Journal articles: 'Greek civil war'

1

Vettes, William G., and David Close. "The Greek Civil War: 1945-1950." Journal of Military History 58, no. 3 (July 1994): 553. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944165.

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NOWICKA, Ewa. "CIVIL WAR IN MEMORY OF GREEK REPATRIATES FROM POLAND AND OTHER EASTERN BLOC COUNTRIES." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 163, no. 1 (January 2, 2012): 238–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.3258.

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The paper is based on anthropological study fieldwork conducted in Greece during the three subsequent research seasons of 2005-2009. The Greek Civil War (1946-1949) broke out after World War II and it reflected the conflict between communist (or at least leftist) Greek guerillas and the rightist power of the Royal authorities. On one side the war was supported from Moscow, and on the other by Great Britain and US military forces. As a result of the total defeat of communists, the Greek citizens who were actively involved in the military activity, their families and civilians inhabiting the territory of Northern Greece, were evacuated. They were transported by the communist army to different communist countries. For decades they were not able to return to their home villages. Most of the evacuated Greeks decided to come back home when it became possible after 1975. Their memory of the civil war differs from generation to generation and it depends on the role they played in the war. For ex-partisans the civil war was the manifestation of the struggle of the international powers representing class interests. For people who were children during the war the memory is concentrated on particular facts and accidents. People who were born outside of Greece tend to forget, though they also have some image of the war as a horror. The memory of the civil war in Greece have led to the permanent division of the Greek society, which exists till today.

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Margaritis, Georges, and David Close. "The Origins of the Greek Civil War." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 51 (July 1996): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3771341.

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Hondros, John L., and David H. Close. "The Origins of the Greek Civil War." American Historical Review 102, no. 1 (February 1997): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171339.

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Tzavaras, Athanase, Dimitris Ploumbidis, and Ariella Asser. "Greek Psychiatric Patients During World War II and the Greek Civil War, 1940-1949." International Journal of Mental Health 36, no. 4 (December 2007): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/imh0020-7411360405.

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Iatrides, John O., and Nicholas X. Rizopoulos. "The International Dimension of the Greek Civil War." World Policy Journal 17, no. 1 (2000): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07402775-2000-2009.

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Poulos (Anagnostopoulou), Margaret. "Gender, Civil War and National Identity: Women Partisans during the Greek Civil War 1946–1949." Australian Journal of Politics & History 46, no. 3 (September 2000): 418–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00106.

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Karpozilos, Kostis. "The Defeated of the Greek Civil War: From Fighters to Political Refugees in the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 3 (July 2014): 62–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00471.

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In the fall of 1949, after the end of the Greek Civil War, the bulk of the defeated Greek Communist (KKE) fighters were covertly transported from Albania to Soviet Uzbekistan. This article addresses the covert relocation project, organized by the Soviet Communist Party, and the social engineering program intended to create a prototype Greek People’s Democracy in Tashkent. Drawing on Soviet and Greek Communist Party records, the article raises three major issues: first, the contingencies of postwar transition in the Balkans and the precarious status of the Albanian regime; second, the international Communist response to the military defeat of the KKE in 1949 and the competing visions of the Greek, Soviet, and Albanian parties regarding the future of the Democratic Army of Greece (DAG); third, the intentions of the KKE to establish military bases in Albania and the party’s ensuing effort to transform the agrarian fighters of the DAG into revolutionary cadres for a future victorious repatriation in Greece. Drawing these elements together, the article elucidates the relocation operation of 1949, positions the Greek political refugee experience within the postwar “battle of refugees,” and challenges the widespread historiographical assumption that the KKE immediately abandoned the prospect of a renewed armed confrontation.

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Rossos, Andrew, and John S. Koliopoulos. "Plundered Loyalties: World War II and Civil War in Greek West Macedonia." American Historical Review 105, no. 5 (December 2000): 1832. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652193.

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Iatrides, John O., and John S. Koliopoulos. "Plundered Loyalties: World War II and Civil War in Greek West Macedonia." Journal of Military History 64, no. 3 (July 2000): 894. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120930.

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Olkhovsky, Paul. "The Greek Civil War: An examination of America's first cold war victory." Comparative Strategy 10, no. 3 (July 1991): 287–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01495939108402849.

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Veremis, Thanos M. "The Greek civil war. Strategy, counterinsurgency and the monarchy." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 18, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 147–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2018.1424797.

