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1

Herington, John, P. E. Easterling, and B. M. W. Knox. "The Cambridge History of Classical Literature, 1: Greek Literature." Phoenix 42, no. 1 (1988): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088764.

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2

Hamilton, Richard, P. E. Easterling, and B. M. W. Knox. "The Cambridge History of Classical Literature Vol. 1, Greek Literature." Classical World 80, no. 1 (1986): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4349997.

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3

Heath, Malcolm. "Greek Literature." Greece and Rome 67, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 71–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383519000251.

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The Cambridge Grammar of Classical Greek (CGCG) arrived just too late for mention in the last batch of reviews, but the wait has turned out to be providential: I've now had time to use CGCG as my reference grammar for undergraduate teaching. I must confess that I do not like teaching grammar, and am not very good at it; and, by happy chance, I have not been called upon to teach grammar for a surprisingly large number of years. So being assigned to teach a grammar class at short notice was a mildly traumatic experience. But at least it has made it possible for me to become familiar with CGCG in practice. The authors’ suggestion that ‘CGCG’s coverage is such…that it could be used in the context of undergraduate and graduate language courses’ (xxxii) is carefully formulated: it could be. But the undergraduate class that I have been teaching would, I am sure, have been intimidated by the mass of grammatical detail if confronted with CGCG in the raw. I can, however, testify that at least one reluctant, out-of-practice language tutor has found the volume amazingly helpful in planning grammar classes. The clarity and logic of its presentation and explanations, its well-chosen examples, and its carefully designed aids to navigation (table of contents, cross-references, index) are virtues that I do not normally associate with texts on grammar: or, at any rate, not in the same degree. CGCG’s virtues will make it an invaluable resource for advanced students, and for tutors. For a surprisingly reasonable price, purchasers get 300 pages of phonology and morphology and 350 pages of syntax, plus 90 excellent pages on textual coherence, covering particles, and word order. ‘Still’, as the authors modestly observe, ‘there are many subjects about which we might have said much more and some about which we have said almost nothing’ (xxxii).
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4

Popov, Artem A. "Bactria in the Greek literature of the Classical epoch." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg State University of Culture, no. 1 (46) (March 2021): 106–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.30725/2619-0303-2021-1-106-111.

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The article is dedicated to the appearance and the development of the Greeks’ knowledge about Bactria in the literature of the Classical epoch (V–IV centuries BC). Herodotus, Ctesias, Xenophon give us the most important information about Bactria. Ctesias’ «The Persian History» as the most significant work studying Ancient Bactria does not remain. The works by Diodorus of Sicily and Patriarch Photius are the main research on Ctesias’ work. Much more before the Eastern Campaign of Alexander, the Hellenes had the information about Bactria geography, its population, military forces and economic potential, the largest cities and their role in the Achaemenid Empire. Such information competently allowed to assess the perspectives during Alexander’s conquering of the Bactrian territories, for example, the strategic location of Bactria in his wide Empire. Beginning from Herodotus, some classical authors have formed the critical view about the Asiatic statehood. On the other side Ctesias promoted the compromise ideas, directing to cooperation with the «barbarian» East. In the same time Bactria and Bactrians became the background to advance all these ideologies.
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5

Pulleyn, Simon. "The Power of Names in Classical Greek Religion." Classical Quarterly 44, no. 1 (May 1994): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800017171.

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It has become a commonplace to say that, in classical Greek and Roman religion, to know the name of a god was to have power over him. The idea was rejected by Martin Nilsson, but he did not argue the point at any great length and a more detailed discussion may be of use. In this paper, I shall examine those contexts where it might be maintained that gods' names possessed some kind of intrinsic power but I shall conclude that the phenomenon is marginal and not universally true of Greek religion as a whole. To do this, we shall have to consider the whole question of how far the Greeks were worried about divine names and what the motives for this may have been. Evidence derived from prayers is of particular importance in this.
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6

Lowenthal, David. "Classical antiquities as national and global heritage." Antiquity 62, no. 237 (December 1988): 726–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00075177.

