Relevant bibliographies by topics / Greek Gods and goddesses

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
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Academic literature on the topic 'Greek Gods and goddesses'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 6 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Greek Gods and goddesses"

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Beaumont, Lesley. "Mythological childhood: a male preserve? An interpretation of classical Athenian iconography in its socio-historical context." Annual of the British School at Athens 90 (November 1995): 339–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400016245.

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The birth and childhood of the Greek male gods and heroes are themes well documented in classical Athenian art and myth. By contrast, contemporary Athenian iconography and mythology are remarkably empty of references to the birth and infancy of the female heroes and female gods, or alternatively present the newborn goddesses as adult women. This article seeks to shed light on the apparently missing childhood phase of the goddesses and heroines, by examining the evidence of fifth-century Athenian iconography in its socio-historical context. Consequently, in the case of the goddesses, it is proposed that the female child figure represented a state of being incompatible with the nature and manifestation of divinity. It is further suggested that the mythological heroines enter classical Athenian art and myth only once they have attained puberty, because it is at this point that their potential for relations with the male gains significance. And just as was the case with their mortal female counterparts, it is this capacity for interaction with the male sex that makes them of interest to society.
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Ghosh, Suchandra. "Iran and India in the early historic period: A preview of their politico-cultural interface." Studies in People's History 5, no. 2 (October 12, 2018): 154–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448918795741.

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The Achaemenid Empire’s expansion towards the Indus basin initiated a new confluence of Iranic and Indian cultures. Alexander’s conquests added a Greek component to this confluence, marked by Aśoka’s Aramaic and Greek edicts. The Seleucids and their successor Greek states in Bactria and other parts of Afghanistan, while continuing their homage to Greek divinities on coins, also incorporated concepts, customs and art inherited from the Achaemenids. Their Saka and Parthian successors continued the same policy as indicated by their cons. It was the Kushans beginning with Kanishka (with Huvishka continuing the practice) who shifted to Iranian gods and goddesses.
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Wallensten, Jenny. "Karpophoroi deities and the Attic cult of Ge. Notes on IG II2 4758." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 7 (November 2014): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-07-11.

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Karpophoros, fruit-bearing, is an epithet easily considered as “literary”, i.e., a poetic name with little or no relation to cult. The epigraphic sources, however, clearly show us that gods thus named were offered divine worship. The epithet is found in connection with several deities. Goddesses of agriculture, such as Demeter, and Ge, the Earth, naturally carry this name, but so do Zeus, Dionysos and a goddess known as “The Aiolian”, who was sometimes associated with Agrippina. This paper surveys deities known as karpophoroi and examines what their cult entailed. Its focus is, however, on a brief Acropolis inscription, IG II2 4758, where Ge is honoured as Karpophoros, in accordance with an oracle. The case study provides insights into the Attic cult of Ge, the epithet Karpophoros, as well as the use and function of epithets within Greek dedicatory language.
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Duev, Ratko. "The Family of Zeus in Early Greek Poetry and Myths." Classica Cracoviensia 22 (October 29, 2020): 121–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/cc.20.2019.22.05.

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The Family of Zeus in Early Greek Poetry and Myths In early epic poetry it is evident that certain differences exist in both traditions, mainly due to the fact that Homer’s epic poems were written on the western coast of Asia Minor and the surrounding islands, while Hesiod’s poems were composed on mainland Greece. From the analysis, it becomes clear that the development of the cult of an Indo-European Sky Father differs significantly from the assumed Proto-Indo-European tradition. His family is completely different from that in the Indo-European tradition. His wife is the goddess Hera, whom Homer calls ‘old’, as opposed to the Hesiodic tradition, in which Hestia and Demeter are older than her. Homer makes no mention whatsoever of Hestia. The ‘daughters of Zeus’ are the goddesses Athena and Aphrodite, and the ‘son of Zeus’ is Apollo. The family of Zeus according to Homer also differs from the archaeological findings of the tradition on land. Hera of Samos bears no resemblance to Hera of Argos. The oldest large temples are connected to her, as well as to the memory of Oceanus and Thetis as parents to the gods, which is a direct influence of the Mesopotamian myths of Apsu and Tiamat. Homer’s Zeus from Mount Ida, Hera of Samos, Apollo of Cilla, and Tenedus and Artemis of Ephesus are closer to the Anatolian tradition.
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Chinchilla Sánchez, Kattia. "Tezcatlipoca/Hades: Dos columnas míticas con un basamento común." Revista de Filología y Lingüística de la Universidad de Costa Rica 23, no. 1 (August 30, 2015): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/rfl.v23i1.20400.