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Ladwig, Walter C. "The Greek civil war: strategy, counterinsurgency and the monarchy." Journal of Strategic Studies 42, no. 2 (September 11, 2018): 301–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2018.1520790.

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Frenz, Margret. "Memory and Migration in the Shadow of War. Australia’s Greek Immigrants after World War II and the Greek Civil War." Australian Historical Studies 48, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 463–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2017.1337483.

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Brown, Martyn. "Memory and Migration in the Shadow of War: Australia's Greek Immigrants after World War II and the Greek Civil War." Australian Journal of Politics & History 62, no. 3 (September 2016): 473–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12280.

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Auernheimer, Gustav. "Der griechische Bürgerkrieg 1946 bis 1949. Ereignisse und Erinnerungen / The Greek Civil War 1946 to 1949. Facts and Memories." Südost-Forschungen 73, no. 1 (August 8, 2014): 90–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2014-0106.

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Abstract This article is dealing with an important chapter in the history of Greece that has hitherto received very little attention by the German research community: the Greek civil war from 1947 to 1949, whose consequences left their mark on the Greek society for a long time. The topic has to be addressed through its classification in two contexts. First in a historical context that comprises the past history and foremost the conflicts without which the armed struggle probably would not have erupted. This also includes the posthistory and the dealings with the civil war in the memory culture and politics of history, from the 1950s to the present time. A comparison with a, in some respects, similar development concerning the Spanish civil war further examines the Greek example. The second context is a theoretical one. Although research rather tends to neglect civil wars vis-a-vis wars between states, there numerous approaches to the topic of civil wars, some of which are dealt with in this article. The summary examines to which degree they apply in the case of Greece.

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Fleming, Michael. "Greek “Heroes” in the Polish People's Republic and the Geopolitics of the Cold War, 1948–1956*." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 3 (July 2008): 375–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802080596.

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Over the last decade or so there has been renewed interest in the Greek civil war, with a number of important publications shifting the focus of research from the high plane of international relations and Cold War polemics to a critical history of the period, allowing unheard voices and perspectives to be heard and revealed. The volume edited by Mark Mazower, for example, places the experiences of the 1940s in the longue durée of Greek nation-state formation as well as in the wider context of war and post-war violence and resistance—the social character of which is emphasized. Yet the importance of the Greek civil war in the emergence of the Cold War cannot be underestimated as Gerolymatos makes clear. This paper, therefore, aims to demonstrate how the refugees from Greece who arrived in Poland constitute an important part of Cold War history and to show how their experience in Poland can shed light upon both the wider international context and the dynamics of nationality policy in Poland itself. I contend that the arrival of Greek refugees weakened the Polish state's drive to national homogeneity.

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Kassimeris, Christos. "United States Intervention in Post-War Greek Elections: From Civil War to Dictatorship." Diplomacy & Statecraft 20, no. 4 (December 10, 2009): 679–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290903455790.

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Anagnostopoulou, Margaret Poulos. "From Heroines to Hyenas: Women Partisans during the Greek Civil War." Contemporary European History 10, no. 3 (October 26, 2001): 481–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301003083.

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The participation of women in armed combat was arguably the most striking feature of the Greek Civil War (1946–9). The advent of civil conflict marked a shift in the gendered division of military labour, as the female ‘novelty’ soldier of the earlier Resistance period (1941–4) gave way to the fully integrated female combatant. This article seeks to examine the circumstances which lead to such high levels of female representation within the ranks of the partisan army (the Greek Democratic Army), but also to explore the symbolic functions of this volatile imagery in the context of intense struggles to define Greek national culture and identity.

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Koumas, Manolis. "Cold War Dilemmas, Superpower Influence, and Regional Interests: Greece and the Palestinian Question, 1947–1949." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 1 (January 2017): 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00719.

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This article discusses official attitudes toward the creation of the state of Israel from the eruption of the postwar international crisis in Palestine until the end of Arab-Israeli War of 1948–1949. In 1947–1949, Greek policy toward the Middle East was determined by a mix of regional, political, and ideological factors: the Greek security problem during the early Cold War era, including the Greek civil war; the existence of the Greek Orthodox Church of Jerusalem; the Greek government's need to take into account the position of the Greek diaspora community in Egypt; commercial interests in the Eastern Mediterranean; anti-Semitism; the need to secure Arab votes in support of the Greek question before the United Nations; and relations between Greece and its new superpower patron, the United States. Greek decisions were dominated by Cold War needs, but the United States did not impose policy on its junior partner.