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The current campaign to return to Athens the Parthenon sculptures that have been in the British Museum since the early 19th century highlights the profoundly dual nature of Greek architectural and sculptural heritage, as emblems of both Greek and global attachment. Classical relics in particular have become symbols of Greek attachment to the homeland; underscoring links between past and present, they confirm and celebrate Greek national identity. Other elements of Greek heritage – language, literature, religion, folklore – likewise lend strength to this identity, but material remnants of past glories, notably temples and sculptures from the times of Phidias and Praxiteles, assume an increasingly important symbolic role (Cook 1984; Hitchens 1987).
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7

Randall, J. "Review. Learning Greek. Greek. A course in classical and post-classical Greek grammar from original texts. G Zuntz (ed S E Porter)." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (February 1, 1996): 301–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.301.

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8

Pugazhendhi, D. "Tamil, Greek, Hebrew and Sanskrit: Sandalwood ‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬‬(Σανταλόξυλο) and its Semantics in Classical Literatures." ATHENS JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY 8, no. 3 (July 30, 2021): 207–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajp.8-3-3.

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The Greek and Tamil people did sea trade from the pre-historic times. Sandalwood is seen only in Tamil land and surrounding places. It is also one of the items included in the trade. The Greek word ‘σανταλίνων’ is first mentioned in the ancient Greek works around the middle of the first century CE. The fact that the word is related to Tamil, but the etymologist did not acknowledge the same, rather they relate it to other languages. As far as its uses are concerned, it is not found in the ancient Greek literatures. One another type of wood ‘κέδρου’ cedar is also mentioned in the ancient Greek literature with the medicinal properties similar to ‘σανταλίνων’. In the same way the use of the Hebrew Biblical word ‘Almuggim -אַלְמֻגִּ֛ים’ which is the word used for sandalwood, also denotes teak wood. This shows that in these words, there are possibilities of some semantic changes such as semantic shift or broadening. Keywords: biblical word, Greek, Hebrew, Sandalwood, Tamil
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9

THOMAS, ROSALIND. "Performance and written literature in Classical Greece: envisaging performance from written literature and comparative contexts." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 66, no. 3 (October 2003): 348–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x03000247.

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This paper examines the nature of performance literature in Ancient Greece, comparing it with other modern and medieval examples. It concentrates on archaic Greek ‘song culture’, and especially choral praise poetry. It discusses the social and cultural significance of the original performances and, drawing on comparative examples, investigates the ‘gap’ between performance and text, possible cultural explanations and interpretations of ‘difficult’ performed literature—particularly competitive and religious—which stand out in comparison to performance literatures elsewhere.
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10

Fearn, David. "Greek Lyric of the Archaic and Classical Periods." Brill Research Perspectives in Classical Poetry 1, no. 1 (December 19, 2019): 1–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25892649-12340001.

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Abstract What is distinctive about Greek lyric poetry? How should we conceptualize it in relation to broader categories such as literature / song / music / rhetoric / history? What critical tools might we use to analyze it? How do we, should we, can we relate to its intensities of expression, its modes of address, its uses of myth and imagery, its attitudes to materiality, its sense of its own time, and its contextualizations? These are the questions that this discussion seeks to investigate, exploring and analysing a range of influential methodologies that have shaped the recent history of the field.
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11

Camilleri, Anna. "Byron and Antiquity, ‘Et Cetera - ’." Byron Journal 48, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bj.2020.20.

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Byron’s interest in the classical past is manifest throughout his life and work. Alongside citations from and references to a remarkable catalogue of writers, thinkers, and historical figures, we also have extensive poetic responses to classical places, classical architecture, and to Greek and Roman art and sculpture. Yet it is clear that Byron’s classical pretentions are by no means underpinned by a thorough grasp of classical languages. His Greek in particular was extremely poor, and his Latin compositions barely better than the average eighteenth-century schoolboy’s. As I shall go on to demonstrate, this does not mean that attending to those moments when he does stray into classical allusion or composition is uninteresting, but it is Latin and not Greek that Byron engages with most frequently. Specifically, Byron’s less than proper Latin becomes a means by which he negotiates less than proper subject matter in his poetry.
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12

Stolk, Joanne Vera. "Post-Classical Greek from a Scribal Perspective." Mnemosyne 73, no. 5 (March 13, 2020): 750–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342738.