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En este artículo se muestra la naturaleza rnítica de dos dioses diferentes: Tezcatlipoca, del panteón azteca, y Hades, el dios del lugar de las almas oscuras. Ambas deidades tienen una base común: los atributos selénicos y solares. Más que una simple mitología comparativa, este estudio es un análisis serio de los patrones míticos y simbólicos de esas culturas disímiles. En los ritos, el horno religiosus demuestra horror hacia estos dioses ya que, según la regla coincidentia oppositorum, estos denotan el poder del mundo de la oscuridad. This article shows the mythic nature of two different gods: Tezcatlipoca, in the Aztec pantheon, and Hades, the Greek goddess of the dark soul's place. Both deities have a common base: the selenic and the solar attributes. This approach involves more than "cornparative mythology". It is a serious study of the mythic-symbolic patterns of those dissimilar cultures. In the rites, the horno religiosus denotes his horror to those goddesses, because, follow to the coincidentia oppositorum rule, they shows the power of the world of darknes.
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Mitchell, Stephen. "Inscriptions from Melli (Kocaaliler) in Pisidia." Anatolian Studies 53 (December 2003): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3643092.

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AbstractThis article presents several new inscriptions discovered during the survey of the Pisidian city at Melli directed by Dr Lutgarde Vandeput, and revisions to already published texts. These include several imperial statue bases from the city agora, four texts honouring city patrons, who include a provincial governor and a senior Roman equestrian official from the nearby Pisidian city of Selge, dedications and epitaphs. The most significant discovery is the first identified Greek copy of a votive text to ‘the gods and goddesses’, set up according to the interpretation of a Clarian oracle, which was already known from nine Latin versions. The inscription is associated with a cult room in a domestic building, and may be connected with the worship of theos hypsistos.
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Kofler, Sabine Viktoria. "Kybele in Griechenland. Ankunft und Aufnahme der Göttermutter in der griechischen Welt." historia.scribere, no. 10 (June 19, 2018): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.10.104.

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Cybele in Greece. The Arrival and Reception of the Mother of the Gods in the ancient Greek world.The following seminar-paper aims to show the arrival and reception of the phrygian Mother Goddess Matar in the greek world. It will first take a closer look at the early known sources, be it written or archaeological, of the Goddess Kybele. This article will further present, on the basis of these sources, the way the Mother of the Gods took from ancient Phrygia across Anatolia toAthens. Through her journey into the greek world Kybele had gone through an essential transformation to be accepted and worshipped as one of the primary Mother Goddess` of the ancient world.
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Bremmer, Jan N. "The agency of Greek and Roman statues. From Homer to Constantine." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 6 (November 2013): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-06-02.

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In the Archaic period the Greeks did not yet conceptualize the difference between a divinity and its statue. Therefore, stories that stressed the agency of statues separate from their divinities must have seemed less strange at that time than when the statues had become independent, so to speak, from their gods or goddesses. The latter started to happen in the transitional period to the Classical era when the well-known triad of divinities—heroes—mortals came into being, and philosophers began to criticize the worship of statues. All these changes together led to a development in which the agency of statues increasingly became noteworthy. After the 5th century BC we keep hearing about the agency of statues but we can also notice a growing critique of the worship of statues by different philosophical schools. In both Greece and Rome divine statues manifested themselves in particular during moments of crisis or of a decisive political character. In the Greek East the belief in the agency of statues lasted until the 3rd century AD, as Archaic statues represented a kind of cultural capital for the Greeks under Roman rule. Yet, in the end the continuing philosophical critique, which had been radicalized by the Christians, made the agency of statues intellectually unacceptable.
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Harutyunyan, Hakob. "The image of the goddess Artemis in the «History of Armenia» by Moveses Khorenatsi." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 15, no. 1 (2021): 78–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2021-15-1-78-85.

