Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Greek Gods and goddesses'

This thesis is an examination of the local goddesses and their worship in two contrasting field sites. The settlement of Khurdapur consists of five small villages situated a short distance outside Bhubaneswar in Orissa. Cholavandan, on the other hand, is a small town located near to Madurai in southern Tamilnadu. While this study seeks to provide a comprehensive view of local goddess worship in differing environments it also addresses three questions. 1) Is the goddess-centred literature, written at the beginning of the century, still applicable to contemporary goddesses? 2) Do local goddesses really warrant the negative labels ascribed to them by some scholars, such as "malevolent" or "ambivalent"? 3) Is there uniformity or divergence between the goddesses and their worship at the two field sites? In order to address these concerns the research is concerned with three general areas of investigation 1) the temples and shrines 2) the character of the goddesses 3) the ritual worship of the goddesses. These three areas are analysed thematically in terms of the opposites, sacred and profane, order and chaos and the pairs, power and purity, anger and unpredictability. Maps of Khurdapur and Cholavandan are included, as are tables, plans, and photographic evidence, supporting and clarifying the findings in each section. The temples and shrines of Khurdapur and Cholavandan are examined in relation to standard temple configuration, with the conclusion that the temple and shrine structures do not necessarily conform to the patterns given in written sources. An analysis is made of the spatial and symbolic layout of the temples and shrines, in particular as it relates to conceptions of sacred and profane in the two local settlements. An analysis of the character and nature of the goddesses of Khurdapur and Cholavandan is the pivotal section of the thesis. The pairs, anger and unpredictability, and power and purity are examined closely in relation to the character of the goddesses of Khurdapur and Cholavandan, addressing such questions as, are the most pure goddesses really the most powerful in a local setting? In many cases, it is apparent that impurity accompanies an abundance of power. The final section details the main ritual practices and festival rites in Khurdapur and Cholavandan, comparing practices at the two sites and making a distinction between the rituals that take place inside and outside the sacred precinct of the temple. In conclusion, I have provided evidence to suggest that local goddesses have been erroneously generalised as "malevolent" according to previous research. Although many goddesses have a dualistic nature, generally they more readily heal than afflict. The goddesses of Khurdapur and Cholavandan do not adhere to the characterization outlined in previous research. I have shown, by examining a wider range of goddesses than previous studies, and at sites in different parts of India, that a three or two-way categorisation is too narrow, since the majority of goddesses straddle former classifications. The evidence collected has also provided various suggestions about general trends of local worship across India.

This thesis argues that the iconography on Seleucid coins was created in order to appeal to the various ethnic groups within the empire and thereby reinforced the legitimacy of the dynasty. It first examines the iconography of Seleucus I and argues that as Seleucus became more secure in his rule he began to develop a new iconography that was a blend of Alexander’s and his own. This pattern changed under Antiochus I. He replaced the Zeus of Alexander and of Seleucus with Apollo-on-the-omphalos. At approximately the same time, a dynastic myth of descent from Apollo was created and promulgated. It is argued that in addition to the traditional view that Apollo was readily identifiable to the Greco-Macedonians within the empire he was also accessible to the Babylonians through the god Nabû and to the Persians as a Greek (or Macedonian) version of the reigning king. This ambiguity made Apollo an ideal figure to represent the multi-ethnic ruling house. This also explains the dynasty’s reluctance to deviate from the iconography established by Antiochus I. This thesis continues to explore the role of Apollo and other gods in creating an iconography which represented Seleucid power ending with the reign of Antiochus III. This thesis also incorporates the numismatic representations of the king as divine into the debate on ruler cult. This evidence suggests that the Seleucids may have had some form of ruler cult before the reign of Antiochus III.

In Chapter One we discuss the evidence for Mycenaean trade and colonisation in the Orient, and for oriental trade and colonisation in the Aegean and Greece. We begin with such subjects as archaeological artefacts, artistic motifs and styles of architecture, then consider the linguistic evidence, such as toponyms, personal names and the LA tablets. The evidence for contact is overwhelming. In Chapter Two we consider the evidence for Semitic motifs in the iconography, mythology and names of Greek goddesses connected with nature. Thus Semitic influence is clear in the case of Artemis and Rhea as lion-goddesses, Britomartis as a `Mistress of the Beasts', Leto as a goddess of the sacred palm, and Demeter as a mare-goddess. Reha seems to be partly Anatolian. Chapter Three is concerned with the goddess Athena and other avian daemons. We begin (Section A) by discussing the oriental origins of Athena's owl, snake, aegis and Gorgon, relying mainly upon the evidence of iconography. Then (Section B) we consider three epithets of Athena which seem very Semitic. Finally (Section C) we discuss the sirens, which are avian demonesses somewhat reminiscent of Athena's chthonian character. In Chapter Four we first analyse (Section A) as much of the character of the goddess Hekate as possible, in both iconography and literature. It is clear that Hekate is a very demonic goddess. Then (Section B) we discuss various theories concerning the origin of Hekate. The Anatolian theories in particular are unconvincing. The Semitic origin of Hekate is tested (Section C) with reference to the character and motifs of both E-S and W-S demons and demonesses. It is concluded that Hekate is an evolute of Lamashtu. Finally (Section D) other Greek chthonian daemons (e.g. Mormo, Empousa, Gello) are compared with both Hekate and Lamashtu. Some (e.g. Mormo, Empousa) are Greek daemons with Semitic motifs in their characters. We conclude that Lamia is another evolute of Lamashtu, and that Gello is derived from the Mesopotamian Gallu demon.

Lucian, writing in the mid-second century AD, recorded his observations of an "exotic" local cult in the city of Hierapolis in what is today Northern Syria. The local goddess was known as Dea Syria to the Romans and Atargatis to the Greeks. Lucian's so-named De Dea Syria is an important record of life and religion in Roman Syria. De Dea Syria presents to us an Oriental cult of a fertility goddess as seen through the eyes of a Hellenized Syrian devotee and religious ethnographer. How accurate Lucian's portrayal of the cult is questionable, though his account provides for us some indication that traditional religious practices were still being observed in Hierapolis despite Greek and Roman colonization. The origins of Near Eastern fertility goddesses began in the Bronze Age with the Sumerian goddess Inanna who was later associated with the Semitic Akkadian deity Ishtar. The worship of Ishtar spread throughout the Near East as a result of both Babylonian and Assyrian conquests. In Syria some of the major sites of her worship were located in Ebla and Mari. The later Phoenician and Canaanite cultures also adopted the worship of Ishtar melding her into their religions under the names of Astarte and Asherah respectively. By the Greco-Roman era, the Nabataeans and Palmyrenes also worshipped a form of the Near Eastern fertility goddess, calling her by many names including Atargatis, Astarte, al-Uzza and Allat. The Greeks and Romans found parallels between this eastern goddess and their deities and added her to their pantheons. Through this process of adoption and adaptation, the worship of this goddess naturally changed. In her many guises, Atargatis was worshipped not only at Hierapolis in the Greco-Roman period, but also at Delos, Dura Europos, and Khirbet et-Tannur. At all of these centers of worship vestiges of traditional practices retained in the cult were apparent. It is necessary to look at the cult as a whole to understand more fully whether her cult retained its original Oriental character or was partially or fully Hellenized. Temple architecture is an important part of Atargatis' cult which is often overlooked in the analysis of her cult. This thesis examines whether Atargatis' cult remained Oriental or became Hellenized by tracing the historical development of the temple architecture, associated cult objects, and decoration from their traditional origins down to the introduction of Greco-Roman styles into the Near East.