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Abstract Spelling deviations are often considered to be the result of random variation or plain mistakes by the scribes. Based on the examples in this paper, I argue that some of the apparent deviations may actually be in accordance with contemporary norms. Close study of the spelling of five lexemes in the corpus of documentary papyri shows that the orthographic conventions at the time may have been different than suggested by contemporary grammarians and modern editors.
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13

Poultney, James W., and Victor Bers. "Greek Poetic Syntax in the Classical Age." American Journal of Philology 107, no. 2 (1986): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/294614.

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14

Georgiadou, Agathi. "The Semiotic Use of the Cave in Classical and Modern Greek Literature." International Journal of the Humanities: Annual Review 3, no. 4 (2006): 4–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9508/cgp/v03i04/41647.

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15

Neumann, J. "Climatic change as a topic in the classical Greek and Roman literature." Climatic Change 7, no. 4 (December 1985): 441–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00139058.

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16

Pollitt, J. J., and Deborah Tarn Steiner. "Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought." American Journal of Archaeology 106, no. 2 (April 2002): 331. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4126261.

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17

Echeverría Rey, Fernando. "Notes on the Conceptualization of Poliorcetics in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature." Dialogues d'histoire ancienne 47/1, no. 1 (September 7, 2021): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/dha.471.0071.

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18

Foxhall, Lin. "Household, Gender and Property in Classical Athens." Classical Quarterly 39, no. 1 (January 1989): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800040465.

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The idea that the household was the fundamental building block of ancient Greek society, explicit in the ancient sources, has now become widely accepted. It is no exaggeration to say that ancient Athenians would have found it almost inconceivable that individuals of any status existed who did not belong to some household; and the few who were in this position were almost certainly regarded as anomalous. In ancient Athens, as elsewhere, households ‘are a primary arena for the expression of age and sex roles, kinship, socialization and economic cooperation’. It has been suggested for modern Greece that our own cultural biases, along with the Greek ideology of male dominance, have led to the assumption that the foundations of power in Greek society lie solely in the public sphere, and that domestic power is ‘less important’. In a less simple reality the preeminent role of the household cannot be underestimated. Here I hope to question similar assumptions about ancient Greece, focusing in particular on the relationships that existed between Athenian households and the property of the individuals, particularly women, within these households.
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19

Shamsuddin, Salahuddin Mohd, and Siti Sara Binti Hj Ahmad. "Theatrical Art in Classical European and Modern Arabic Literature:." International Educational Research 1, no. 1 (June 14, 2018): p7. http://dx.doi.org/10.30560/ier.v1n1p7.

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No doubt that Classical Arabic Literature was influenced by Greek Literature, as the modern Arabic literature was influenced by European Literature. The narrative poetry was designed for the emergence of theatrical poetry, a poetry modeled on the model of the story with its performance in the front of audience. This style was not known as Arabic poetry, but borrowed from the European literatures by the elite of poets who were influenced by European literatures looking forward to renew the Arabic poetry. It means that we use in this article the historical methodology based on the historical relation between European and Arabic literature in the ancient and modern age. The first who introduced the theatrical art in Arab countries was Mārūn al-Niqqāsh, who was of a Lebanese origin. He traveled to Italy in 1846 and quoted it from there. The first play he presented to the Arab audience in Lebanon was (Miser) composed by the French writer Molière, in late 1847. It is true that the art of play in Arabic literature at first was influenced by European literatures, but soon after reached the stage of rooting, then the artistic creativity began to emerge, which was far away from the simulation and tradition. It is true also that European musical theatres had been influenced later by Arabic literature and oriental literatures. European musical theatres (ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn and the magical lamp), the play (Māʿrūf Iska in Cairo) and the musical plays of (Shahrzād) are derived from (One thousand and one Nights). This study aims to discover the originality of theatrical art in modern Arabic literature. Therefore it is focused on its both side: Its European originality and its journey to Arab World, hence its artistic characteristics in modern Arabic literature. We also highlight its journey from the poetic language to the prose.
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20

Bzinkowski, Michał, and Rita Winiarska. "Images of Sculptures in the Poetry of Giorgis Manousakis." Classica Cracoviensia 19 (December 31, 2016): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/cc.19.2016.01.

