiripová, Dáša. "Greek Drama in the Hellenistic Period." Slovenske divadlo /The Slovak Theatre 65, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 373–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sd-2017-0022.

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Abstract This study deals with a period of the Greeco-Roman history related to theatre. Hellenism is a period which is often overlooked by theatre scholars although it is an immensely important and rich transformatory and revolutionary period from a historical point of view. Hellenism is not only marked with the encounter of two worlds, but also with their mutual enrichment. In the world of diverse peoples, theatre and drama turn to lighter themes (comedy is more popular than tragedy), show preference for entertaining theatre forms, gradually divert their attention from serious textual levels and turn to non-verbal genres. Menandros is a typical representative of Hellenistic drama. Unfortunately, a great number of texts and files, which would contain at least mentions of drama production at that time, have been lost.

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11

Maurach, Gregor. "Terenz' Hecyra—Spiel der Voreiligkeiten." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 8 (November 2015): 181–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-08-08.

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Rashness was one of the most urgent themes and most poignant reproaches in Greek experience and reasoning from the 5th century BC onwards: Thucydides complained of rash actions during the Peloponnesian War that led to disaster; Sophocles showed Deianeira rashly sending the lethal garment to her husband on his return with Iole, and Plato made his Socrates expose the rashness of his interlocutors’ assertions again and again. Small wonder, then that Comedy, especially the New Comedy, seized upon this all-pervading deficiency, as can be seen for example in Menander’s Perikeiromene and Epitrepontes, where impulsive young men nearly destroy their lives by acting and judging precipitately. Roman Comedy naturally followed suit, for example Terence in Heautontimorumenos as well as in his Hecyra, where he followed Apollodorus: time and again his characters assert what they do not know for certain and time and again they act according to unwarranted assumptions, a pivotal theme that hitherto seems to have been underrated.

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12

Csapo, Eric. "Plautine Elements in the Running-Slave Entrance Monologues?" Classical Quarterly 39, no. 1 (May 1989): 148–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800040556.

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Despite a growing body of evidence to the contrary, the running slave (‘servus currens’), and particularly the often lengthy entrance monologue of the running slave, is generally considered a distinctly Roman phenomenon, an exuberant growth of the Latin soil, albeit from Greek seed.1 There are two reasons for this. One reason is the frequency with which the motif appears in the comedies of Plautus and Terence, in sharp contrast with the absence of any single undisputable New Comic example. The second reason is Eduard Fraenkel'sPlautinisches im Plautuswhich, sixty-five years after its publication, remains the most authoritative scholarly work in the field of Roman comedy. In this book Fraenkel argues that Plautus' running-slave scenes, particularly the monologues of theCurculio(280–98) and theCaptivi(790–828), are a veritable nexus of original Plautine traits.

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13

Moore, Timothy J. "The Oxford Handbook of Greek and Roman Comedy ed. by Michael Fontaine, and Adele C. Scafuro." College Literature 42, no. 3 (2015): 525–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lit.2015.0035.

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14

Fögen, Thorsten. "Gender-specific communication in Graeco-Roman antiquity." Historiographia Linguistica 31, no. 2-3 (December 31, 2004): 199–276. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.31.2.03fog.

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Summary It has been the main interest of numerous studies in modern linguistics, in particular since the 1980s, to analyse gender-specific language and modes of communication. However, the vast majority of these contributions completely ignores the fact that some ancient authors already raised the problem of gender-specific language and thus made at least a first step towards a diaphasic sketch of the linguistic levels and varieties of both Greek and Latin. The ancient sources on women’s language are admittedly not very ample and, moreover, rather scattered. It is the aim of this contribution to bring together relevant metalinguistic passages and provide a close reading in order to obtain a more differentiated impression of the ancients’ views on gender-specific language and style. It is highlighted that differences are pointed out by ancient authors not only in pragmatic respects, but also for the phonological, morphological and lexico-semantic levels. The focus is on excerpts from Plato, Aristophanes, Roman comedy and rhetorical writings, but further (sometimes indirect) sources are also included. The final part of this contribution considers the evidence on “women’s speech” in Giovanni Boccaccio’s treatise De mulieribus claris.

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Fögen, Thorsten. "Gender-Specific Communication in Graeco-Roman Antiquity: With a Research Bibliography." Historiographia Linguistica International Journal for the History of the Language Sciences 31, no. 2-3 (2004): 199–276. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.31.2-3.03fog.