This thesis charts divine assembly scenes in ancient Mesopotamian narrative poetry and the early Greek hexameter corpus, and aims to contribute to a cross-cultural comparison in terms of literary systems. The recurrent scene of the divine gathering is shown to underpin the construction of small- and large-scale compositions in both the Sumero-Akkadian and early Greek traditions. Parts 1 and 2 treat each corpus in turn, reflecting a methodological concern to assess the comparanda within their own context first. Part 1 (Chapters 1-4) examines Sumerian narrative poems, and the Akkadian narratives Atra-hsīs, Anzû, Enûma eliš, Erra and Išum and the Epic of Gilgameš. Part 2 (Chapters 5-8) considers Homer's Iliad, the Odyssey, the Homeric Hymns and Hesiod's Theogony. The comparative approaches in Part 3 are developed in two chapters (9-10). Chapter 9 offers a detailed comparison of this typical scene's poetic morphology and compositional purpose. Relevant techniques and effects, a function of the aural reception of literature, are shown to overlap to a considerable degree. Although the Greeks are unlikely to have taken over the feature from the Near East, it is suggested that the Greek divine assembly is not to be detached form a Near Eastern context. Because the shared elements are profoundly embedded in the Greek orally-derived poetic tradition, it is possible to envisage a long-term process of oral contact and communication fostered by common structures. Chapter 10 turns to a comparison of the literary pantheon: a focus on the organisation of divine prerogatives and the chief god figures illuminates culture-specific differences which can be related to historical socio-political conditions. Thus, this thesis seeks to enhance our understanding of the representation of the gods in Mesopotamian poetry and early Greek epic, and develops a systemic approach to questions of transmission and cultural appreciation.

Orientador: Brunno Vinicius Gonçalves Vieira
Banca: Márcio Meirelles Gouvêa Júnior
Banca: Márcio Thamos
Resumo: Considerando as múltiplas representações que o herói Jasão recebe desde a Antiguidade, escolheu-se a epopeia de Valério Flaco, autor do século I d.C., como principal objeto de análise para refletir sobre a construção do líder dos argonautas. Oferece-se um panorama dos autores que trabalham com as narrativas relacionadas ao herói em obras literárias anteriores a Flaco, de modo a que se possa ter uma visão geral da tradição que foi construída acerca do herói e das diferenças que existem na abordagem do mito, o que poderia impactar a construção do herói. Nessa exposição, dá-se destaque à obra de Apolônio de Rodes, por ser considerada um marco no que se refere a essa construção, tendo em vista que o poeta trata da viagem dos argonautas em gênero épico, o que permitiria um maior detalhamento acerca de diversos aspectos do mito que poderiam não ser possíveis em um gênero mais curto, não predominantemente narrativo e em que a figura central não fosse o herói. Aborda-se a representação dada a Jasão por Valério Flaco, confrontando o herói, intrinsecamente, a seus companheiros de viagem e, extrinsecamente, a seus antecessores, de modo a refletir sobre essa nova inserção do herói em gênero épico em contexto latino. Assim, pretende-se analisar tanto a construção do herói isoladamente na obra em que está inserido quanto, ao mostrar as diversas possibilidades oferecidas por poetas anteriores, quais versões Valério Flaco poderia ter explorado, seja por um processo de eleição de modelo a ser... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: Considering the multiple representations that the hero Jason received since Antiquity, the epic of Valerius Flaccus, a first century AD author, was chosen as the main object of analysis to reflect on the construction of the leader of the Argonauts. It is offered an overview of the authors who work with the narratives related to the hero in literary works previous to Flaccus, so that the reader can have an overview of the tradition that was constructed about the hero and the possible differences in the approach of the myth, which could affect his construction. In this exhibition, the work of Apollonius of Rhodes is emphasized as it's considered a mark in regard to this construction, given that the poet deals with the Argonauts' journey in epic genre, which would allow greater detail about various aspects of the myth that might not be possible in a shorter genre, in which the narrative was not predominant and the central figure was not the hero. The representation given to Jason by Valerius Flaccus is dealt confronting the hero intrinsically to his fellows and extrinsically to his predecessors in order to reflect on his new insertion in the epic genre in Latin context. Thus, it is intended to analyze both the construction of the hero alone in the work in which he is inserted and, by showing the various possibilities offered by previous poets, which versions Valerius Flaccus could have explored, either by a process of election of a model to be followed, affiliating to a traditio... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre

This thesis examines mythic representations of death- and Underworld-related divinities in light of contemporary archaic and early classical Greek associated cultic practice. Current scholarly approaches to these so-called ‘chthonic’ divinities generally adopt a view of the divine framework of the Underworld which places death-related concerns as the primary focus of the divinities concerned. In this project I have looked at Hades, Persephone, Demeter, Hekate and the Moirai and Keres for analysis of this framework. This thesis demonstrates that the death-related functions of these divinities were not the principle factor in their characterisations, but were rather only one aspect of a more nuanced identity. More generally, this thesis demonstrates that the ways that the Greeks viewed death and utilised death-related gods in cultic and literary representations support the idea that the association with death was not the primary aspect of any of these divinities. By investigating the mythic characterisations and cultic realities of these divinities, utilising the methodological approach of thin-coherence, this thesis shows that a more nuanced picture emerges. This thesis contributes a new approach to the death-related divine, demonstrating primarily that their death-related function is not the primary source of cultic dedication. In cases where a death-related divinity does not receive cultic dedication, or significant cultic dedication, the death-related function found in their mythic profile remains their primary function. I show that death-related gods who receive cultic dedication do so within the remit of other areas of interest, and this is most usually demonstrated in the contrasting tropes death/fertility, death/agriculture, and death/marriage. These tropes are demonstrated in various ritual activities throughout this thesis. Therefore, this project shows that death is an area of concern that permeates the world of the living and is not separate from it.

This study is about one of the most ubiquitous and yet little studied aspects of ancient Greek religion, the offering of so-called ‘first-fruits’ (aparchai) and tithes (dekatai) in Archaic and Classical Greece (c.700-300 B.C.). A widespread and traditional custom all over Greece and the Greek Mediterranean, the offering of ‘first-fruits’ and tithes entailed using a portion of the proceeds from a diversity of human activities (such as craft-work, fishing, trade, military expeditions) to present something to the gods. I look at the different kinds of aparchai and dekatai offered to the Greek gods by individuals and states under various circumstances, the various contexts in which the language and practice of making such offerings were used, the deployment of this religious custom in politics, and the transformation of a voluntary practice into a religious obligation. Ultimately, however, my major concern is with questions of religious psychology: why people should bring aparchai and dekatai to the gods, and what motivations and expectations they might have had. Because it was such a commonplace practice, the custom has been taken simply as a given in both ancient and modern scholarship; and no attempt has been made to explain its religious significance. By drawing on current anthropological studies of gift-giving, I argue that that aparchai and dekatai do not merely give to the gods, but give back to the gods some of the benefits granted by the divinities in the first place, reflecting first and foremost a sense of dependence on the divine. I suggest that the offering of aparchai and dekatai may be thought of as a means of settling men’s debts to, and thereby maintaining good relations with, the gods, who were considered the sources of both goods and evils. I challenge the emphasis, common in modern scholarship, on material returns as the central motive behind the act of bringing gifts to the gods. Instead I suggest that the study of gift-giving between humans and the divine should embrace the possibility that psychological feelings of dependence on and gratitude to the gods might also have been involved.