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The imagery of fragmentary sculptures, statues and stones appears often in Modern Greek Poetry in connection with the question of Modern Greeks’ relation to ancient Greek past and legacy. Many famous poets such as the first Nobel Prize winner in literature, George Seferis (1900-1971), as well as Yannis Ritsos (1909-1990) frequently use sculptural imagery in order to allude to, among other things, though in different approaches, the classical past and its existence in modern conscience as a part of cultural identity. In the present paper we focus on some selected poems by a well-known Cretan poet Giorgis Manousakis (1933-2008) from his collection “Broken Sculptures and Bitter Plants” (Σπασμένα αγάλματα και πικροβότανα, 2005), trying to shed some light on his very peculiar usage of sculpture imagery in comparison with the earlier Greek poets. We attempt to categorize Manousakis’ metaphors and allusions regarding the symbolism of sculptures in correlation with existential motives of his poetry and the poet’s attitude to the classical legacy.
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21

Rehak, Paul. "Images in Mind: Statues in Archaic and Classical Greek Literature and Thought (review)." American Journal of Philology 123, no. 3 (2002): 513–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2002.0039.

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22

Hawley, R. "Playing the Other: Gender and Society in Classical Greek Literature. F I Zeitlin." Classical Review 48, no. 2 (February 1, 1998): 268–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/48.2.268.

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23

Ball, Robert J. "The Classical Tradition: Greek and Roman Influences on Western Literature by Gilbert Highet." Classical World 110, no. 1 (2016): 140–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2016.0074.

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24

James, Alan, Harold Tarrant, and Lindsay Watson. "The Cambridge history of classical literature, volume I, parts 1 (Early Greek poetry)." History of European Ideas 14, no. 3 (May 1992): 427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(92)90218-2.

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25

Lloyd-Jones, Hugh. "The Cambridge History of Classical Literature, Vol. 1: Greek Literature. P. E. Easterling , B. M. W. Knox." Classical Philology 82, no. 3 (July 1987): 255–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/367055.

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26

König, Götz. "The Pahlavi Literature of the 9th Century and Greek Philosophy." Iran and the Caucasus 22, no. 1 (May 15, 2018): 8–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20180103.

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Since the Hellenistic times (if not earlier) Iran participates in the philosophical development of classical Greece. In the times of the Sasanians some knowledge of Aristotelian and Neo-Platonic thinking is detectable, and treatises were written for Xosrō I by philosophers who were well acquainted with the writings of Aristotle. It was always maintained that also Sasanian Zoroastrianism was affected through these Greek-Iranian contacts. But it is remarkable that among the Zoroastrian writings of the 9th-10th centuries only two books–Dēnkard 3 and Škand Gumānīg Wīzār–seem to be substantially influenced by Aristotelian/Neo-Platonic terms and concepts. The paper deals with the question whether the Greek elements within these texts should not better be understood as the fruit of a Zoroastrian participation in the general interest of the Islamic world in Greek thinking in Abbasid Baghdad.
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27

Pormann, Peter E. "Greek Thought, Modern Arabic Culture: Classical Receptions since the Nahḍa." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 3, no. 1-2 (2015): 291–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00301011.

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This article surveys the growing, yet largely understudied field of classical receptions in the modern Arab world, with a specific focus on Egypt and the Levant. After giving a short account of the state of the field and reviewing a small number of previous studies, the article discusses how classical studies as a discipline fared in Egypt; and how this discipline informed modern debates about religous identity, and notably views on the textual history of the Qurʾān. It then turns to three literary genres, epic poetry, drama, and lyrical poetry, and explores the reception of classical literature and myth in each of them. It concludes with an appeal to study this reception phenomenon on a much broader scale.
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Orrells, Daniel. "GREEK LOVE, ORIENTALISM AND RACE: INTERSECTIONS IN CLASSICAL RECEPTION." Cambridge Classical Journal 58 (November 26, 2012): 194–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270512000073.