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The reign of the kings of the Artashes dynasty in ancient Armenia from the beginning of the II century B.C. E. was a turning point for the country in many spheres of life, including religion. In Armenia, as in all countries of the Near and Middle East, the cults of Greek gods were widespread. Armenian historian of the 5th century Movses Khorenatsi singles out the goddess Artemis (Artemis) among all Greek gods, who, as demonstrated in the work, not only complemented the functional characteristics of the Armenian gods, but also successfully syncretized with the Armenian pantheon.
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Mariolakos, I. D., and Ε. Manoutsoglou. "The geotectonic evolution of Olympus Mt and its mythological analogue." Bulletin of the Geological Society of Greece 47, no. 2 (January 24, 2017): 574. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/bgsg.11084.

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Mt Olympus is the highest mountain of Greece (2918 m.) and one of the most important and well known locations of the modern world. This is related to its great cultural significance, since the ancient Greeks considered this mountain as the habitat of their Gods, ever since Zeus became the dominant figure of the ancient Greek religion and consequently the protagonist of the cultural regime. Before the generation of Zeus, Olympus was inhabited by the generation of Cronus. In this paper we shall refer to a lesser known mythological reference which, in our opinion, presents similarities to the geotectonic evolution of the wider area of Olympus. According to Apollodorus and other great authors, the God Poseidon and Iphimedia had twin sons, the Aloades, namely Otus and Ephialtes, who showed a tendency to gigantism. When they reached the age of nine, they were about 16 m. tall and 4.5 m. wide. Having then realized their powers, because of their gigantic proportions, they decided to climb Olympus and fight the Gods, exile Zeus and the others, and wed two Goddesses. Otus was to marry Hera and Ephialtes Artemis. But they did not know how to climb such a high mountain, so they decided to construct a “ladder”, by putting mount Ossa on top of mount Olympus and mount Pelion on top of Ossa. This description coincides with the geological and tectonic evolution of the wider Olympus area. But, these complex tectonic processes were completed about 8 – 10 m.a., i.e. millions of years before the appearance of humans, therefore it is impossible that these morphotectonic processes were witnessed by man, so the similarities between the myth of Aloades and the tectonic evolution of the area must be purely coincidental. But are they, or is there more here?
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Greek Gods and goddesses"

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Foulston, Lynn. "At the feet of the goddess : a comparative study of local goddess worship in Khurdapur, a village settlement in Orissa and Cholavandan, a small town in Tamilnadu." Thesis, University of South Wales, 1999. https://pure.southwales.ac.uk/en/studentthesis/at-the-feet-of-the-goddess(7d6fe66d-ec25-4015-a2c9-63fe219d71e6).html.

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This thesis is an examination of the local goddesses and their worship in two contrasting field sites. The settlement of Khurdapur consists of five small villages situated a short distance outside Bhubaneswar in Orissa. Cholavandan, on the other hand, is a small town located near to Madurai in southern Tamilnadu. While this study seeks to provide a comprehensive view of local goddess worship in differing environments it also addresses three questions. 1) Is the goddess-centred literature, written at the beginning of the century, still applicable to contemporary goddesses? 2) Do local goddesses really warrant the negative labels ascribed to them by some scholars, such as "malevolent" or "ambivalent"? 3) Is there uniformity or divergence between the goddesses and their worship at the two field sites? In order to address these concerns the research is concerned with three general areas of investigation 1) the temples and shrines 2) the character of the goddesses 3) the ritual worship of the goddesses. These three areas are analysed thematically in terms of the opposites, sacred and profane, order and chaos and the pairs, power and purity, anger and unpredictability. Maps of Khurdapur and Cholavandan are included, as are tables, plans, and photographic evidence, supporting and clarifying the findings in each section. The temples and shrines of Khurdapur and Cholavandan are examined in relation to standard temple configuration, with the conclusion that the temple and shrine structures do not necessarily conform to the patterns given in written sources. An analysis is made of the spatial and symbolic layout of the temples and shrines, in particular as it relates to conceptions of sacred and profane in the two local settlements. An analysis of the character and nature of the goddesses of Khurdapur and Cholavandan is the pivotal section of the thesis. The pairs, anger and unpredictability, and power and purity are examined closely in relation to the character of the goddesses of Khurdapur and Cholavandan, addressing such questions as, are the most pure goddesses really the most powerful in a local setting? In many cases, it is apparent that impurity accompanies an abundance of power. The final section details the main ritual practices and festival rites in Khurdapur and Cholavandan, comparing practices at the two sites and making a distinction between the rituals that take place inside and outside the sacred precinct of the temple. In conclusion, I have provided evidence to suggest that local goddesses have been erroneously generalised as "malevolent" according to previous research. Although many goddesses have a dualistic nature, generally they more readily heal than afflict. The goddesses of Khurdapur and Cholavandan do not adhere to the characterization outlined in previous research. I have shown, by examining a wider range of goddesses than previous studies, and at sites in different parts of India, that a three or two-way categorisation is too narrow, since the majority of goddesses straddle former classifications. The evidence collected has also provided various suggestions about general trends of local worship across India.
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Alroth, Brita. "Greek gods and figurines : aspects of the anthropomorphic dedications /." Uppsala : S. Academiae Ubsaliensis, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38916220v.