This thesis is an investigation into Herodotus’ views about the gods and how they relate to human life and history, and particularly how narrative and theology interact. It is divided into four chapters: Chapter one (The History of Herodotean Theology) falls into two parts. In the first I outline the reception of Herodotus’ theological views from antiquity to the present, focusing on the warners’ statements that ‘the divinity is phthoneros’, the subject of controversy since Plutarch. I explore the role of contemporary rhetorical and religious pressures in forging various interpretative traditions, and trace their evolution over the last five centuries of scholarship. The second part examines the assumptions and approaches of more recent scholarship to the problems that arise in Herodotean theology. Chapter two (Religious Discourses in the Histories) develops our understanding of Herodotus’ theological inconsistencies, which have increasingly come to dominate discussion of Herodotean religion. I make the case that Herodotus uses various theological discourses or registers, which are (literally interpreted) quite incompatible. I explore the influence of narrative style, narratorial persona, and context upon Herodotus’ theological assumptions and vocabulary, before considering the question of his own ‘belief’. Chapter three (The Phthonos of Gods and Men) offers my own analysis of the much-disputed concepts of ‘divine φθόνος’ and ‘νέμεσις’ in the Histories and classical Greek more widely. I begin by examining the use of phthonos in the context of humans from Homer to the fourth century. I then offer a close analysis of the meaning and significance of the five speeches that assert that ‘the divinity is phthoneros’ (or phthoneei), which precede or refer back to the most dramatic reversals of fortune in the work. Chapter four (Theology in the Croesus Logos) analyses the treatment of theology in the Croesus logos. It explores how Herodotus crafts a coherent narrative while negotiating the numerous theological principles of his contemporary world and narrative tradition. I argue that Croesus’ character and the deceptive oracles that force him to campaign are commonly misread, largely due to attempts to interpret the story on a quite different narrative patterning that is compatible with anachronistic principles of divine ‘benevolence’ or ‘divine justice’. The Epilogue draws together the themes discussed in the previous chapters, with some comments on the relationship between literature and theology more generally.

The main aim of this work is the presentation, characterisation and review of the image of the Greek underworld deity, Hades/Plouton in Greek beliefs of the Archaic and Classical periods, on the basis of comparison of the preserved literary and epigraphic testimonies with the remains of material culture, and the reconstruction of the most coherent possible image of the god, claimed by scholars to be of little importance to Greek beliefs and to have no cult. The present dissertation liberates the god from long-standing scholarly misconceptions and returns him to his proper place within the Greek pantheon. Its main scholarly contribution and originality can be summarised as follows: (i) Hades is mainly an agricultural deity with a clear cult environment and has more in common with the world of the living than that of the dead; (ii) Hades influenced the representation of other male deities connected with earth: his main attribute, paradoxically the cornucopia or 'horn of plenty', appears for the first time in Greek art in the 6th century BC as exclusively his, and is later ascribed to other deities; (iii) Hades and Plouton were the same deity (Plouton - an Attic instantiation - spread throughout Greece with Attic literature and the Eleusinian cult of Demeter and Kore), sharing the same myths, and both, through the properties inscribed in their names (invisibility in Hades' and corn in Plouton's), referring to the earth; both names are products of the conceptualisation of the world of the dead; (iv) contrary to the prevailing scholarly view, the multiplicity of Hades' names is not exclusively the result of euphemism (which I propose to see rather as a by- product): the nomenclature is more complex and depends principally on cultic or mythological contexts and local tradition. My work not only reconstructs the repertoire of Greek ideas and opinions on Hades and the character of his cult, but also advocates a new understanding of the notion of Greek deity, as metonymy: Hades is representative of a wider class of deities who are concrete and abstract at the same time (like Gaia [the Earth], Uranos [the Sky], Okeanos [the Sea]): they denote a place, a god, a property of something, a form of matter.

Persephone’s myth is unique, as it was the central narrative of one of the most prominent ancient mystery religions, and remains one of the few (certainly the most prominent) ancient Greek myths to focus on the relationship of a mother and her daughter. This unique focus must have offered her worshippers something important that they perhaps could not find elsewhere, especially as a complex and elaborate cult grew around it, transforming the divine allegory of the changing seasons or the storage of the grain beneath the earth, into a narrative offering hope for a better place in the afterlife. To understand the appeal of this myth, two aspects of her worship and mythic significance require study: the expectations of her worshippers for their own lives, to which the goddess may have been seen as a forerunner; and the mythic frameworks operating which would characterise the goddess for her worshippers. The myth, as described in The Hymn to Demeter, is initially interpreted for its literary meaning, and then set within its cultural milieu to uncover what meaning it may have had for Persephone’s worshippers, particularly in terms of marriage and death, which form the initial motivating action of the myth. From this socio-anthropological study we turn to the mythic patterns and motifs the story offers, particularly the figure of the goddess of the Underworld (primarily in the influential Mesopotamian literature), and the Dying-Rising God figure (similarly derived from the Near East). These figures, when compared to the Greek goddess, may both reveal her unique appeal, and highlight the common attractions that lie in the figures generally. By this two-part investigation, on the particular culture’s expectations and the general mythic framework she exists in, Persephone’s meaning in her native land may be uncovered and understood.

Often praised for its sophistication in the narrator- and character-text, the Odyssey is regarded as the ultimate epic of a warrior’s much-troubled nostos. As a corollary of both its theme and the polytropia of the main hero, the poem explores extensively the motifs of secrecy and disguise. Apart from the lying tales of Odysseus, one important, albeit less obvious, example of the tendency to secrecy and disguise is the exchanges between the gods, which constitute a distinct group of speeches that have significant implications for the action of the poem. The aim of this dissertation is to study the divine dialogues of the Odyssey from the angle of communication and persuasion. Employing findings from narratology, discourse analysis, and oral poetics, and through close readings of the Homeric text, I argue that the overwhelming majority of these related passages have certain characteristics, whose common denominator is obliqueness. Apart from Helius’ appeal to Zeus (Chapter 2), distinctive in its own narratorial rendition, the rest of the dialogues, namely Hermes’ message-delivery to Calypso (Prologue), the two divine assemblies (Chapter 1), plus the exchanges of Zeus with Poseidon (Chapter 2) and Athena (Epilogue) conform to set patterns of communication. Within this framework, interlocutors strongly tend towards concealment and partiality. They make extensive use of conversational implicatures, shed light only on certain sides of the story while suppressing others, and present feigned or even exaggerated arguments in order to persuade their addressee. Direct confrontation is in principle avoided, and even when it does occur, it takes a rather oblique form. In this communicative scheme, the procedure of decision-making is not clear-cut, and the concept of persuasion is fluid and hidden behind the indirect and subtle dialogic process.