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Close, David H. "Becoming a Subject. Political Prisoners during the Greek Civil War." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 27, no. 1 (January 2003): 326–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/byz.2003.27.1.326.

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Parker, J. S. F. "Becoming a Subject: Political Prisoners during the Greek Civil War." English Historical Review 118, no. 477 (June 1, 2003): 844. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/118.477.844.

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Tantalakis, Evripidis. "Insurgents’ intelligence network and practices during the Greek Civil War." Intelligence and National Security 34, no. 7 (September 25, 2019): 1045–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684527.2019.1668718.

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Krontiris, Tina. "Shakespeare and Conservatism during the Greek Civil War (1946–1950)." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 25, no. 2 (2007): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2008.0006.

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Kaisidou, Vassiliki. "The novel of the Greek civil war in the twenty-first century: (post)memory and the weight of the past." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 44, no. 2 (October 2020): 301–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2020.8.

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Between the years 2000 and 2015 novels on the Greek civil war (1946–9) flooded the Greek literary market. This raises important questions as to why the burden of the civil conflict weighs heavily upon generations with no experiential connection to these events. This article begins by offering an interpretation for the literary upsurge of the civil war since the 2000s. Then it uses Marianne Hirsch's concept of postmemory to illustrate the authors’ ethical commitment to ‘unsilence’ and redress the past through the use of archival evidence and testimonies. The case studies of ThomasSkassis’Ελληνικόσταυρόλɛξο (2000), Nikos Davvetas’ Λɛυκή πɛτσέτα στορινγκ (2006),and SophiaNikolaidou's Χορɛύουνοιɛλέφαντɛς(2012) serve to illustrate my argument.

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ΜΕΛΛΑ, ΖΩΗ. "Ο ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΟΣ ΕΜΦΥΛΙΟΣ ΠΟΛΕΜΟΣ ΚΑΙ Ο ΙΣΠΑΝΙΚΟΣ ΤΥΠΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΦΡΑΝΚΙΣΜΟΥ." Μνήμων 27 (January 1, 2005): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.814.

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Zoi Mella, The Greek Civil War and the Spanish Press during Franco's DictatorshipIn this article we would like to approach a quite unknown subject: the presence of the Greek Civil War in the Spanish Press. Our objective was to ascertain the impact this event had at the post war Spanish Press. How would react Spain in view of such a confrontation, especially since it had already experimented a Civil War? It was a complicated period for Greece, as well as for Spain, a time when both countries experienced problems of different nature but equally serious: Greece was suffering the devastating consequences of the Second World War and Spain was trying to encounter the contempt of the international political world. The Greek Civil War was the first confrontation between two worlds that were exiting reinforced from the Second World War. It became the field of conflict between the USSR and the Anglo-Saxon allies during several years. The interior problem of some rebels, who couldn't, or wouldn't, adapt themselves to the new post war situation or were discontented with the new regime, was transformed to an international matter of great impact, that managed to confront USSR, on one hand, and the US and Great Britain, on the other, in the International Organism of the United Nations. Our interest was centred in the various approaches that the newspapers and the magazines of the time made. Moreover we were interested in the points of view and the conclusions manifested by the diverse papers, according to their political and ideological affinities, without forgetting the strict regime of control and censure that was in force at that moment. This investigation forms part of a broader subject that is the bilateral relations of these two countries, rather different at first sight, that during the XX century were affected by very similar events, such as a civil war.

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Nilaj, Marsel. "The Civil War in Greece and Relations with Albania According to the Communist Press During 1948 – 1949." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v3i1.p94-103.

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During 1948-1949 relations with Greece were very tense in the postwar period of World War II. The positioning of the two countries in two different camps, respectively Albania in the Socialist Camp and Greece in the Western Camp, lead to even more severe relations between these two countries. The Greek Civil War, fought between two Greek groups, the democratic and the communist one, also involved Albania in the propaganda as supporting the right wing of the Communist Greek. Such a propaganda was retaliated by the Greeks in the Albanian territory, for a few days in the Albanian land. The Albanian press of that time was very much involved by mainly giving information of the propaganda oriented towards Moscow, rather than about the immediate risk the country was directly facing. In many cases, the war and the threat it imposed was transformed and far away from reality. The press of that time mostly transmitted what Stalinist Moscow directed, rather than the truth. It was Stalinist Moscow the place which Enver Hoxha held as the orienting point, especially after breaking relations a few months ago with the Communist Yugoslavian state. The Communist press of that time was more preoccupied about the advancement of the Greek communist forces, rather than the threat the democratic wing imposed by approaching the Albanian border. This showed that the Albanian State was displaying itself since the first steps as being indoctrinated and related to the ideology and not to the threat imposed to the Albanian nation. The communist press of that time varied in numbers and kinds, displayed in every newspaper or magazine the success of the Greek communism. Such a problem is also presented in the British parliament as an unfair action from the Albanian state