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Alroth, Brita Holthoer Rostislav Linders Tullia. "Greek gods and figurines aspects of the anthropomorphic dedications /." Uppsala : Stockholm : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis ; Almqvist & Wiksell International, 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/20312256.html.

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Erickson, Kyle Glenn. "The early Seleucids, their gods and their coins." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/95348.

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This thesis argues that the iconography on Seleucid coins was created in order to appeal to the various ethnic groups within the empire and thereby reinforced the legitimacy of the dynasty. It first examines the iconography of Seleucus I and argues that as Seleucus became more secure in his rule he began to develop a new iconography that was a blend of Alexander’s and his own. This pattern changed under Antiochus I. He replaced the Zeus of Alexander and of Seleucus with Apollo-on-the-omphalos. At approximately the same time, a dynastic myth of descent from Apollo was created and promulgated. It is argued that in addition to the traditional view that Apollo was readily identifiable to the Greco-Macedonians within the empire he was also accessible to the Babylonians through the god Nabû and to the Persians as a Greek (or Macedonian) version of the reigning king. This ambiguity made Apollo an ideal figure to represent the multi-ethnic ruling house. This also explains the dynasty’s reluctance to deviate from the iconography established by Antiochus I. This thesis continues to explore the role of Apollo and other gods in creating an iconography which represented Seleucid power ending with the reign of Antiochus III. This thesis also incorporates the numismatic representations of the king as divine into the debate on ruler cult. This evidence suggests that the Seleucids may have had some form of ruler cult before the reign of Antiochus III.
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West, David Reid. "Some cults of Greek goddesses and female daemons of oriental origin : especially in relation to the mythology of goddesses and demons in the Semitic world." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1990. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1263/.

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In Chapter One we discuss the evidence for Mycenaean trade and colonisation in the Orient, and for oriental trade and colonisation in the Aegean and Greece. We begin with such subjects as archaeological artefacts, artistic motifs and styles of architecture, then consider the linguistic evidence, such as toponyms, personal names and the LA tablets. The evidence for contact is overwhelming. In Chapter Two we consider the evidence for Semitic motifs in the iconography, mythology and names of Greek goddesses connected with nature. Thus Semitic influence is clear in the case of Artemis and Rhea as lion-goddesses, Britomartis as a `Mistress of the Beasts', Leto as a goddess of the sacred palm, and Demeter as a mare-goddess. Reha seems to be partly Anatolian. Chapter Three is concerned with the goddess Athena and other avian daemons. We begin (Section A) by discussing the oriental origins of Athena's owl, snake, aegis and Gorgon, relying mainly upon the evidence of iconography. Then (Section B) we consider three epithets of Athena which seem very Semitic. Finally (Section C) we discuss the sirens, which are avian demonesses somewhat reminiscent of Athena's chthonian character. In Chapter Four we first analyse (Section A) as much of the character of the goddess Hekate as possible, in both iconography and literature. It is clear that Hekate is a very demonic goddess. Then (Section B) we discuss various theories concerning the origin of Hekate. The Anatolian theories in particular are unconvincing. The Semitic origin of Hekate is tested (Section C) with reference to the character and motifs of both E-S and W-S demons and demonesses. It is concluded that Hekate is an evolute of Lamashtu. Finally (Section D) other Greek chthonian daemons (e.g. Mormo, Empousa, Gello) are compared with both Hekate and Lamashtu. Some (e.g. Mormo, Empousa) are Greek daemons with Semitic motifs in their characters. We conclude that Lamia is another evolute of Lamashtu, and that Gello is derived from the Mesopotamian Gallu demon.
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Konaris, Michael D. "The Greek gods in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century German and British scholarship." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.519782.