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It has been the main interest of numerous studies in modern linguistics, in particular since the 1980s, to analyse gender-specific language and modes of communication. However, the vast majority of these contributions completely ignores the fact that some ancient authors already raised the problem of gender-specific language and thus made at least a first step towards a diaphasic sketch of the linguistic levels and varieties of both Greek and Latin. The ancient sources on women’s language are admittedly not very ample and, moreover, rather scattered. It is the aim of this contribution to bring together relevant metalinguistic passages and provide a close reading in order to obtain a more differentiated impression of the ancients’ views on gender-specific language and style. It is highlighted that differences are pointed out by ancient authors not only in pragmatic respects, but also for the phonological, morphological and lexico-semantic levels. The focus is on excerpts from Plato, Aristophanes, Roman comedy and rhetorical writings, but further (sometimes indirect) sources are also included. The final part of this contribution considers the evidence on “women’s speech” in Giovanni Boccaccio’s treatiseDe mulieribus claris.

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16

Paraskeviotis, George C. "Women and Genre in Calpurnius Siculus’ Eclogues." Antichthon 54 (2020): 103–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2020.3.

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AbstractThis article aims to examine the ways in which the Calpurnian text converses with the earlier pastoral tradition focusing on the women identified in the collection. Leaving aside the mythical female figures who are also traced in the collection (e.g. Pales and Venus), this study focuses on all the female characters mentioned by male figures, trying to show that women in the Eclogues, among other elements (such as subjects, motifs, intertexts, language and style), constitute a significant means by which Calpurnius shows originality and generic evolution.It is argued that the female characters in Calpurnian pastoral are the erotic objects of the herdsmen and the recipients of their songs and in that sense they recall the pastoral tradition (Greek and Roman) that Calpurnius inherited. What is more, they are central metapoetic elements which show Calpurnius’ metaliterary engagement with gender in a collection that stresses the originality of the Neronian pastoral. Most importantly, however, they incorporate features and elements from other literary genres (mostly from Roman comedy and love elegy) and in that sense they constitute a significant means by which Calpurnius maintains the generic tensions employed by his literary antecedents (i.e. Vergil) and broadens the limits of pastoral.

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17

LIAPIS, VAYOS. "INTERTEXTUALITY AS IRONY: HERACLES IN EPIC AND IN SOPHOCLES." Greece and Rome 53, no. 1 (April 2006): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383506000040.

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Heracles' image in antiquity is notoriously kaleidoscopic. Comedy represented him as a gluttonous buffoon, and myth made no secret of the brutal violence of many of his exploits. On the other hand, Pindar exalts him as a superlative figure who enforced the nomos of the gods, while Prodicus in a famous myth makes Heracles a supreme example of commendable conduct, a youth who chooses the path of Virtue over the path of Vice out of his own free will. This image of a moralized Heracles soon took root in the Greek imagination, and a whole host of Greek thinkers (Isocrates, Antisthenes, Diogenes the Cynic, and Plutarch, to name but a few) found in him a perfectly malleable exemplum for their various courses in moral edification. After undergoing a large number of transformations in Roman literature and the Church Fathers, Heracles resurfaces unscathed in the early Renaissance, when we find him again as an already established exemplum virtutis, now a man of letters, now a Christian. It would appear that, despite his multifarious metamorphoses, Heracles remained throughout the centuries essentially what he had been since Prodicus' day: an exemplary figure who undertook extreme toils and gained supreme recompense.

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18

Moodie, Erin K. "Old Men and Metatheatre in Terence: Terence's Dramatic Competition." Ramus 38, no. 2 (2009): 145–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000564.

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Within the Terentian corpus thesenes(‘old men’) Simo (of theAndria) and Chremes (of theHeauton Timorumenos) enjoy an extraordinary understanding of the conventions of Roman comedy. While slaves in Plautine comedy certainly exhibit similar knowledge of their genre's conventions, as do the young men who are allied with them (one thinks of Charinus' prologue to theMercator), Plautinesenesdo not usually share in this awareness. This paper focuses on theAndria'sSimo and theHeauton'sChremes because—despite their unusual generic knowledge, which each man reveals in several metatheatrical remarks—they nevertheless misinterpret their slaves. Indeed, we shall see that both men's knowledge of the character type of the clever slave leads to their belief that they can control the slaves and see through their attempts at deception. However, in the end both men actually deceive themselves because their knowledge leads them to see deceptions where there are none—to interpret truth as a fiction contrived by their slaves. Interestingly, Simo and Chremes have something else in common: they both appear in plays whose prologues feature references to an unnamed opponent of Terence—themaleuolus uetus poeta(‘spiteful old poet’). This individual is alleged to have charged Terence with (1) mixing the plots of multiple Greek comedies together in the composition of his own plays, and (2) accepting the help of powerful friends in the writing of his comedies.