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Classics has been characterised as both a radical and a conservative discipline. Classical reception studies has enjoyed exploring this paradox: antiquity has provided an erotic example for modern homosexual counter-culture as well as a model for running exploitative empires. This article brings these aspects of reception studies together, to examine how the Victorian homosexual reception of the ancient Greeks was framed and worked out in a particular imperial context at the end of the nineteenth century.
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29

Brock, R. "Review. Greek death. 'Reading' Greek death to the end of the classical period. C Sourvinou-Inwood." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (February 1, 1996): 331–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.331.

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30

Osborne, Robin. "Women and Sacrifice in Classical Greece." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 2 (December 1993): 392–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800039914.

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There is no doubt that a person's gender could make a difference to their role in Greek sacrifices. But did it normally make a difference in Greece? And why did it make a difference? Two inscriptions from the island of Thasos neatly illustrate the problem. First, one dated to around 440 and found in the sanctuary of Herakles:[Ἡρα]κλεῖ Θασῖωι[αἶγ]α οὐ θμισ, οὐ–[δ] χοῖρον οὐδ γ–[υ]ναικ; θμισ οὐ–[δ]' νατεεται οὐ–δ γρα τμνετα–ι οὐσ' θλται1
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31

Bouvrie, Synnøve de. "David D. Leitao: The Pregnant Male as Myth and Metaphor in Classical Greek Literature." Gnomon 86, no. 3 (2014): 201–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2014_3_201.

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32

Rutherford, R. B. "‘Why should I mention Io?’ Aspects of choral narration in Greek tragedy." Cambridge Classical Journal 53 (2007): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270500000038.

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The study of narrative, narratology, has for some decades now been a well-established subdiscipline within the large field of critical methodology. Even classical scholars generally resistant to theory have found it acceptable. In part this can be explained by its classical ancestry: it was Plato who emphasised the importance of distinguishing narrator-voice and character-voice, and Aristotle who identified some of the key elements constituting plot structured as story. Part of the success of narratology is also due to the distinction of its classical practitioners. Naturally, the main emphasis among the studies of classical texts has been upon the major narrative forms, epic and the novel; but broader examination of the whole generic range has extended the scope of this method, and the first volume of an encyclopaedic study of narrator and narration in classical literature has recently appeared.
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Crawford, Gregory A. "A Citation Analysis of the Classical Philology Literature: Implications for Collection Development." Evidence Based Library and Information Practice 8, no. 2 (June 10, 2013): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.18438/b8hp56.

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Objective – This study examined the literature of classical (Greek and Latin) philology, as represented by the journal Transactions of the American Philological Association (TAPA), to determine changes over time for the types of materials cited, the languages used, the age of items cited, and the specificity of the citations. The overall goal was to provide data which could then be used by librarians in collection development decisions. Methods – All citations included in the 1986 and 2006 volumes of the Transactions of the American Philological Association were examined and the type of material, the language, the age, and the specificity were noted. The results of analyses of these citations were then compared to the results of a study of two earlier volumes of TAPA to determine changes over time. Results – The analyses showed that the proportion of citations to monographs continued to grow over the period of the study and accounted for almost 70% of total citations in 2006. The use of foreign language materials changed dramatically over the time of the study, declining from slightly more than half the total citations to less than a quarter. The level of specificity of citations also changed with more citations to whole books and to book chapters, rather than to specific pages, becoming more prevalent over time. Finally, the age of citations remained remarkably stable at approximately 25 years old. Conclusion – For librarians who manage collections focused on Greek and Latin literature and language, the results can give guidance for collection development and maintenance. Of special concern is the continuing purchase of monographs to support research in classical philology, but the retention of materials is also important due to the age and languages of materials used by scholars in this discipline.
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Rodrigues, Thiago de Souza Bittencourt. "Literatura Comparada e Estudos Clássicos: um diálogo interdisciplinar." Nuntius Antiquus 5 (June 30, 2010): 111–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/1983-3636.5..111-130.

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The aim of such investigation is to discuss, firstly, the issue of the “Greek miracle” in the light of an interdisciplinary dialogue between Comparative Literature and Classical Studies; secondly, to establish, from such discussion, its role in the process of the constitution of the “western tradition”.
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Ames, Roger T. "“Yu Jiyuan 余紀元 and Retrofitting ‘Metaphysics’ for Confucian Philosophy: Human ‘Beings’ or Human ‘Becomings’?" Asian Studies 8, no. 1 (January 10, 2020): 169–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2020.8.1.169-181.