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Wimber, K. Michelle. "Four Greco-Roman Era Temples of Near Eastern Fertility Goddesses: An Analysis of Architectural Tradition." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2007. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/1277.

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Lucian, writing in the mid-second century AD, recorded his observations of an "exotic" local cult in the city of Hierapolis in what is today Northern Syria. The local goddess was known as Dea Syria to the Romans and Atargatis to the Greeks. Lucian's so-named De Dea Syria is an important record of life and religion in Roman Syria. De Dea Syria presents to us an Oriental cult of a fertility goddess as seen through the eyes of a Hellenized Syrian devotee and religious ethnographer. How accurate Lucian's portrayal of the cult is questionable, though his account provides for us some indication that traditional religious practices were still being observed in Hierapolis despite Greek and Roman colonization. The origins of Near Eastern fertility goddesses began in the Bronze Age with the Sumerian goddess Inanna who was later associated with the Semitic Akkadian deity Ishtar. The worship of Ishtar spread throughout the Near East as a result of both Babylonian and Assyrian conquests. In Syria some of the major sites of her worship were located in Ebla and Mari. The later Phoenician and Canaanite cultures also adopted the worship of Ishtar melding her into their religions under the names of Astarte and Asherah respectively. By the Greco-Roman era, the Nabataeans and Palmyrenes also worshipped a form of the Near Eastern fertility goddess, calling her by many names including Atargatis, Astarte, al-Uzza and Allat. The Greeks and Romans found parallels between this eastern goddess and their deities and added her to their pantheons. Through this process of adoption and adaptation, the worship of this goddess naturally changed. In her many guises, Atargatis was worshipped not only at Hierapolis in the Greco-Roman period, but also at Delos, Dura Europos, and Khirbet et-Tannur. At all of these centers of worship vestiges of traditional practices retained in the cult were apparent. It is necessary to look at the cult as a whole to understand more fully whether her cult retained its original Oriental character or was partially or fully Hellenized. Temple architecture is an important part of Atargatis' cult which is often overlooked in the analysis of her cult. This thesis examines whether Atargatis' cult remained Oriental or became Hellenized by tracing the historical development of the temple architecture, associated cult objects, and decoration from their traditional origins down to the introduction of Greco-Roman styles into the Near East.
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Petrella, Bernardo Ballesteros. "Divine assemblies in early Greek and Mesopotamian narrative poetry." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cfd1affe-f74b-48c5-98db-aba832a7dce8.

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This thesis charts divine assembly scenes in ancient Mesopotamian narrative poetry and the early Greek hexameter corpus, and aims to contribute to a cross-cultural comparison in terms of literary systems. The recurrent scene of the divine gathering is shown to underpin the construction of small- and large-scale compositions in both the Sumero-Akkadian and early Greek traditions. Parts 1 and 2 treat each corpus in turn, reflecting a methodological concern to assess the comparanda within their own context first. Part 1 (Chapters 1-4) examines Sumerian narrative poems, and the Akkadian narratives Atra-hsīs, Anzû, Enûma eliš, Erra and Išum and the Epic of Gilgameš. Part 2 (Chapters 5-8) considers Homer's Iliad, the Odyssey, the Homeric Hymns and Hesiod's Theogony. The comparative approaches in Part 3 are developed in two chapters (9-10). Chapter 9 offers a detailed comparison of this typical scene's poetic morphology and compositional purpose. Relevant techniques and effects, a function of the aural reception of literature, are shown to overlap to a considerable degree. Although the Greeks are unlikely to have taken over the feature from the Near East, it is suggested that the Greek divine assembly is not to be detached form a Near Eastern context. Because the shared elements are profoundly embedded in the Greek orally-derived poetic tradition, it is possible to envisage a long-term process of oral contact and communication fostered by common structures. Chapter 10 turns to a comparison of the literary pantheon: a focus on the organisation of divine prerogatives and the chief god figures illuminates culture-specific differences which can be related to historical socio-political conditions. Thus, this thesis seeks to enhance our understanding of the representation of the gods in Mesopotamian poetry and early Greek epic, and develops a systemic approach to questions of transmission and cultural appreciation.
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Mello, Jéssica Frutuoso. "Outros cantos, começa agora, deusa : as representações de Jasão e a epopeia de Valério Flaco /." Araraquara, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/182254.