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Fox, R. J. Lane. "Theophrastus'Charactersand the historian." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 42 (1997): 127–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500002078.

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In a programmatic article, published nearly twenty years ago, Peter Laslett characterized historians who try to write social history from literature as people who look at the world through the wrong end of a telescope. His particular examples of their inverted gaze were not always well chosen: warfare in Homer, the young age at betrothal of Shakespeare's Juliet, the extra-marital affairs in Restoration Comedy. The main point, however, still challenges ancient historians. ‘The great defect of the evidence’, as A. H. M. Jones forewarned readers of his social history, ‘is the total absence of statistics’: at best, we have isolated numbers which do not survive in significant sequences. Yet since 1951, ancient historians have continued to look down their telescopes and find social history in a widening range of texts. In the past decade, Roman historians have re-read prose fictions for this purpose, while on the Greek side, more recent attention has gone to poetry, especially tragedy and Homeric epic.

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20

McElduff, Siobhan. "More Than Menander's Acolyte: Terence on Translation." Ramus 33, no. 1-2 (2004): 120–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00001156.

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Michael Cronin once described translation as ‘what saves us from having to read the original’. To cite this statement at the start of any discussion of Terence is a little ironic given that critics have not infrequently used his comedies as an opaque glass through which, if only one squints hard enough, one can read the original Greek New Comedy. Noticeably, these lost originals usually live their imagined existences free from the dramatic flaws of Terence's adaptations. For example, Grant writes on the seeming abruptness of Micio's challenge to Demea at Adelphoe 829-31, that in the Greek original ‘the challenge would not have been as abrupt as it is in the Terentian adaptation. The probable reason for the abruptness is that Terence did not realize the difference between Attic and Roman law [on inheritance] in this respect.’ It is certainly possible that he is right, and that Terence omitted something in Menander which caused problems for the flow of his play. It is, however, also entirely possible that the original was similarly abrupt or that there was some other reason for the scene's choppiness than Terence's lamentable ignorance of the inheritance laws of Athens or his poor skills in translation.

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Holloway, Paul A. "Deliberating Life and Death: Paul's TragicDubitatioin Philippians 1:22–26." Harvard Theological Review 111, no. 2 (April 2018): 174–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816018000044.

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AbstractDubitatiois a complex figure of speech in which a speaker explicitly weighs her or his options in the course of making a difficult decision.Dubitatiowas typically used to display a protagonist's character as revealed in her or his decision-making. In Philippians 1:22–26, Paul usesdubitatioto draw the readers into his deliberations whether to commit suicide in prison. In so doing, he not only reveals to them his own character but their character as well, in as much as it is their inordinate grief over his imprisonment that will ultimately determine Paul's decision.Dubitatiooccurs already in Homer, but it was made famous in Greek tragedy, where it largely defined the genre. The tragicdubitatiowas parodied in subsequent comedy and, by the Roman period, was beginning to appear in other genres, including political oratory, various poetic genres, history, and epistle. Paul's apt use ofdubitatioin Phil 1:22–26 shows an obvious familiarity with the figure. By attending to Paul's use ofdubitatioin Phil 1:22–26, we can arrive at a fresh and convincing interpretation of this challengingcrux interpretum.

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22

Tarwacka, Anna. "EI FORAS, MULIER, CZYLI ROZWÓD W KOMEDIACH PLAUTA." Zeszyty Prawnicze 4, no. 1 (May 30, 2017): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2004.4.1.01.