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In past work on Chinese “cosmology”, I have resisted using the term “metaphysics” because of the history of this term in classical Greek philosophy. Angus Graham has warned us of the equivocations that arise in eliding the distinction between Greek ontology and classical Chinese cosmology. In this essay, I have been inspired by my dear friend the late Yu Jiyuan’s distinction between classical Greek “metaphysics” and “contemporary metaphysics with ambiguous edges” to adapt the term “metaphysics” for use within the classical Confucian corpus. In the language of Confucian “metaphysics”, the ultimate goal of our philosophical inquiry is quite literally “to know one’s way around things’” (zhidao 知道) in the broadest possible sense of the term “things”. In the application of Confucian metaphysics, “knowing” certainly begins from the cognitive understanding of a situation, but then goes on to include the creative and practical activity of “realizing a world” through ars contextualis—the art of contextualizing things. I apply the insight that “metaphysics” so understood in the Confucian context provides a warrant for establishing a useful contrast between a Greek conception of the “human being” and a Confucian conception of “human becomings”.
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36

Limano, Ferric. "Human and Technology in the Animation Industry." Business Economic, Communication, and Social Sciences (BECOSS) Journal 3, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/becossjournal.v3i1.6748.

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Humanism is a term in intellectual history that is often used in the fields of philosophy, education and literature. In classical greek times, this humanism manifested itself in paideia, a classical greek education system that was intended to translate the vision of the ideal human being. However, this classical Greek perspective departs from a purely natural view of humans. So, humans and education are like two sides of a coin that cannot be divorced. Technology is also the result of educated human beings, technology holds many beautiful promises, but in the experience and history of technology also contains threats and dangers contained in it. In this study, how to discuss the history and development of the Indonesian animation industry, from a human and technological perspective. The result of this research is to provide a viewpoint of thinking in the animation industry that humans and technology can coordinate together, resulting in many animation actors who maximize potential in animation technology.
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Hollis, A. S. "A new fragment on Niobe and the text of Propertius 2.20.8." Classical Quarterly 47, no. 2 (December 1997): 578–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/47.2.578.

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Michael Choniates (c. 1138–c. 1222), a pupil of Eustathius of Thessalonica, who was Greek Orthodox Metropolitan of Athens for some 25 years up to that city's capture by Frankish crusaders in a.d. 1205, is best known to classical scholars as the possessor of probably the last complete copy of Callimachus' Hecale and Aetia. He had brought with him from Constantinople many books of all kinds, and added to his collection when in Athens. Although an immense task, it would be well worth trying to identify all Michael's classical allusions, as an indication of how much ancient Greek literature was still available just before Constantinople too succumbed to the crusaders.
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38

Anderson, Greg. "The Personality Of The Greek State." Journal of Hellenic Studies 129 (November 2009): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900002925.

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Abstract:Were the poleis of Classical Greece state-based or stateless communities? Do their political structures meet standard criteria for full statehood? Conventional wisdom maintains that they do not. According to a broad consensus, the Classical polis was neither state-based nor stateless as such, but something somewhere in between: a unique, category-defying formation that was somehow both ‘state’ and ‘society’ simultaneously, a kind of inseparable fusion of the two. The current paper offers an alternative perspective on this complex but fundamental issue. It questions prevailing views on theoretical grounds, suggesting that the consensus ‘fusionist’ position rests ultimately upon a misunderstanding of what Thomas Hobbes would call the ‘personality’ of polis political structures. Focusing on the case of Classical Athens, it then proceeds to present a new account of the Greek ‘state’, an account that aims to be both theoretically satisfying and heuristically useful. Even if all those who performed state functions were simultaneously constituents of polis ‘society’, the state was nevertheless perceived to function as an autonomous agency, possessing a corporate personality that was quite distinct from the individual personalities of the living, breathing citizens who happened to instantiate it at any particular time.
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39

Tueller, Michael A. "NOTES ON THE GREEK ANTHOLOGY, BOOKS 1–5." Classical Quarterly 66, no. 2 (August 11, 2016): 742–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838816000434.