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Orientador: Brunno Vinicius Gonçalves Vieira
Banca: Márcio Meirelles Gouvêa Júnior
Banca: Márcio Thamos
Resumo: Considerando as múltiplas representações que o herói Jasão recebe desde a Antiguidade, escolheu-se a epopeia de Valério Flaco, autor do século I d.C., como principal objeto de análise para refletir sobre a construção do líder dos argonautas. Oferece-se um panorama dos autores que trabalham com as narrativas relacionadas ao herói em obras literárias anteriores a Flaco, de modo a que se possa ter uma visão geral da tradição que foi construída acerca do herói e das diferenças que existem na abordagem do mito, o que poderia impactar a construção do herói. Nessa exposição, dá-se destaque à obra de Apolônio de Rodes, por ser considerada um marco no que se refere a essa construção, tendo em vista que o poeta trata da viagem dos argonautas em gênero épico, o que permitiria um maior detalhamento acerca de diversos aspectos do mito que poderiam não ser possíveis em um gênero mais curto, não predominantemente narrativo e em que a figura central não fosse o herói. Aborda-se a representação dada a Jasão por Valério Flaco, confrontando o herói, intrinsecamente, a seus companheiros de viagem e, extrinsecamente, a seus antecessores, de modo a refletir sobre essa nova inserção do herói em gênero épico em contexto latino. Assim, pretende-se analisar tanto a construção do herói isoladamente na obra em que está inserido quanto, ao mostrar as diversas possibilidades oferecidas por poetas anteriores, quais versões Valério Flaco poderia ter explorado, seja por um processo de eleição de modelo a ser... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: Considering the multiple representations that the hero Jason received since Antiquity, the epic of Valerius Flaccus, a first century AD author, was chosen as the main object of analysis to reflect on the construction of the leader of the Argonauts. It is offered an overview of the authors who work with the narratives related to the hero in literary works previous to Flaccus, so that the reader can have an overview of the tradition that was constructed about the hero and the possible differences in the approach of the myth, which could affect his construction. In this exhibition, the work of Apollonius of Rhodes is emphasized as it's considered a mark in regard to this construction, given that the poet deals with the Argonauts' journey in epic genre, which would allow greater detail about various aspects of the myth that might not be possible in a shorter genre, in which the narrative was not predominant and the central figure was not the hero. The representation given to Jason by Valerius Flaccus is dealt confronting the hero intrinsically to his fellows and extrinsically to his predecessors in order to reflect on his new insertion in the epic genre in Latin context. Thus, it is intended to analyze both the construction of the hero alone in the work in which he is inserted and, by showing the various possibilities offered by previous poets, which versions Valerius Flaccus could have explored, either by a process of election of a model to be followed, affiliating to a traditio... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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Parisinou, Eva. "The light of the gods : the role of light in archaic and classical Greek cult /." London : Duckworth, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37216077x.

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Books on the topic "Greek Gods and goddesses"

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McCaughrean, Geraldine. Greek gods and goddesses. New York, N.Y: Margaret K. McElderry Books, 1998.

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McCaughrean, Geraldine. Greek gods and goddesses. New York: Margaret K. McElderry Books, 1998.

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Gilkerson, Patricia Rowe. Great Greek Gods and Goddesses. Torrance, Calif: Good Apple, 1997.