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El FORAS MULIER, VIZ. DIVORCE IN PLAUTUS’ COMEDIESSummary The Romans treated law as a very important element of everyday life. That is why their literature is so full of allusions to law.Plautus wrote his comedies for nearly 30 years, between 210 and 184B.C. His plays were based on the Greek Middle and New Comedy. It isnot always easy to distinguish the parts where he refers to Roman law fromthose where he simply translates the original text without making anychanges.In many of Plautus’ plays we can find information about divorce, though divorce was never shown on the stage for obvious moral reasons.In Menaechmi the husband threatens his wife with repudium because hefeels a slave in his own house - an ideal wife should - under no circumstances - spy on her husband or even ask him about his affairs. The position of a men in this relationship is rather weak - his wife brought a largedowry and he is simply afraid of what he could lose by ending his marriage. In Mercator Syra, a slave-woman, comments that husbans are allowed tohave sexual contacts with other women, whereas their wives can be easilyrepudiated even if seen outside their houses without a permission. Thereseems to have been no possibility for a woman to demand divorce in Romeof the III/II century B. C. Plautus uses this fact for comical purposes. InAmphitruo Alcumena speaks the formula of repudium as if backwords: tibihabeas res tuasy reddas meas, making it sound as if it was her husband to repudiate her.Plautus gives a lot of evidence that divorces were quite common in histimes and that the Romans knew perfectly all its legal aspects.

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23

Walker, William. "Anadiplosis in Shakespearean Drama." Rhetorica 35, no. 4 (2017): 399–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2017.35.4.399.

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A complex definition of the figure, anadiplosis, develops in the tradition that runs from ancient Greek and Roman rhetoricians up to sixteenth-century continental rhetorical theorists such as Susenbrotus. Drawing on and enriching this tradition, the English rhetoricians of Shakespeare's day defined the figure as the repetition of the word or words with which one phrase or line ends, at or near the beginning of the succeeding phrase or line. A series of anadiploses was understood to make for a gradatio (or climax). Having been schooled in these and other definitions of the tropes and figures, Shakespeare implements anadiplosis, as well as the rhetoricians’ rich metaphorical description of it, in his text. In so doing, he enhances his representation of people who are impassioned, thoughtful, witty, deranged, and ridiculous. In keeping with the rhetoricians’ recognition of the polysemy of the figure, Shakespeare also implements this figure to narrate events and make some of them seem inevitable (usually in history and tragedy) and others unlikely (usually in comedy). The Shakespearean script also frequently includes dialogic anadiplosis: the sharing of the figure by two speakers. In this form, it plays a significant role in Shakespeare's creation of authentic dialogue.

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24

Seidensticker, Bernd. "Ancient Drama and Reception of Antiquity in the Theatre and Drama of the German Democratic Republic (GDR)." Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca 20, no. 3 (November 22, 2018): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/keria.20.3.75-94.

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Theatre in the German Democratic Republic was an essential part of the state propaganda machine and was strictly controlled by the cultural bureaucracy and by the party. Until the early sixties, ancient plays were rarely staged. In the sixties, classical Greek drama became officially recognised as part of cultural heritage. Directors free to stage the great classical playwrights selected ancient plays, on one hand, to escape the grim socialist reality, on the other to criticise it using various forms of Aesopian language. Two important dramatists and three examples of plays are presented and discussed: an adaptation of an Aristophanic comedy (Peter Hack’s adaptation of Aristophanes’ Peace at the Deutsche Theater in Berlin in 1962), a play based on a Sophoclean tragedy (Heiner Müller’s Philoktet, published in 1965, staged only in 1977), and a short didactic play (Lehrstück) based on Roman history (Heiner Müller’s Der Horatier, written in 1968, staged in 1973 in Hamburg in West Germany, and in the GDR only in 1988). At the end there is a brief look at a production of Aeschylus Seven against Thebes at the BE in 1969.

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Petrovic, Ivana, and Andrej Petrovic. "General." Greece and Rome 65, no. 2 (September 17, 2018): 282–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383518000244.