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Karydaki, Danae. "Freud under the Acropolis: The challenging journey of psychoanalysis in 20th-century Greece (1915–1995)." History of the Human Sciences 31, no. 4 (October 2018): 13–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695118791719.

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Psychoanalysis was introduced to Greece in 1915 by the progressive educator Manolis Triantafyllidis and was further elaborated by Marie Bonaparte, Freud’s friend and member of the Greek royal family, and her psychoanalytic group in the aftermath of the Second World War. However, the accumulated traumas of the Nazi occupation (1941–1944), the Greek Civil War (1946–1949), the post-Civil-War tension between the Left and the Right, the military junta (1967–1974) and the social and political conditions of post-war Greece led this project and all attempts to establish psychoanalysis in Greece, to failure and dissolution. The restoration of democracy in 1974 and the rapid social changes it brought was a turning point in the history of Greek psychoanalysis: numerous psychoanalysts, who had trained abroad and returned after the fall of the dictatorship, were hired in the newly established Greek National Health Service (NHS), and contributed to the reform of Greek psychiatry by offering the option of psychoanalytic psychotherapy to the non-privileged. This article draws on a range of unexplored primary sources and oral history interview material, in order to provide the first systematic historical account in the English language of the complex relationship between psychoanalysis and Greek society, and the contribution of psychoanalytic psychotherapy to the creation of the Greek welfare state. In so doing, it not only attempts to fill a lacuna in the history of contemporary Greece, but also contributes to the broader historiography of psychotherapy and of Europe.

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Dogan, Mattei. "How Civil War Was Avoided in France." Comparative Sociology 4, no. 1-2 (2005): 207–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569133054621914.

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AbstractAt At the end of May 1968 France has found herself on the brink of a civil war. The role of key characters is observed as in a Greek tragedy. The crisis started in a flamable social contexteture – a significant part of the population have been persistently manifesting deep mistrust of the rulers, the same faces again and again without responding to the aspirations of many social categories. A survey conducted immediately after the crisis by the author gives the voice to the silent majority and shows what could have been the behavoir of the masses in the eventuality of a popular uprising or of a military intervention. The recourse to elections has mobilized passive masses and appears retrospectively as the miraculous solution to avoid a civil war by hushing the active minorities.

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Chrisidu-Budnik, Agnieszka. "Z problematyki emigracji z Grecji do Polski Ludowej." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 291–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.4.22.

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The 1944–1949 Greek civil war between the supporters of the monarchy with the right-wing government and the left-wing forces with the Democratic Army of Greece resulted in the death of approximately 100,000 people and forced partisans and their families to migrate to countries of “people’s democracy.” It is estimated that the Polish People’s Republic accepted approximately 14,000 people (children and adults). The article describes the genesis of the conflict that led to the outbreak of the civil war as well as the increasing polarization of the Greek population. It presents the (political and social) complexity of the processes of emigrating from Greece to the people’s democracies and selected aspects of the organization of the Greek community’s life in the Polish People’s Republic.

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Chukwumah, Ignatius, and Cassandra Ifeoma Nebeife. "Persecution in Igbo-Nigerian Civil-War Narratives." Matatu 49, no. 2 (December 20, 2017): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04902001.

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Abstract Sociopolitical phenomena such as corruption, political instability, (domestic) violence, cultural fragmentation, and the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970) have been central themes of Nigerian narratives. Important as these are, they tend to touch on the periphery of the major issue at stake, which is the vector of persecution underlying the Nigerian tradition in general and in modern Igbo Nigerian narratives in particular, novels and short stories written in English which capture, wholly or in part, the Igbo cosmology and experience in their discursive formations. The present study of such modern Igbo Nigerian narratives as Okpewho’s The Last Duty (1976), Iyayi’s Heroes (1986), Adichie’s Half of a Yellow Sun (2007), and other novels and short stories applies René Girard’s theory of the pharmakos (Greek for scapegoat) to this background of persecution, particularly as it subtends the condition of the Igbo in postcolonial Nigeria in the early years of independence.