Orientador: Joaquim Brasil Fontes Junior
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: O objetivo deste estudo, as deusas gregas virgens, Ártemis, Atena e Héstia, é demarcar a existência e a significação especial dessas deusas no mundo arcaico grego frente à posição ocupada por Afrodite, como representação do desejo. O sistema mítico prevê a questão do desejo articulada ao 'poder', conforme evidenciam as reflexões feitas a partir do corpus selecionado: as obras de Homero, de Hesíodo e os Hinos Homéricos referentes às deusas virgens e a Afrodite. A metodologia que orienta esta pesquisa segue uma linha antropológica comparativa, incluindo autores como Geertz e Detienne, com enfoque no uso e na significação da linguagem da produção escrita dos rapsodos gregos. O conceito de virgindade é direcionado pelo conceito de desejo e parece necessário que se considerem as propriedades e os atributos de Afrodite para definir as deusas gregas virgens, que fruem "de um outro modo de desejo e de poder". Esse aspecto nos faz refletir sobre uma sociedade patriarcal e as formas de independência feminina como instância de compromisso sócio-político, bem como sobre a manutenção de uma tradição herdada da grande mãe (Magna Mater) e das Amazonas. Uma possível indicação, a partir desses dados, é que o Cristianismo procurou dar continuidade a esse aspecto de gênero que promove a civilização e a organização da sociedade, através da figura da 'madre', como elemento de significação cultural.
Abstract: The aim of this study which focuses on the Virgin Greek goddesses, Artemis, Athene and Hestia, is to stress the existence and the special meaning of those goddesses in the archaic Greek world, compared with Aphrodite's position as a representative of 'desire'. The mythical system comprises the matter of desire linked to the meaning of "power", according to the evidence of reflections made from the corpus selected, Homer's and Hesiod's works and the Homeric Hymns referring to the virgin goddesses and Aphrodite. The methodology that orients this paper follows authors such as Geertz and Detienne, focusing on the use and meaning of the language in the written production of the Greek rapsodes. The concept of virginity is directed by the concept of desire, and it is necessary to consider Aphrodite's properties and attributes to define the virgin Greek goddesses who have another form of desire and power. That aspect brings up considerations on a patriarchal society and ways of feminine independence as a means of socialpolitical commitment, as well as on the maintenance of a tradition inherited from the Great Mother and the Amazons. One possible direction arising from the above facts is that Christianity tried to give sequence to this aspect of gender which promotes civilization and the organization of society, by way of the 'mater figure', as an element of cultural significance.
Mestrado
Educação, Conhecimento, Linguagem e Arte
Mestre em Educação

This thesis examines the theology of Aeschylus through a close text-based discussion of the nature and justice of Zeus. This will not be a dogmatic investigation that looks for signs of monotheism or 'proto-monotheism'. Rather, this thesis will examine the presentation of the god in Aeschylus, as he is found in his plays, free from any desire or attempt to form a rounded, comprehensive 'Aeschylean theology'. The first chapter considers the two closely connected divine terms, thetaepsilonozeta and deltaalphaiotamuonu. The clear-cut and easily discernible meaning of thetaepsilonozeta acts as a constant with which the more ambiguous and less determinable word deltaalphaiotamuonu can be compared and contrasted. This chapter discusses both those instances where deltaalphaiotamuonu seems to be synonymous with thetaepsilonozeta and where it does not, where the term seems to possess a meaning close to that of an individual's fortune or destiny in life. This is done in order to conclusively see how Aeschylus uses the word deltaalphaiotamuonu in the Eumenides as part of his characterisation of the Erinyes, which enables us to see more clearly what role divine terminology plays in the presentation of Zeus and the god's justice. The remaining chapters of this thesis examine Zeus in Aeschylus. First, attention is given to the old debates concerning the potential and respective influence of Homeric, Hesiodic and Presocratic conceptions of divinity on the theology of Aeschylus. Then, the final chapter of the thesis looks at the justice of Zeus primarily through a discussion of one question, whether we should understand Agamemnon as guilty in the eyes of Zeus, which it is argued we should not. It is shown that Aeschylus does not present an optimistic idea of Zeus or divine justice, and the god's rule is seen as neither kind nor benevolent. Rather a pragmatic and pessimistic view is presented to us by Aeschylus, one which recognises that Zeus is an all-powerful being in need of respect and honour and whose will must be carefully observed.

This is a study of the development of the myth of the White Goddess in the work of Robert Graves, a subject related to the wider field of the place of myth in modern culture. It begins by looking at the conditions which promoted Graves' interest in myth, principally his experience of the Great War. The responses of other writers are examined to provide a context for understanding Graves' transition from Georgianism to myth, as reflected in his early poetry, autobiography and writings on psychology. Before looking at how Graves' myth was formed, the history of the concept of myth is examined, from primitive peoples to civilized religion. Focus is centred upon the dual tendency of myth to reinforce and to undermine authority. Some of the figures behind Graves' interest in myth and anthropology are subject to scrutiny. An account of the relations between myth, literature and psychology permits the survey of Graves' gradual transition from psychological theory to mythographic speculation. The gradual emergence in his poetry of devotion to a Love Goddess can also be traced. Detailed interpretation of The White Goddess, its arguments and procedures, brings to light Graves' theories of the single poetic theme and the primitive matriarchy, both of which can then be evaluated and set in the context of his dedication to non-rational forms of thought. This leads into a close reading of Graves' major mythological poems, followed by reflections upon the myth's application in his critical writings and cultural commentaries. Finally, consideration is given to Graves' later writings, especially his attraction to Orphism and the adoption of mythic personae in his verse. The influence of the Black Goddess of Wisdom over these later works is interpreted and assessed.

La représentation des dieux dans les sources littéraires de la Grèce antique prévoit le recours au rire et à l'humour. C’est un aspect caractéristique de la description et configuration du monde divin hellénique qui se déploie sur un arc chronologique très large, et devient l'objet d'élaboration, de réélaboration et d'investigation par les poètes, les intellectuels et les philosophes, pendant plusieurs siècles. Le rire est une composante fondamentale et récurrente tant dans la représentation des dieux que dans celle des hommes : il définit le périmètre des figures divines, tout en fonctionnant comme une sorte de connecteur entre la sphère des immortels et le monde des êtres humainsDans le corpus épique, les dieux, comme les hommes, rient et sourient ; ils utilisent l'ironie et le sarcasme, recourent à des stratégies qui amusent les autres dieux et, dans certains cas, également le public destinataire des chants. La représentation du monde olympien dans l'Iliade et dans l'Odyssée est marquée par le rire et le sourire des dieux. Tel est le cas de l'épisode d'Héphaïstos au Chant I de l'Iliade, mais aussi de l'histoire tout aussi célèbre de l'adultère d'Arès et d'Aphrodite au chant VIII de l'Odyssée. Dans le premier épisode, Héphaïstos, laid et boiteux, s'improvise échanson, un rôle destiné aux être beaux et jeunes, et il déclenche ainsi les rires des autres dieux. Le fait d’apparaître inadéquat par rapport à la tâche qu’on exécute, aussi et surtout d'un point de vue esthétique, est un mécanisme du rire qui fonctionne à la fois pour les dieux et pour les hommes, comme l'illustre le cas de Thersite. Dans le Chant d'Arès et d'Aphrodite, les dieux se moquent du couple d'amoureux pris en flagrant délit d'adultère et se laissent aller à des blagues drôles et licencieuses, comme s'ils étaient des hommes. Chez Homère, les dieux sont représentés dans toute leur puissance mais aussi avec toutes leurs faiblesses : cette incohérence, cette différence souvent soudaine, est sans doute à l'origine du plaisir que le public ancien prenait à écouter ces histoires, comme en témoignent diverses sources. La Comédie et le drame satyrique exaspèrent à leur tour l'anthropomorphisme des dieux ; les auteurs exploitent ce paradoxe, en réduisant autant que possible la différence entre hommes et dieux. La complexité des figures divines fait ainsi l'objet d'un processus de simplification e d'altération qui transforme les dieux en de véritables caricatures. La réduction des figures divines en personnages stéréotypées, caractérisées par plusieurs vices et faiblesses met en mouvement la machine comique. Aux côtés des épisodes homériques et des représentations des divinités sur la scène comique, il ne faut pas oublier, enfin, la représentation ouvertement parodique des dieux homériques dans la Batracomyomachie, et la critique humoristique de Lucien à la configuration traditionnelle du monde divin qu’avaient construite les poètes aussi bien que les philosophes. La représentation humoristique et comique du divin dans les sources antiques est le symptôme d'une dialectique ludique entre dieux et hommes, d'une attitude joyeuse, amusée et amusante de l'homme face au divin qui habite le monde, et notamment du poète face aux dieux qu’il met en scène. Cette attitude diffère clairement de l'acte réel de dérision du divin, illustré par certains mythes et dûment sanctionné. Les formes comiques, humoristiques et parodiques de la représentation du monde olympien, récurrentes dans la production littéraire grecque, semblent donc indiquer clairement un choix d’articulation et de narration de la sphère divine qui au lieu de rejeter le rire, le considère un outil fondamental pour réfléchir sur les dieux et leurs rapports avec les hommes
The representation of the gods in ancient Greek literature is characterized by laughter and humour. This aspect of the description and configuration of the divine world embraces a wide chronological arc, and becomes the object of elaboration and investigation by poets, intellectuals and philosophers, over several centuries. Laughter is a fundamental and recursive component in the representation of both gods and men. It connects mortals and immortals, and at the same time it defines the perimeter of divine figures. In literary sources related to the genre of the epic, gods, like men, laugh and smile; they use irony and sarcasm, resort to humorous jokes that amuse other gods and, in some cases, the audience to whom the songs are addressed. The representation of the Olympic world in the Iliad and in the Odyssey is marked by the laughter and smile of the gods. This is the famous case of the episode of Hephaestus in Book I of the Iliad and the equally famous story of the adultery of Ares and Aphrodite in Book VIII of the Odyssey. Hephaestus, ugly and lame, improvises himself as a cupbearer, a role destined to beautiful and young immortals, and he thus triggers the laughter of the other gods. Being inadequate in relation to the assigned task, and also from an aesthetic point of view, is a mechanism of laughter that works for both gods and men, as illustrated by the case of Thersites. In the Song of Ares and Aphrodite, the gods mock the couple of lovers caught in the act of adultery and indulge in funny and licentious jokes, as if they were men. In Homer's work, the gods are represented in all their power but also with all their weaknesses: this ambivalence is at the origin of the pleasure that the ancient public felt when listening to these stories, as various sources attest. The Comedy and the satyric drama in turn exasperate the anthropomorphism of the gods; the authors exploit this paradox, reducing as much as possible the difference between men and gods. The complexity of the divine figures is thus the subject of a process of simplification and alteration that transforms the gods into true caricatures. The reduction of divine figures into stereotypical characters, characterized by several vices and weaknesses, sets the comic machine in motion. Alongside the homeric episodes and the representations of the gods on the comic scene, we must not forget, finally, the openly parodic representation of the homeric gods in the Batrachomyomachia, and Lucian's humorous criticism of the secular configuration of the divine world, built by poets and philosophers. The humorous and comic representation of the divine is the symptom of a playful dialectic between gods and men, of a joyful and amusing attitude of man towards the religious. This attitude clearly differs from the real act of derision of the divine, illustrated by certain myths and duly sanctioned. The comic, humorous and parodic forms of representation of the Olympic world therefore seem to indicate clearly a choice of articulation of the divine sphere which does not reject but considers laughter as a fundamental tool to reflect on the gods and, consequently, on their relationship with men