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I was very excited to get my hands on what was promising to be a magnificent and extremely helpfulHandbook of Rhetorical Studies, and my expectations were matched – and exceeded! This handbook contains no less than sixty contributions written by eminent experts and is divided into six parts. Each section opens with a brief orientation essay, tracing the development of rhetoric in a specific period, and is followed by individual chapters which are organized thematically. Part I contains eleven chapters on ‘Greek Rhetoric’, and the areas covered are law, politics, historiography, pedagogy, poetics, tragedy, Old Comedy, Plato, Aristotle, and closing with the Sophists. Part II contains thirteen chapters on ‘Ancient Roman Rhetoric’, which similarly covers law, politics, historiography, pedagogy, and the Second Sophistic, and adds Stoic philosophy, epic, lyric address, declamation, fiction, music and the arts, and Augustine to the list of topics. Part III, on ‘Medieval Rhetoric’, covers politics, literary criticism, poetics, and comedy; Part IV, on the Renaissance contains chapters on politics, law, pedagogy, science, poetics, theatre, and the visual arts. Part V consists of seven essays on the early modern and Enlightenment periods and is decidedly Britano-centric: politics, gender in British literature, architecture, origins of British Enlightenment rhetoric, philosophy (mostly British, too), science, and the elocutionary movement in Britain. With Chapter 45 we arrive at the modern age section (Part VI), with two chapters on feminism, one on race, and three on the standard topics (law, political theory, science), grouped together with those on presidential politics, New Testament studies, argumentation, semiotics, psychoanalysis, deconstruction, social epistemology, and environment, and closing with digital media. The volume also contains a glossary of Greek and Latin rhetorical terms. As the editor states in his Introduction, the aim of the volume is not only to provide a comprehensive history of rhetoric, but also to enable those interested in the role of rhetoric in specific disciplines or genres, such as law or theatre and performance, to easily find those sections in respective parts of the book and thus explore the intersection of rhetoric with one specific field in a chronological sequence.

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Miles, Sarah. "THE AFTERLIFE OF GREEK COMEDY IN ROMAN TIMES - (C.W.) Marshall, (T.) Hawkins (edd.) Athenian Comedy in the Roman Empire. Pp. vi + 295. London and New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 2016. Paper, £25.99 (Cased, £90). ISBN: 978-1-4725-8883-8 (978-1-4725-8884-5 hbk)." Classical Review 67, no. 2 (March 27, 2017): 400–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x17000099.

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Lech, Marcel Lysgaard. "A COMEDY HANDBOOK - M. Fontaine, A.C. Scafuro (edd.) The Oxford Handbook of Greek and Roman Comedy. Pp. xiv + 894, ills. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014. Cased, £115, US$175. ISBN: 978-0-19-974354-4." Classical Review 65, no. 2 (August 5, 2015): 361–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x15000670.

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SMITH, AYANA. "THE MOCK HEROIC, AN INTRUDER IN ARCADIA: GIROLAMO GIGLI, ANTONIO CALDARA AND L'ANAGILDA (ROME, 1711)." Eighteenth Century Music 7, no. 1 (January 21, 2010): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478570609990443.

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ABSTRACTIn 1711 the opera L'Anagilda was performed in the private theatre of Francesco Maria Ruspoli, an important Roman patron of the Arcadian Academy. L'Anagilda's librettist (Girolamo Gigli) and composer (Antonio Caldara) were both associated with this society, but the opera contrasts with the basic goal of Arcadian aesthetics – namely, to reform literature and opera by imitating the structure of ancient Greek tragedy and the stylistic purity of Italian renaissance poets. Rather, Gigli and Caldara created an opera infused with comedy, interspersed with fantastic intermezzos and formulated according to a genre not endorsed by Arcadian literary critics, the mock heroic. This article explores topics related to one central question: why would Gigli and Caldara openly flout the literary precepts of Arcadia? Gigli was a career satirist whose works eventually caused him to be exiled from his native Siena, all of Tuscany and the Papal States, and to be expelled from three major literary academies, the Intronati, the Cruscanti and the Arcadians. Since he continually criticized the organizations to which he belonged for their narrow-mindedness, prejudice and hypocrisy, I contend that L'Anagilda represents a critique of Arcadia. Yet in the process, Gigli also shows the Arcadians that there is more than one path to verisimilitude and the imitation of classical models. Despite the mock-heroic characteristics of the libretto, Gigli adheres to some Arcadian structural requirements, and Caldara's score heightens the characterizations and the overall verisimilitude of the opera.

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Segal, Erich, and David Konstan. "Roman Comedy." Classical World 79, no. 3 (1986): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4349863.

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MacCary, W. Thomas, and David Konstan. "Roman Comedy." American Journal of Philology 107, no. 3 (1986): 448. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/294710.

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Manuwald, Gesine. "Roman Comedy." Brill Research Perspectives in Classical Poetry 1, no. 2 (April 22, 2020): 1–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25892649-12340002.