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The following textual and interpretative notes were informed by the preparation of the first volume of the revised Greek Anthology for the Loeb Classical Library.Anth. Pal. 1.20 (Claudian)ἀρτιφανές, πολιοῦχε, παλαιγενές, υἱὲ νεογνέ,αἰὲν ἐὼν προεών τε, ὑπέρτατε, ὕστατε, Χριστέ,ἀθανάτοιο πατρός τε ὁμόχρονε, πάμπαν ὁμοῖε …2 ἐὼν ex αἰὼν P
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40

Aldrete, Gregory S., and Alan Boegehold. "When a Gesture Was Expected: A Selection of Examples from Archaic and Classical Greek Literature." Classical World 94, no. 4 (2001): 414. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352613.

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41

Sonin, Joanne, and Alan L. Boegehold. "When a Gesture Was Expected: A Selection of Examples from Archaic and Classical Greek Literature." Phoenix 55, no. 1/2 (2001): 166. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1089032.

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42

Bemis, Michael F. "Book Review: Conflict in Ancient Greece and Rome: The Definitive Political, Social, and Military Encyclopedia." Reference & User Services Quarterly 56, no. 3 (April 3, 2017): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.56n3.215c.

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Classical civilization represents the foundation upon which rests all of modern-day Western society. The English language, in particular, is larded with allusions to the Greeks and Romans of yesteryear, from “Achilles’s heel” to “deus ex machina” to “Trojan Horse,” which make reference to the many influences that these cultures have had on our art, literature, theater, and, unfortunately, war and military (mis)adventures. For all these reasons, it behooves the modern reader to have at least a passing familiarity with what transpired all those thousands of years ago. The editors would appear to agree with this assessment, as they state in the “Preface” that this three-volume work “is intended to fill a gap in current reference works. It meets the need for a standard reference work on Greek and Roman military history and related institutions that is accessible to nonspecialists” (xxiii). Just what criteria the editors used in framing this statement is unknown; however, a literature search reveals many well-regarded titles covering this subject matter. From the topic-specific, such as John Warry’s Warfare in the Classical World: An Illustrated Encyclopedia of Weapons, Warriors, and Warfare in the Ancient Civilizations of Greece and Rome (University of Oklahoma Press 1995) to the more general, such as the venerable Oxford Classical Dictionary (Oxford University Press 2012), now in its fourth edition, there is certainly no shortage of print reference materials concerning warfare during the time of the Greek and Roman empires.
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43

Baker, Abigail. "Myths of the Odyssey in the British Museum (and beyond): Jane Ellen Harrison’s museum talks and their audience." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 63, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bics/qbaa011.

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Abstract Jane Ellen Harrison’s early work giving tours and lectures in London’s museums offers an unusual window on visitor experience in the late nineteenth century. This article examines the composition and motivations of her audience, looking at how Harrison’s lectures addressed gendered and class-based anxieties about their access to education and ability to respond appropriately to prestigious objects. Harrison used Greek vases to tell stories from ancient Greek literature. She made the case for the value of Greek vases as a repository of stories that could be understood through comparisons with literature but which also stood as evidence in their own right, hinting at lost stories and the perspectives of ordinary people. Her museum talks demonstrate a belief that Greek vases offered an alternative to Classical literature, one which had been made by ordinary people in the past and could be ‘read’ by ordinary people in the present.
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44

Jones, Richard, and J. Michael Walton. "Living Greek Theatre: A Handbook of Classical Performance and Modern Production." Theatre Journal 41, no. 1 (March 1989): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3207942.

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45

Marciak, Michał. "Hellenistic-Roman Idumea in the Light of Greek and Latin Non-Jewish Authors." Klio 100, no. 3 (December 19, 2018): 877–910. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2018-0132.