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Houle, Michelle M. Gods and goddesses in Greek mythology. Berkeley Heights, NJ: Enslow Publishers, 2001.

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Posner, Pat. Gods and goddesses from Greek myths. London: Brimax, 2003.

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Gods and goddesses of ancient Greece. North Mankato, Minnesota: Capstone Press, A Capstone imprint, 2015.

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Aliki. The gods and goddesses of Olympus. New York, NY: HarperCollinsPublishers, 1994.

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Gods and goddesses in greek mythology rock! Berkeley Heights, NJ: Enslow Publishers, Inc., 2012.

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Nardo, Don. The gods and goddesses of Greek mythology. Mankato, MN: Compass Point Books, 2012.

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Phillips, Marie. Gods behaving badly: A novel. New York: Little, Brown and Co., 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Greek Gods and goddesses"

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Ghosh, Suchandra. "Representation of GREEK gods/goddesses in Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek visual culture." In The Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek World, 570–79. New York: Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge worlds: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315108513-33.

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Lindow, John, and Jens Peter Schjødt. "54- Minor Gods and Goddesses." In The Pre-Christian Religions of the North, 1405–52. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols Publishers, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.pcrn-eb.5.116981.

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Colledge, Ray. "The Hindu gods and goddesses, holy rivers." In Mastering World Religions, 167–72. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14329-0_21.

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Kotansky, Roy. "Lord of the Gods." In Greek Magical Amulets, 1–2. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-20312-4_1.

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Dowden, Ken. "Olympian Gods, Olympian Pantheon." In A Companion to Greek Religion, 39–55. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470996911.ch3.

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Hamby, Zachary. "The Nature of the Gods." In Greek Mythology for Teens, 13–34. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003235378-2.

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Alexander, Rachel. "Craters, Dragons, Festivals, Gods and Goddesses of Earth’s Moon." In The Patrick Moore Practical Astronomy Series, 77–104. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-7067-0_5.

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Kindt, J. "On gods, humans, and animals." In Animals in Ancient Greek Religion, 1–13. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429424304-101.

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Kindt, J. "Gods, humans, and animals revisited." In Animals in Ancient Greek Religion, 289–99. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429424304-13.

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"ANOMALOUS IMMORTALS: Hero-gods and heroine-goddesses." In Ancient Greek Cults, 197–209. Routledge, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203356982-19.

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Conference papers on the topic "Greek Gods and goddesses"

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Dimarogonas, Andrew D. "Mechanisms of the Ancient Greek Theater." In ASME 1992 Design Technical Conferences. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc1992-0301.

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Abstract The word Mechanism is a derivative of the Greek word mechane (which meant machine, more precisely, machine element) meaning an assemblage of machines. While it was used for the first time by Homer in the Iliad to describe the political manipulation, it was used with its modern meaning first in Aeschylos times to describe the stage machine used to bring the gods or the heroes of the tragedy on stage, known with the Latin term Deus ex machina. At the same time, the word mechanopoios, meaning the machine maker or engineer, was introduced for the man who designed, built and operated the mechane. None of these machines, made of perishable materials, is extant. However, there are numerous references to such machines in extant tragedies or comedies and vase paintings from which they can be reconstructed: They were large mechanisms consisting of beams, wheels and ropes which could raise weights up-to one ton and, in some cases, move them back-and-forth violently to depict space travel, when the play demanded it. The vertical dimensions were over 4 m while the horizontal travel could be more than 8 m. They were well-balanced and they could be operated, with some exaggeration perhaps, by the finger of the engineer. There is indirect information about the timing of these mechanisms. During the loading and the motion there were specific lines of the chorus, from which we can infer the duration of the respective operation. The reconstructed mechane is a spatial three- or four-bar linkage designed for path generation.
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Liu, Hui. "A Brief Comparison on the Images of “Gods” in Chinese and Greek Mythology and the Social Background." In 2020 Conference on Education, Language and Inter-cultural Communication (ELIC 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201127.113.

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Reports on the topic "Greek Gods and goddesses"

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O'Brien, K. Xena and Hercules and all those gods and goddesses. Natural Resources Canada/ESS/Scientific and Technical Publishing Services, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.4095/298644.

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