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Abstract This contribution provides an introduction to all varieties of ‘Roman comedy’, including primarily fabula palliata (‘new comedy’, as represented by Plautus and Terence) as well as fabula togata, fabula Atellana, mimus and pantomimus. It examines the major developments in the establishment of these dramatic genres, their main characteristics, the performance contexts for them in Republican Rome, and their reception. The presentation of the key facts is accompanied by a description of the influential turns and recent trends in scholarship on Roman comedy. The essay is designed for scholars, teachers and (graduate) students who have some familiarity with Roman literature and are looking for (further) orientation in the area of Roman comedy.

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Smith, Joseph A. "Buy Young, Sell Old: Playing the Market Economies of Phormio and Terence." Ramus 33, no. 1-2 (2004): 82–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00001132.

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…mihi prospiciam et Phaedriae.Phormio 1036…I'd better look ahead for my own interest, and Phaedria's.If the anecdotal material from Terence's biography can be trusted, 161 BCE was the playwright's breakthrough year in which he secured his position in Rome as the premier comedian of his generation. At the Ludi Megalenses in April Terence's Eunuch was such a popular success it earned a same-day repeat performance and the unprecedented payment of 8,000 sesterces for its author. In September of that same year Terence was hired by the curule aediles once again to bring another play, the fifth he would compose, to the stage at the Ludi Romani. On that occasion, far from opening his prologue with the vaunting self-promotion of a poet who had recently pleased his audience so thoroughly, Terence returned for the fourth time to his customary complaints against some unnamed old poet who had yet again levelled criticism at his young rival. And while it appears that Terence was simply sticking with a proven, successful formula, in other regards the young poet was in fact showing signs of a new confidence of privileged position by varying from another of his regular compositional practices: he had, he tells his audience, changed the name of the original Greek play by Apollodorus to one of his own choosing: nunc quid uelim animum attendite: adporto nouamEpidicazomenon quam uocant comoediamGraeci, Latini Phormionem nominantquia primas partis qui aget is erit Phormioparasitus, per quem res geretur maxume,uoluntas uostra si ad poetam accesserit.(Phorm. 24-29)Now pay attention to what I want: I bring anew comedy which the Greeks call Epidikazomenos,and Latin speakers entitle Phormiobecause the man who’ll play the chief part will bethe parasite Phormio, on whom the plot will mostly dependif you’ll throw your favour to the poet.

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Arnott, W. Geoffrey. "Staging Greek Tragedy: Insights on Sites; Staging Roman Comedy: Pompeian Painting and Plautus. Ancient Theatre and its Legacy. By Richard C. Beacham. University of Warwick, 1987. Booklet pp. 14 and video; Booklet pp. 45 and video. £38.50 each." Greece and Rome 44, no. 2 (October 1997): 216–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500025055.

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Stelnik, Evgeny. "Job Versus Hercules: Virtue in the Articles of the Byzantine Suda Dictionary of the 10th Century." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (February 2021): 253–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.6.20.

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Introduction. In ancient mythology, the image of Hercules is one of the most popular, and his heroic cult is one of the most common. Having emerged from the “conglomerate of folk tales”, the image of Hercules was actively assimilated by the Greek and then Roman literary tradition. Hercules was a very popular hero among Greek tragic and especially comic poets. In Roman times, the final systematization of the image took place. The key role in this process was played by the works of Apollodorus “The Mythological Library” (2nd century BC), “Pictures” by Philostratus the Younger (2nd century BC) and “Description of Hellas” by Pausanias (2nd century BC). Within the framework of the classical tradition, the image of Hercules in Roman times was finally formed and unambiguous. Hercules is a hero, a demigod, the son of Zeus and Alcmene, who possessed amazing strength, who killed his children (and the children of his brother Iphicles) in an act of madness. He performed 12 labours at the request of Eurystheus. Hercules lived with the Lydian queen Omphale dressing in a woman’s dress. He was poisoned by his wife Deianira, burned at the stake on Mount Eta and ascended to Olympus, where he became the spouse of Hebe. Methods. The hermeneutic methodology, which ensured the correct understanding and interpretation of the text of the Suda dictionary and the ancient texts, on which this “antique” dictionary was based, is used in the article. The toolkit of the hermeneutic circle (pre-understanding and understanding of the text, interpretation of the whole based on knowledge of its parts) made it possible to highlight key elements (plots, signs and symbols) of the philosophical image of Hercules in the entries of the dictionary. Results. We can see a kind of “muscular Christianity”, when the strength of the body still corresponds to moral perfection and the withdrawal from the world does not contradict the active entry into the still polis institutions of urban life in Byzantine cities, among which the most important was the hippodrome and sports competitions. Christian authors actively used traditional sports metaphors and images of wrestling, but filled them with new Christian content. In the dictionary of the Suda, there is a kind of replacement of images that embody the samples of virtue. Hercules always loses to Job. It is indicative that the Christian rhetoric, relying on the philosophical symbolism of the apotheosis of Hercules, using the “sports” terminology of struggle, ignores the developed philosophical symbolism of Hercules, and fights against the mythological “fables” about Hercules. Using cynical and stoic terminology, Christian rhetoric opposes the comedic and dramatic image of Hercules, as Herodore of Heracles did in the 5th century BC. That is, the enemy is borrowed from Christian rhetoric along with philosophical symbols and terminology describing a difficult life full of trials as a virtue.