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This dissertation considers that Pr 31,10-31 possess helenistc traces and can be interpreted in the perspective of the greek goddesses Aphrodite, Athene, Artemis, Demeter and Hestia that are present in the space between lines of this acrostic. Therefore, the research continues to enter in the questions of the myth, of the imaginary, gender and feminist hermeneutics; finishing through the bridge with today; in an analysis of popular proverbs on the brazilian woman, through the woman of the mouth of the people and its relation with the woman-goddess of Pr 31,10-31.
Esta dissertação propõe que Pr 31,10-31 possui traços helenistas e pode ser interpretada na perspectiva das deusas gregas Afrodite, Palas Atena, Ártemis, Deméter e Héstia que estão presentes nas entrelinhas desse acróstico. Por conseguinte, a pesquisa continua a adentrar nas questões do mito, do imaginário, estudos de gênero e hermenêutica feminista; finalizando ao realizar a ponte com o hoje, numa análise dos provérbios populares sobre a mulher brasileira, através da mulher da boca do povo e a sua relação com a mulher-deusa de Pr 31,10-31.

In 2004 Troy was released in movie theatres worldwide and almost immediately sparked up discussions on film’s relation to the ancient epic of Homer.  The main purpose of this paper is to see the connection between Troy and Homer’s The Iliad – motion pictures’ only officially credited source of inspiration. By using comparative method and intertextual approach I try to see how a literary piece, for centuries recited and cherished by the highest academic circles is remodelled to fit the taste of a mass public. How The Iliad mutates to be a marketable product.    I discuss the changes of the plot that were introduced in Troy and try to see those changes as an outcome of mutation process. Apart from the plot, the notion of a hero is also discussed: how the definition of hero changed through time? To illustrate the changes, two main heroes – Achilles and Hector are discussed, yet again using the comparative method.    By approaching Troy and The Iliad as two separate cultural products (I did not view Troy as a documentary on The Iliad) I was able to connect them. I could see that the essence of the literary work and the film appears to be the same. It shows that the ancient Greek values, especially those, related to warfare and heroism, have definitely survived long enough to penetrate the modern thought.

Les romans grecs et les Métamorphoses d’Apulée – même si les modalités sont différentes pour ce dernier – sont des fictions en prose qui fonctionnent autour de topoi auxquels la figure de l’Autre n’échappe pas. Bien que le monde grec soit alors radicalement différent de ce qu’il était au Ve siècle avant J.-C., période à laquelle l’identité grecque est construite par opposition à la figure du barbare, les romanciers qui prennent la plume à partir du Ier siècle avant notre ère utilisent un certain nombre de stéréotypes hérités de l’époque classique, alors mise à l’honneur par le mouvement de la Seconde Sophistique. Il s’agit d’étudier dans le détail certains éléments de la représentation de l’Autre pour déterminer qui il est, comment il se comporte, ce qui le constitue en Autre. Puis, à partir de cette esquisse, nécessairement incomplète, d’évaluer ce que cette représentation peut induire sur l’image de l’identité grecque à l’époque impériale, par le jeu de miroir que F. Hartog a décelé dans l’œuvre d’Hérodote. Une première partie est consacrée aux rapports entre l’homme et l’animal ainsi qu’à l’image de la sauvagerie, ce qui permet d’explorer les bornes romanesques de l’humanité. La seconde partie s’attache à des éléments que l’époque classique a plus particulièrement mis en avant pour distinguer les Grecs des non-Grecs : le critère de la langue, l’art de faire la guerre et le discours politique qui est tenu sur les institutions barbares. La troisième partie étudie la place des dieux et des pratiques religieuses dans la définition de l’Autre. J’espère ainsi contribuer à la compréhension du genre romanesque et des représentations culturelles de l’empire « gréco-romain »
The Greek novels and The Metamorphoses of Apuleius, even if it is in different terms for the last, are prose fictions which are based on topoi, and the figure of the Other is one of them. Although the Greek world was radically different of what it was in the fifth century BC, time during which Greek identity is contructed as opposed to the figure of the barbaros, the authors of novels, who wrote from the first century BC onward, used some stereotypes inherited from classical period, which was celebrated by the Second Sophistic movement. The aim of this thesis is to study in detail some elements of the representation of the Other to determine who it is, how he behaves, what makes him other. Then, from this sketch, necessarily incomplete, to evaluate what this representation says about the image of Greek identity in the imperial age, according to the play of the mirror detected by F. Hartog in the text of Herodotus. The first part of the thesis is dedicated to the relationship between man and animal and to the image of savagery, in order to explore the novelistic limits of humanity. The second part concentrates on elements that classical period had particularly insisted on to promote the distinction between Greeks and non-Greeks : the linguistic criterion, the way to make war, and the politic discourse on the barbaric institutions. The third part study the place of the gods and of religious practices in the definition of the Other. I hope to contribute to the understanding of novel genre and of cultural representations of the « greco-roman- empire »