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Christodoulakis, Nicos. "Conflict dynamics and costs in the Greek Civil War 1946–1949." Defence and Peace Economics 27, no. 5 (January 28, 2015): 688–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10242694.2014.1000010.

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Marantzidis, Nikos. "The Greek Civil War (1944–1949) and the International Communist System." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 4 (October 2013): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00394.

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The involvement of the Soviet bloc in the Greek Civil War, especially the weapons and other aid provided by the Communist states to the Greek Communist Party (KKE), could not be studied in any serious way until very recently. Only a small number of historians addressed this question prior to the collapse of the Communist regimes in Europe and the opening of East European archives. The newly available documentary evidence shows that throughout the conflict the KKE acted in close cooperation with the Soviet bloc, particularly through permanent representatives who were responsible for coordinating the aid supplied to the KKE and ensuring maximal use of it. The Democratic Army of Greece (DAG) was completely dependent on weaponry, equipment, and training from the Soviet bloc. The insurgency in Greece would have been impossible without the external support of the Communist states.

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Eleftheriadou, Marina. "Zand other cinematic tales from the 30-year Greek civil war." Small Wars & Insurgencies 26, no. 4 (July 4, 2015): 616–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2015.1050823.

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Arvanitis, Cyril. "Becoming a Subject: Political Prisoners During the Greek Civil War (review)." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 21, no. 1 (2003): 148–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2003.0002.

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Gabriela, Boangiu. "LIFE HISTORIES – IDENTITY AND ALTERITY DURING THE GREEK CIVIL WAR OF 1946 – 1949." Incursions into the Imaginary 8, no. 1 (November 10, 2017): 23–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.29302/inimag.2017.8.2.

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Mazower, Mark. "Book Review: The Origins of the Greek Civil War, and: Children in Turmoil during the Greek Civil War, 1946-49: Today's Adults, and: Greece at the Crossroads: The Civil War and its Legacy, and: Stopping the Killing: How Civil Wars End." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 14, no. 1 (1996): 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.1996.0003.

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Kornetis, Kostis. "Cultural Resistances in Post-Authoritarian Greece: Protesting the Turkish Invasion of Cyprus in 1974." Journal of Contemporary History 56, no. 3 (February 4, 2021): 639–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009420961455.

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The July 1974 invasion of Cyprus by Turkey caught the Greek Colonels (1967–74) off guard, as they proved entirely incapable of responding to the casus belli, partly provoked by their own actions. Greece remained technically in the state of military mobilisation for about four months and with the democratic transition well underway. This article catalogues the ways in which this conflict mobilised Greek civil society in unprecedented ways. Using oral testimonies, press clippings and three major documentaries of the time (Nikos Koundouros’ The Songs of Fire, Michael Cacoyannis’ Attila 74, and Nikos Kavoukidis’ Testimonials), the article dissects the cultural resistances against the war in one of the most traumatic moments in contemporary Greek history. It analyses the gigantic concerts that took place in the largest stadiums of Athens to protest the war, next to mass demonstrations and popular films protesting the invasion. It argues that these cultural events and artifacts re-enacted facets of the anti-Vietnam War movement and the respective countercultural scene in the US of the late 1960s. The article concludes that these modes of cultural and political resistance activated post-authoritarian Greek civil society, renegotiating the parameters of political participation and partly resetting the agenda of the country’s foreign policy following popular demand.

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Papanikos, Gregory T. "Wars and Foreign Interventions in Greece in the 1820s." ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY 8, no. 1 (December 20, 2021): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.8-1-1.

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In Greece, the 1820s is a well-remembered decade. Many things happened which future Greek generations can study and learn. In the beginning of the decade (1821), some Greeks rebelled against the Ottomans, but, parallel with this War of Independence, they, as did so many times in their heroic past, started fighting between themselves (1823-1825). The Olympians intervened, as in Homer’s masterpieces, and “independence” came as a result of a direct foreign (divine) intervention by Britain (Poseidon), France (Athena) and Russia (Hera). This began first in the battlefields in 1827, and then at the negotiation table in 1832. This paper looks at the reasons of all of these three types of events (the Greek War of Independence, its civil wars and the foreign interventions), as well as their results. The reasons are traced by applying the rule: “follow the money.” Of course, the obvious result was the official creation of an “independent” Greek state. However, other concurrent events have had long-lasting effects on the Greek political and military developments, which lasted until the end of the third quarter of the 20th century. These developments are only briefly discussed in this paper.