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Ascher, Leona, and David Konstan. "Greek Comedy and Ideology." Classical World 92, no. 1 (1998): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352191.

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Martin, Richard P., and Timothy Long. "Barbarians in Greek Comedy." Classical World 82, no. 1 (1988): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350276.

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Csapo, Eric G., Margaret C. Miller, and Timothy Long. "Barbarians in Greek Comedy." Phoenix 41, no. 3 (1987): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088198.

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Holt, Philip, and Timothy Long. "Barbarians in Greek Comedy." American Journal of Philology 109, no. 3 (1988): 444. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/294898.

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Slater, Niall W. "Roman Comedy. David Konstan." Classical Philology 81, no. 2 (April 1986): 169–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/366981.

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Olson, S. Douglas, and Andreas Willi. "The Language of Greek Comedy." Classical World 98, no. 1 (2004): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352911.

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Nesselrath, Heinz-Gunther. "Parody and Later Greek Comedy." Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 95 (1993): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/311382.

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KIDD, STEPHEN. "LAUGHTER INTERJECTIONS IN GREEK COMEDY." Classical Quarterly 61, no. 2 (November 9, 2011): 445–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838811000115.

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Starkey, Jennifer S. "Sophoclean Moments in Greek Comedy." Classical Philology 113, no. 2 (April 2018): 134–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/697114.

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Konstan, David, and William S. Anderson. "Barbarian Play: Plautus' Roman Comedy." Phoenix 49, no. 1 (1995): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088365.

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Barrios-Lech, Peter. "Noli + Infinitive in Roman Comedy." Glotta 92, no. 1 (April 2016): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/glot.2016.92.1.18.

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O'Bryhim, Shawn. "Catullus 23 as Roman Comedy." Transactions of the American Philological Association 137, no. 1 (2007): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apa.2007.0008.

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Stanovcic, Vojislav. "Contribution of historical and literary works to the understanding of political phenomena." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 118-119 (2005): 93–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0519093s.