Les petits bronzes des divinités majeures de la Syrie romaine. Inventaire systématique et étude iconographique

L’étude des petits bronzes des divinités de la Syrie romaine et l’élaboration d’un catalogue les regroupant s’occupe de 381 statuettes qui représentaient, à mon avis, les huit divinités majeures honorées par les Syriens entre le Ier et le IV siècles de notre ère: Aphrodite/Vénus, Tychè/Fortuna, Eros, Zeus/Jupiter, Apollon, Héraclès, Dionysos/Bacchus et Adonis ;le choix des divinités fut basé sur la quantité des figurines retrouvées les représentant, prouvant ainsi leurs dominations religieuse et artistique dans la vie des anciens Syriens qui adoptèrent les divinités greco-romaines proches d’eux, nécessaires à leurs cultes, dieux qui avaient tissé des liens profonds avec les divinités locales agraires et astrales des triades syro-phéniciennes et arabes et qui symbolisaient les forces de l’univers, de la fécondité naturelle humaine et animale, de l’abondance, de la pluie, de la végétation et du renouveau de la Nature ;ces dieux les aidaient à affronter la mort et leurs apportaient le salut dans une période de guerre et d’instabilité en rappelant que « l’assimilation des divers aspects du dieu oriental à un dieu grec était un des trait du culte syrien de l’époque ». L’association des dieux grecs aux divinités syriennes fut établie donc selon le concept religieux syrien de la famille sacrée, les dyades et les triades divines liées au culte des divinités agraires. Ces divinités gréco-romaines avaient trouvé leurs homologues dans les panthéons syro-phéniciens, des fois dans le panthéon arabe, divinités qui se sont prêtées mutuellement les attributs et les aspects. Aphrodite/Vénus et Tychè/Fortuna incarnaient le rôle de la déesse-mère syrienne Astarté / Atargatis ;Zeus/Jupiter et Jupiter Héliopolitain représentaient le dieu-père Baalshamim/Hadad/Bêl; Héraclès étant l’incarnation de Melqart roi/héros légendaire et parèdre de la grande déess ;Dionysos/ Bacchus et Adonis représentaient les dieux-fils des différentes triades ;Apollon fut choisi pour son association millénaire aux dieux phéniciens de Chypre combattants et guérisseurs comme Reshef, il fut l’hypostase et l’émanation du dieu suprême de Hiérapolis et de Héliopolis/Baalbeck dans son rôle de dieu du soleil et Eros qui n’avait point un homologue dans les triades syriennes fut choisi comme étant le compagnon et le fils bébé de la grande déesse.

-L’Introduction propose un aperçu global de la Syrie antique et de sa population avant et pendant l’occupation romaine, le rôle des statuettes dans la vie religieuse et sociale, le problème de la datation des figurines, l’histoire des collections syriennes et des collectionneurs.

-Les Figurines sont réparties en huit chapitres séparés ;chaque chapitre comprend l’étude de l’une des huit divinités gréco-romaines en soulignant son rôle dans les mythologies grecques et romaines, son image iconographique et typologique liée à ses prototypes grecs, son rôle joué en Syrie qui nous est connu d’après les textes anciens, les dédicaces, les évidences archéologiques et les monnaies, son association aux divinités indigènes, les images résultant de cette fusion et enfin un inventaire illustré comprenant les différentes statuettes retrouvées en terre syrienne liées à cette divinité, disposées selon un classement typologique attesté par les savants, chacune des figurines étant accompagnée d’un descriptif suivi d’un petit commentaire si nécessaire.

-Le Résumé rappelle les différentes étapes de la recherche en soulignant l’effet du syncrétisme religieux reflété sur les figurines et son importance en Syrie romaine durant cette époque.

N.B. Il me faut signaler l’absurdité et les lacunes des ouvrages traitant des mythes syro-phéniciens ainsi que les interprétations des noms divins syriens de la part des auteurs occidentaux ;ceci nécessite une ré-interprétation modernisée de ces mythes puisque les multitudes noms accordés à ces divinités représentaient en fait les adjectifs et les épithètes que les anciens Syriens attribuaient à une même et unique divinité suprême. La classification des Aphrodites et des Erotes qui manquent d’illustrations m’avait posé des difficultés.

Les statuettes de bronze retrouvées en Syrie étaient destinées à une clientèle riche et aisée, imprégnée par la culture gréco-romaine de l’époque. Ces Syriens hellénisés, qui constituaient la classe dirigeante, commerçante, éduquée, ouverte aux différentes civilisations et religions, pouvaient s’offrir des petits bronzes coûteux et parés de bijoux, une classe qui était souvent liée, par ses convictions religieuses et par les rituels cultuels, aux traditions de ses ancêtres.

Cette catégorie de Syriens avait bien embrassé le culte des divinités grecques et romaines sauf que, dans le choix fait lors de la commande ou de l’achat d’une figurine du panthéon gréco-romain, elle essayait de signaler la présence de leur divinité syrienne qui lui était associée soit dans l’iconographie, soit dans le rajout d’un symbolisme.

L’art grec était donc dominant dans la plastique des figurines des divinités représentées et trouvées en Syrie ;elles étaient liées à des types iconographiques grecs connus par les artisans syriens, connaissance prouvée aussi dans la création de figurines dites « de types hybrides » qui combinaient des attitudes liées à un ou plusieurs types iconographiques connus ;la présence de figurines de types inconnus de l’art grec prouve un individualisme et une grande liberté de la part des artisans syriens. Concernant l’apport syrien dans l’illustration des figurines, il dénote d’une grande connaissance des anciennes traditions artistiques et cultuelles archaïques syriennes, prouvée par un symbolisme typiquement syrien qu’on retrouve sur les statuettes et sur les bases des figurines marquant ainsi une continuité artistique traditionnelle accompagnant une continuité religieuse datant de l’époque protohistorique et qui était pratiquée dès le IIIe Millénaire dans l’art des cités-états syriennes d’Ebla, de Mari, d’Ugarit, de Byblos, d’Alep, d’Amrit, de Sidon, de Beyrouth et de Tyr ;cette connaissance se traduisait dans l’application de fines couches d’or ou d’argent sur la surface des bronzes, l’utilisation de diverses incrustations d’argent ou de pierres précieuses, la création de « pièces détachées » coulées séparément comme les bras, les poignets, la chevelure et les bijoux que les artistes appliquaient ultérieurement aux figurines, le rajout de différents bijoux et de tiares énormes à motifs de palmettes, le style du visage oriental arrondi rehaussé d’un léger sourire, les formes lourdes et épaisses des hanches rappelant la déesse archaïque syrienne de la fertilité, l’utilisation de la coiffure isiaque sur la tête des déesses rappelant le lien Astarté/Hathor/Isis. Les bases des figurines qui symbolisaient toujours le sacré étaient une élaboration contemporaine syrienne liée à l’époque gréco-romaine: travaillées avec soins, elle prirent des formes carrées, hexagonales, rectangulaires ou semi-rondes, étaient munies parfois de marches d’escaliers désignant la cella du temple de la déesse et il faudrait noter que les motifs granulés ou chevronnés dans leurs décorations étaient connus dans l’art de la ville millénaire d’Ebla.