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Anastasiadis, Athanasios. "Trauma – memory – narration: Greek Civil War novels of the 1980s and 1990s." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 35, no. 1 (March 2011): 92–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/030701311x12906801091674.

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Iatrides, John O. "Becoming a Subject: Political Prisoners during the Greek Civil War, 1945–1950." History: Reviews of New Books 31, no. 1 (January 2002): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2002.10526307.

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Tsoutsoumpis, Spyridon. "Paramilitarism, politics and organized crime during the Greek civil war (1945–1949)." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 43, no. 02 (September 10, 2019): 262–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2019.14.

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The historiography of the Greek civil war has made significant progress during the past decade, but the origins, role and activities of paramilitaries remain under-researched. Most studies have focused on the period of the ‘white terror’ and explored the collusion between the state and the paramilitary groups. Although such studies have advanced our understanding of this turbulent period, they have not discussed important issues such as the motivation of the rank and file members, the sociopolitical networks used to recruit and mobilize support and the diverse conditions under which militias emerge. The article will address this lacuna and provide new insights into the origins, development and legacies of paramilitarism.

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Kontogeorgis, Dimitrios M. "The Greek ‘discovery’ of Syria: the 1860 civil war in Lebanon and Damascus and Greek public opinion." Contemporary Levant 6, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20581831.2021.1883278.

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ΚΑΤΣΟΥΔΑΣ, ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ. "ΜΙΑ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΔΕΝ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ. ΟΙ ΙΣΠΑΝΟΙ ΕΘΝΙΚΙΣΤΕΣ ΚΑΙ Η 4η ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΟΥ." Μνήμων 26 (January 1, 2004): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.837.

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Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.

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Iatrides, John O. "Revolution or Self-Defense? Communist Goals, Strategy, and Tactics in the Greek Civil War." Journal of Cold War Studies 7, no. 3 (June 2005): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397054377179.

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At the end of World War II the Greek Communist party (KKE) claimed that it would seek an accommodation with its domestic opponents, but the party soon launched a full-scale insurrection on its own initiative in the expectation of receiving decisive support from the Soviet Union.With civil war under way, the head of the KKE, Nikos Zahariadis, repeatedly told Soviet of ficials that victory was certain if the Greek Communists could obtain funding, weapons, and other equipment from the USSR and its allies.Although Soviet leaders were concerned that the KKE's aggressiveness would provoke a U.S. reaction, they permitted the clandestine shipment of large quantities of supplies that delayed but could not avert the insurgents'defeat.U.S.of ficials at the time largely misperceived the causes of the insurrection, but they correctly sensed that the KKE's dependence on Soviet-bloc assistance would ensure that a Communist victory would bring Greece into Moscow's orbit.

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Van Boeschoten, Riki. "The trauma of war rape: A comparative view on the Bosnian conflict and the Greek civil war." History and Anthropology 14, no. 1 (March 2003): 41–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0275720032000050548.

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Poulos, Margarite. "Transnational militancy in Cold-War Europe: gender, human rights, and the WIDF during the Greek Civil War." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 24, no. 1 (June 2016): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2016.1155539.

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Hatzivassiliou, Evanthis. "The Ghost of Trials Past: Transitional Justice in Greece, 1974–1975." Contemporary European History 31, no. 2 (February 28, 2022): 286–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077732100014x.

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There were major guidelines in the application of Greek transitional justice in 1974–5. Trials connected with politics had often taken place in Greece: in 1922, 1935 and during the civil war in the 1940s. Justice had often been instrumentalised during previous internal conflicts, mortgaging both the interwar republic and the post-war democracy. The 1974–5 transition followed a different path. According to the internal documents of the Greek government, there was constant care to uphold the rule of law and conform to the emerging international standards concerning human rights. This was seen as a necessary precondition for the establishment of a modern European democracy.

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Danforth, Loring M. "“We Crossed a Lot of Borders”: Refugee Children of the Greek Civil War." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 12, no. 2 (September 2003): 169–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.12.2.169.

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Katsakioris, Constantin. "In the shadow of the Civil War: Greek students at VGIK, 1950s–1970s." Studies in Russian and Soviet Cinema 13, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 182–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17503132.2019.1589759.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Greek civil war'

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