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Summary Although ancient Idumea was certainly a marginal object of interest for classical writers, we do possess as many as thirteen extant classical non-Jewish authors (from the 1st c. BCE to the 3rd c. CE) who explicitly refer to Idumea or the Idumeans. For classical writers, Idumea was an inland territory between the coastal cities of Palestine, Egypt, and Arabia that straddled important trade routes. Idumea is also frequently associated in ancient literature with palm trees, which grew in Palestine and were exported throughout the Mediterranean. In the eyes of classical authors, the Idumeans were a distinctive ethnos living in the melting pot of southern Palestine. Ancient writers emphasized the Idumeans’ ethnic and cultural connections with the Nabateans, the Phoenicians and Syrians, and, finally, the Judeans, and also indicated that a great deal of Hellenization occurred in western Idumea in an urban context.
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46

Spalva, Rita. "Dance in Ancient Greek Culture." SOCIETY, INTEGRATION, EDUCATION. Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference 2 (May 9, 2015): 451. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/sie2012vol2.523.

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The greatness and harmony of ancient Greece has had an impact upon the development of the Western European culture to this day. The ancient Greek culture has influenced contemporary literature genres and systems of philosophy, principles of architecture, sculpture and drama and has formed basis for such sciences as astronomy and mathematics. The art of ancient Greece with its penchant for beauty and clarity has been the example of the humanity’s search for an aesthetic ideal. Despite only being preserved in its fragments, the dance of ancient Greece has become an example worthy of imitation in the development of classical dance as well as the 20th century modern dance, inspired by the notions of antique dance by Isadora Duncan. Research in antique dance helps sunderstand the historical relationships in dance ontology, axiology and anthropology.
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47

Cummings, Robert, and Stuart Gillespie. "Translations from Greek and Latin Classics 1550–1700: A Revised Bibliography." Translation and Literature 18, no. 1 (March 2009): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0968136108000538.

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This is the first instalment of a two-part revision of the classical translation sections of the second edition of The Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature, Vols 2–3. The recent discontinuation of the revised edition of CBEL deprives the scholarly world of an up-to-date version of the most complete bibliography of its kind; this contribution makes good that loss for this topic. Over its eventual two parts 1550–1800 it runs to some 1,500 items of translation for what might be held to constitute the golden age of the English classical translating tradition. Checking of existing entries in the listings has led to a large number of internal corrections, including deletions, but the records have been expanded by a net 20%, with several minor classical authors added. As compared to the previous CBEL editions of the 1940s, this reflects the availability of digital-era resources such as the English Short Title Catalogue.
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48

Uusimäki, Elisa. "The Rise of the Sage in Greek and Jewish Antiquity." Journal for the Study of Judaism 49, no. 1 (November 8, 2018): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12491185.

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AbstractThis article explores the emergence of the sage as an exemplar in Greek and Jewish antiquity. Greek philosophical writings and Jewish literary accounts are analysed, the latter including texts written in both Hebrew and Greek. The Greek and Jewish sources are compared in order to highlight (dis)similarities between them. It will be argued that the conception of the sage as an idealized figure and object of emulation originates from the classical Greek world, but it becomes integrated into the Jewish discourse on wisdom and good life in the later Hellenistic period. In spite of this shared element, the portrayals of the sage vary regarding the amount of concreteness and the discursive strategies in which his exemplarity is constructed.
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49

Craik, Elizabeth M. "Greek Drama - Bernard Gredley (ed.): Essays on Greek Drama. (Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies, 34.) Pp. x+138. London: Institute of Classical Studies, 1987. Paper, £22.50." Classical Review 40, no. 1 (April 1990): 48–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00252074.

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50

Zelenak, Michael X. "The Troublesome Reign of King Oedipus: Civic Discourse and Civil Discord in Greek Tragedy." Theatre Research International 23, no. 1 (1998): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030788330001823x.

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Greek tragedy was created under a unique and very unusual set of circumstances. What we today call Greek tragedy was not really ‘Greek’ but specifically Athenian. It articulated Athenian values, celebrated Athenian institutions, debated Athenian problems. Despite the undisputed artistic achievements of the great tragedians, the primary motives behind the creation and production of classical Greek tragedy were not artistic or literary, but social and political. Greek tragedies were contemporary and topical civic spectacles, and a central component of Athenian civic life and political discourse. Aristotle identified this ‘political’ aspect of classic Greek tragedy as its distinguishing feature by noting that ‘the earlier poets [Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides] made their characters talk “politically” [politikos], the present-day poets rhetorically’.
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