Plusieurs textes d’auteurs anciens avaient mentionné une perpétuité dans les rites et les cultes millénaires archaïques des Syriens anciens pratiqués en Syrie romaine, prouvée par la consécration des rites et des divinités syriennes au IIIe siècle de notre ère bien après l’établissement du Christianisme comme le prouvent la trouvaille de 3 statuettes à l’iconographie grecque, figurant Aphrodite, Zeus et Adonis trouvés ensemble lors d’une fouille à Sidon, prouvant la consécration de la triade agraire divine d’Astarté, du dieu suprême et du dieu -fils ainsi que les nombreuses figurines liées à Zeus/Jupiter Héliopolitain et à la Vénus Héliopolitaine dont l’iconographie fut liée à celle des dieux archaïques orientaux.

Les représentations de la déesse Aphrodite /Vénus qui fut associée, dès son entrée en Syrie, aux grandes déesses locales de la fertilité, représentait aux yeux des Syriens, la déesse-mère, Astarté ou Atargatis, dont le culte dominait toutes les autres divinités, prouvé par le grand nombre de petits bronzes trouvés à son effigie, constituant la majeure partie du catalogue, dont le nombre est égal, jusqu’à présent, à 256 répliques. Son rôle s’étendait sur tous les domaines de la vie et de la mort chez les humains, incluant les domaines privés, publics, religieux, sociaux et surtout économiques, octroyant la fertilité et l’abondance ou la sécheresse et la misère, la paix ou la guerre.

Les statuettes concernant Aphrodite sont toutes plus ou moins fidèles aux prototypes grecs qu’elles représentaient, la présence de la déesse syrienne est constatée par les formes grasses et lourdes du corps comme le montrent les nos. 82, 97, 108,109 ou dans le port de grandes stéphanés/tiares comme le montrent les nos 59, 243, 245, 246, 256, ou dans la présence d‘un temple posé sur des bases munies de pattes de lion, l’animal lié à la déesse, comme le montrent les nos 21, 39, 59, 68, 73, 77, 99, 106, 117, 204, 206, ou dans le port des différents bijoux sur les nos 31, 91, 99, 129, 144, 166, 186, 200, 237, 251.

Dix types iconographiques grecs classiques et hellénistiques étaient liés aux représentations des figurines liées à la déesse Aphrodite :

La déesse nue était représentée sur 196 figurines, suivi de 33 Aphrodite à torse nu, les jambes drapées et 27 Aphrodite portant des tuniques moulantes et une draperie entourant les jambes.

Le type nu des divinités syriennes de la fertilité avait récolté 4 statuettes

Le type pudique de la déesse cachant sa nudité avec les variantes était très apprécié ;il fut représenté sur 58 statuettes dont 45 nues, 6 mi-drapées, 7 vêtues

Le type anadyomène essorant les cheveux avec les variantes est représenté sur 45 statuettes dont 40 nues et 5 mi-vêtues.

Le type de la Vénus d’Arles tenant le miroir et la pomme avec les variantes est représenté sur 28 statuettes dont 19 nues et 9 mi-vêtues

Le type se parant « Psélioumenè », mettant un collier ou un bandeau, parut sur 27 statuettes nues

Le type Cnidien cachant d’une main le sexe avec des variantes parut sur 22 statuettes nues

Le type accroupi parut sur 1 statuette nue

Le type menançant avec la sandale et ses variantes est rapporté sur 16 statuettes nues

Le type déliant la sandale est représenté sur 11 statuettes nues

Le type mettant le ceste parut sur 3 aphrodites nues

Pour les représentations de Tychès/Fortuna, la déesse des villes syriennes, elle s’associait à la grande déesse Astarté dans la maîtrise des villes et de ses habitants, dans la maîtrise de la destinée humaine, devient la parèdre du dieu-père et du dieu fils dans certaines cités; la déesse gréco-syrienne aux traits orientaux paraît sur les nos 25, 27 et 26 comme étant la déesse des villes portuaires de Tyr et de Césarée et sous les traits de la Vénus Héliopolitaine.

Concernant, Eros, il était le dieu-fils préféré de la déesse, figuré sous son aspect enfantin accompagnant la grande déesse sur plusieurs dizaines de représentations dont les nos 59, 68,69, 70,71,72, 73, 86, 91. Il figurait seul dans plusieurs attitudes libres, sans prototype défini selon le plaisir de l’artisan comme le montrent les nos 23, 27, 37,39 .

Zeus/Jupiter, en reprenant en Syrie le contrôle du monde cosmique, astral et humain sous les Séleucides et les empereurs romains, s’identifia sans peine aux grands dieux suprêmes et cosmiques, les Baals syro-phéniciens Hadad, Baalshamim ou Bêl, pour devenir Jupiter Héliopolitain, le dieu astral et cosmique qui, en reprenant son aspect archaïque ancestral, conquit le monde gréco-romain. Le dieu-père syro-phénicien fut à certain moment dépassé par la déesse astrale, qui régnait seule sur tout le monde humain sauf que son rôle avait pris un nouvel essor à l’époque romaine devenant le maître suprême du monde cosmique et humain, le grand régulateur du monde comme le fut Zeus/Jupiter héliopolitain. Les figurations de Jupiter Héliopolitain sont syriennes à cent pour cent, sans aucune influence grecque comme le montrent les nos 6 ,7, 8, 9 10, 11, 12 et 13

Apollon dieu archer et dieu oraculaire, associé aux dieux guerriers syro-phéniciens locaux de Chypre Nergal et Reshef dès la colonisation de l’île par les Phéniciens au IX-VIIIe siècle av.J.C. devient sous l’empire romain, le dieu du soleil, vénéré en Syrie, devenant ainsi l’hypostase des grands Baals syro-phéniciens Baalshamim et Hadad et figurait sous un aspect engainé auprès des dieux Hiérapolitains et Hélopolitains. Les figurines le représentant étaient travaillées selon le concept et le style grec comme le montre la figurine d’Isriyé, portant le no 1

Héraclès, dont les diverses légendes et mythes le rapprochaient de Melqart de Tyr, le dieu-fils et le parèdre d’Astarté, fut honoré en Syrie pour sa force physique et son héroïsme incarnant le dieu mourant et renaissant, le dieu qui procurait la victoire et le salut contre la mort ;il figurait sur les statuettes selon les types iconographiques classiques sans aucune influence syrienne sauf pour le no 1 qui rappelle les figurations des dieux sémitiques, brandissant de la main droite la massue levée près de la tête.

Dionysos figuraient sous les traits grecs, selon les types classiques déjà connus, ces représentations étaient peu nombreuses bien qu’il était un des grands dieux de l’histoire des religions .

Les représentations d’Adonis n’étant pas liées à un type iconographique connu du dieu, il me semble que le type fut élaboré à Sidon selon des critères syriens comme la présence d’un phallus sur la base qui rappelle son rôle de dieu de la fertilité et de la semence, la chevelure frisée et le visage rond de la figurine no 1 rappelant son origine orientale, le modèle du manteau porté en biais sur le torse ne se trouvant sur aucun des documents iconographiques connus.
Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation histoire de l'art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

碩士
國立虎尾科技大學
多媒體設計系數位內容創意產業碩士班
107
Ancient Greek God and Goddesses that’s a huge part of Greek culture. We can’t display Greek without their mythology, Greek mythology impact philosophy, religion, art, and architecture.One of the examples of world seven wonders’s almost all made by the ancient Greek. In the century 21st people like to express their emotion and personal life with a virtual character. In my Greek Twelve gods and goddesses as the character of the video game.First of all Greek gods and goddesses beauty their perfect body and attraction.After their own identity of clothes dresses, and accessory for the character, in conclusion, Ancient Greek mythology can affect old and nova times history.