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The paper presents a series of arguments which indicate that significant historiographic works describing and analyzing bygone political phenomena as well the literary works which picturesquely depict political situations and human destinies - with their specific approaches and methods - contribute to the better insight and understanding of the phenomena in the political life which philosophy and social sciences express by notions. Social and political life have their bright and dark sides. It is less arguable that political sciences - in the study of phenomena included in their topic -find great help in history, if it is - as Leopold von Ranke advised - oriented only to "show what really happened". Historical studies, specially the ones of the socalled great historians, present to us the images of the situation in a certain period or event with all significant details and contribute to the understanding of that phenomenon, helping to clarify its essence. Thus for example, Appian's Roman Civil Wars or Tacitus' descriptions in The Annals of the suffering of the innocent victims in the power struggle during civil wars and during the ferocious persecution of Christians -innocent, but accused of all possible crimes. What astonishes the reader is the grea similarity between the phenomena, processes, actions happening two millennia ago and in the 20th century. Philosopher and political thinkers (like Aristotle), but also some historians (like Thucydides) offer explanations why some patterns repeat and why they would "keep repeating". In Khalil Inalcik's work, we find detailed descriptions of brutal mutual killings among the sons of the majority of the Turkish sultans in the power struggle after their fathers' death. Generalizing on the basis of the material provided by history, we reach an entire string of general notions in political and social sciences. Great thinkers and writers, from the oldest Eastern and the greatest antique philosophers till the ones from the 20th century, used found inspiration and drew ideas and incentives or material from the sources with which they supplemented their theoretical categories, notions and explanations, including the images of political life. These sources are represented in the great literary works. Contradictory opinions about the character and significance of ail and literature are found in Plato's and Aristotle's writings. Aristotle, who analyzed this problem, presented arguments why literary insights - precisely because of the character of insights they offer - deserve to stand in the same pedestal with philosophy. He used the expression he himself introduced to mark one aspect of the effect of art and literature - and that is catharsis. Psychology facilitates our insights into the motives and consequences of the participants' behavior social psychology being particularly important, but also ethics. The means used to convey a certain truth is less important, its essence is more important. Several Greek philosophers (Parmenides, Empedocles, Xenophon) even the Roman ones (for example, Lucretius Cains) wrote their philosophical treatises in verse. Kant's famous words Sapere aude! with which he asks people to have courage to use their own mind and thus become enlightened originate from the Roman poet Horace, and Michel de Montaigne also used them. Plato and Aristotle referred not only to the available sources about preceding philosophical ideas and political systems, including the first Greek historians, but also to the tragedians, primarily Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides, to the comedy writers (like Aristophanes), to the lyricists (Solon, Simonides, Archilochus). When Aristotle expounds one of the key categories of his political theory about man as a political animal (zoon politikon), he refers to Homer to confirm what he himself believes. Anica Savic-Rebac quotes Strabo's formulations about poetry as "the first philosophy", as well as about Homer's work as "poetic philosophy" and as a source of every kind of wisdom, even every kind of knowledge. With his ideas and images he presented in his literary works, Dostoyevsky influenced several philosophers (Nietzsche, Camus and others) and scientists (Freud, Adler and others). "The philosophy of existence" and its ethical orientation were presented not only in the philosophical, but also in the literary works (Kierkegaard, Sartre, Camus). The so called philosophy of the absurd and "the literature of the absurd" mutually merge and supplement. Not even the best 20th century theoretical treatise about the nature of power - like those by Charles Merriam, Bertrand Russell, Bertrand de Jouvenel or Harold Lass well can depict what man gets to know through the tragedies of Marlowe Shakespeare, Goethe, in which main participants are driven and urged by the yearning to achieve absolute power. "The Great Inquisitor", "The Iron Heel" "Dark at Noon", but also the personalities like Raskolnikov or Verhovensky from the novel The Possessed help us to understand many things. "Gulag" became a political notion because of the title of the novel Gulag. Literature-antiutopia pointed to the dangers of the closed mind and of the technological society before scientific studies had done that.

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Rivera Salmerón, Esperanza. "«Que los dos somos un alma / que se partió en dos mitades»: en torno a la amistad en la comedia española del Siglo de Oro." Tropelías: Revista de Teoría de la Literatura y Literatura Comparada, no. 30 (July 9, 2018): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_tropelias/tropelias.2018302067.

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Nuestros clásicos grecorromanos entendían la amistad como el culmen de toda relación humana y, por ende, como fuente imprescindible de felicidad. Partiendo de ellos, la tradición literaria fue fijando unos tópicos como reflejo de este sagrado vínculo, cuyos hitos principales serán estudiados en este artículo. Destacamos, en este sentido, el papel que representa el teatro barroco, realidad artística que sitúa la amistad como uno de sus motivos principales de conflicto dramático. A modo de ejemplo, analizaremos algunas comedias del dramaturgo barroco Felipe Godínez, quien privilegia este tema dentro de su producción teatral mediante la construcción de estructuras dramáticas que se fundamentan en la tradición y a través de una serie de recursos que serán recurrentes en toda la historia de la literatura. Greek and Roman Classics understood friendship as the culmination of all human relationships and, therefore, as an essential source of happiness. This article will study the main topoi related to this sacred bond coming from the Classics. In this sense, we highlight the role played by baroque theater, an artistic reality that places friendship as one of its main reasons for dramatic conflict. As an example, we will examine some plays by the baroque playwright Felipe Godínez. Within its theater production, this author focuses on this specific topic by forming dramatic structures based on the tradition. He also employs a series of resources that will be recurrent throughout the history of the literature.

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Milleker, Elizabeth J. "Greek and Roman." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 49, no. 4 (1992): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3258921.

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Konstan, David. "Barbarians in Greek Comedy. Timothy Long." Classical Philology 83, no. 2 (April 1988): 160–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/367097.

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