The objective of this dissertation is to demonstrate that the ancient Greek and Roman goddess Hekate, and the goddess Kali in contemporary Hinduism, as revealed in literature from the respective cultures, removed from each other by time and geography, are constructs of the male imagination, resulting in the reinforcing of stereotypes about the dangers of women in power, and demonstrating that women are irrational, lustful, deceitful, close to nature, and inherently lawless. This dissertation aims to show that Hekate and Kali can be re-envisioned as challenging these stereotypes, and can be re-interpreted as positive role-models for women in their respective cultures. To situate this research within a scholarly tradition, the dissertation begins with an overview of research into the supposed existence of prehistoric matriarchal cultures, where the supreme mother goddess who gave birth to the universe was apparently venerated. This is based largely on prehistoric art and interpretations of symbols with the help of secondary source material. Then this dissertation aims to trace the evolution of Hekate from her origins in Greek literature as a generous and benign, yet potent goddess to a dangerous, chthonic deity of the Roman world associated with black magic, the crossroads, demons and the restless dead. This will be done by a thorough examination of selected ancient Greek and Latin sources in chronological order. Kali’s character and function in Hinduism will be determined through an in-depth analysis of Hindu scriptures written in Sanskrit, as well as by investigating devotional hymns written to her by poets during the 18th and 19th centuries CE. These Sanskrit and Hindi sources highlight Kali as a terrible and unruly manifestation of Durga or Parvati’s wrath while also emphasising her maternal qualities. Artistic representations of Hekate and Kali will also be examined. A comparison between the two goddesses and their roles within their respective cultural and religious systems will be undertaken in order to deduce why such goddesses were deemed necessary within patriarchal cultures. Special reference will be made to the reclamation of Hekate and Kali by feminists today as religious role-models for women over traditional role-models such as Sita, and the Virgin Mary. This dissertation seeks to show that whereas goddesses have been alive and well in Hinduism for thousands of years, Classical deities are far from dead, and are at present experiencing a revival and reinterpretation so as to cater for new forms of spirituality. It seeks to examine whether goddesses who have been rebellious in their patriarchal cultural systems are stereotypic representations or whether they can actually empower and make a difference to women.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2011.

碩士
輔仁大學
應用美術學系碩士班
100
Greek mythology is an important part of the ancient Greek civilization. it reflected the Greek society, religion and political ideals, and affected the future development of Greek and Roman culture indirectly. A large part of the western art is about religion, except the Christian-based works of art, Greek mythology theme of artistic expression takes another large part of the Western arts. . The Greek gods are the images about the Greek’s life, but the gods have a little power different from the human. At the modern society, people often put their life experience in a virtual body, and then they were extended many interesting images. After learning the background of the twelve gods about the personalities and the characteristic, this study combined with the Greek Mythology and the modern American comic book heroes to create the images of the new and modern heroes with an ancient civilization, the conclusions: First, The Greek mythology is the imagination to conquer the natural world. Secondly, by the American comic style, the creation of the study has a different expression about the color and the shape. Finally, the digitals soft wares will become the main tools to create the style of illustration in the future. At the same time wants to give the map to the creators of this material as a basis for reference. After this study, the creators could base on these references to do their works.

Ce mémoire se focalise sur la pièce Antony and Cleopatra de Shakespeare en relation avec la pensée biblique, l’humanisme de la Renaissance et les caractéristiques de la tragédie comme genre littéraire et philosophie grecque. La chute d’Adam et Eve dans la Bible, ainsi que le conflit entre le héros tragique et les dieux, sont deux thèmes qui sont au centre de ce mémoire. Le mythe de la chute d’Adam et Eve sert, en effet, d’un modèle de la chute—et par conséquent, de la tragédie—d’Antoine et Cléopâtre mais aussi de structure pour ce mémoire. Si le premier chapitre parle de paradis, le deuxième évoque le péché originel. Le troisième, quant à lui, aborde une contre-rédemption. Le premier chapitre réfère à l’idée du paradis, ou l’Éden dans la bible, afin d’examiner ce qui est édénique dans Antony and Cleopatra. La fertilité, l’épicuréisme, l’excès dionysien sont tous des éléments qui sont présents dans la conception d’un Éden biblique et Shakespearien. Le deuxième chapitre est une étude sur la tragédie comme genre fondamentalement lié à la pensée religieuse et philosophique des grecs, une pensée qui anime aussi Antony and Cleopatra. Ce chapitre montre, en effet, que les deux protagonistes Shakespeariens, comme les héros tragiques grecs, défient les dieux et le destin, engendrant ainsi leur tragédie (ou ‘chute’, pour continuer avec le mythe d’Adam et Eve). Si le deuxième chapitre cherche à créer des ponts entre la tragédie grecque et la tragédie Shakespearienne, le troisième chapitre montre que le dénouement dans Antony and Cleopatra est bien différent des dénouements dans les tragédies de Sophocle, Euripide, et Eschyle. Examinant la pensée de la Renaissance, surtout la notion d’humanisme, la partie finale du mémoire présente les protagonistes de Shakespeare comme des éternels rebelles, des humanistes déterminés à défier les forces du destin.
This thesis focuses on Shakespeare’s Antony and Cleopatra in relation to biblical thought, Renaissance humanism, and tragedy as a literary genre and Greek philosophy. The fall of Adam and Eve as well as the conflict between the tragic hero and the gods are two themes that are at the center of this work. The myth of the fall of Adam and Eve functions as a model for the fall—and thus the tragedy—of Antony and Cleopatra and is also the very structure of this study. If the first chapter talks about heaven, the second evokes the original sin. The third chapter investigates a ‘counter-redemption’. The first chapter refers to the idea of heaven, or Eden in the Bible, in order to examine the idea of Eden in Antony and Cleopatra. Fertility, Epicureanism, and Dionysian excess are all elements that are present in the conception of a biblical and a Shakespearean Eden. The second chapter is a study of tragedy as a genre fundamentally related to ancient Greek religious thought and philosophy—which is also the case in Antony and Cleopatra. This chapter demonstrates that the two Shakespearean protagonists are indeed similar to Greek tragic heroes, constantly defying gods and fate, thus, engendering their own tragedy (or ‘fall’, to continue with the myth of Adam and Eve). If the second chapter seeks to bridge Greek tragedy and Shakespearean drama, the third, however, shows that the ending in Antony and Cleopatra is different from the endings in plays by Sophocles, Euripides, and Aeschylus. Analyzing the philosophy of the Renaissance, especially the notion of humanism, the final chapter of this work introduces Shakespeare’s protagonists as eternal rebels, humanists who are determined to defy the forces of fortune.

This work is focused on the conceptions involving the disorder and chaos in the re- ligion of the ancient Egypt. The basic ground was Jiří Janák's text Chaos a ne-řád ve starám Egyptě (Chaos and Disorder in Ancient Egypt), that was published in colle- ction Řád a chaos v archaických kulturách. This text presented the foundation, that could be evolved further through studying of another author's attitudes (for example J. Assmann, E. Hornung, H. Smith, H. Te Velde) and reflection of ancient writings (Pyramid Texts, Book of Dead, Amduat, Book of Gates etc.). A larger scope was gi- ven to the question of preexistence of chaos, its manifestations and interferences in the created cosmos. Further, I dealt with the problem of origin of order (maat) en- dangering forces - origin of Apophis and disorder (isfet) and impact of this forces on the life and afterlife of an individual. Outside the created world, there is the primeval ocean. It was personified by the god Nun. It is inactive, but, in spite of it, it can be a threat for the universe - every- thing could be destructed in its waters. Primeval ocean can be compared with the conception of chaos in sense of the original state of the universe. But it is also the place of the origin of the creator god. Within the world of creation there was established the...