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Journal articles on the topic 'Greek Inscriptions'
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1
Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek history." Greece and Rome 70, no. 2 (September 12, 2023): 322–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383523000116.
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I commence this review with a major contribution to the study of women in the ancient Greek world. The public invisibility of women in the poleis of the archaic and classical period is a well-known phenomenon; equally well-known is the fact that this starts to change from the Hellenistic period onwards, when developments in the culture of evergetism and in honorific practices created a niche for women to be publicly visible and honoured by their communities. Przemysław Sierkierka, Krystyna Stebnicka, and Aleksander Wolicki have published a two-volume collection of all public honorific inscriptions for Greek women from the classical to the Roman imperial period. The work excludes honorific inscriptions for Hellenistic queens and female members of the Roman imperial family, thus focusing on honours for Greek citizen women and foreign women. The first volume includes a book-size introduction to the history of public honours for Greek women, examining diachronic changes and offering an overview of the language of inscriptions and the repertory of honours provided. At the same time, the introduction offers an extensive discussion of the role of women in the public life of Greek cities in the long term. The first volume also includes the corpus of inscriptions from Aegean Greece, the Balkans, and Sicily and Italy in the West; the second volume largely focuses on Asia Minor, while also including the few relevant inscriptions from Cyprus, Syria, Egypt, and Cyrenaica. Each inscription is described in detail, while the Greek text is accompanied by an English translation and followed by a focused commentary. In line with the other major corpus under review here, this editorial choice to provide translation, bibliography, and commentary will make these volumes an impressive research tool for both specialists and non-specialists. I admit that I was really surprised by the quantity of the surviving material: the volume includes 1128 inscriptions from 238 communities. While many of these inscriptions are short, formulaic, and repetitive, the information provided on a substantial number is truly fascinating for Greek social history and the history of women.
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Harper, Kyle. "The Greek Census Inscriptions of Late Antiquity." Journal of Roman Studies 98 (November 2008): 83–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/007543508786239661.
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This article reconsiders a set of Late Roman inscriptions which record the tax liabilities of dozens of landowners in terms of post-Diocletianic fiscality. The stones, from eleven cities in the Aegean and western Asia Minor, are evaluated as evidence for the social and economic history of the Late Empire, challenging Jones' fundamental study in which the inscriptions are read as a sign of structural crisis. With their non-Egyptian provenance, the inscriptions offer unique, quantitative insights into land-ownership and labour. The inscriptions reveal surprising levels of slave labour in the eastern provinces, particularly in a new inscription from Thera. This last document allows, for the first time, an empirical analysis of the demographics of an estate-based population of slaves in antiquity.
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Iorillo, Robert J., and B. F. Cook. "Greek Inscriptions." Classical World 83, no. 1 (1989): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350535.
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Gill, David W. J. "A Greek Price Inscription from Euesperides, Cyrenaica." Libyan Studies 29 (1998): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900006026.
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AbstractThe price inscription on an Attic black-glossed lekanis is discussed. The lekanis was found during the excavations of one of the houses in the Greek colony of Euesperides. Its significance is considered alongside the small number of price inscriptions known from Cyrenaica. Price inscriptions draw attention to the low value of Attic pottery in antiquity, and the Euesperides graffito is considered against some of the literary and epigraphic evidence used in recent discussions.
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Bowsky, M. W. Baldwin. "From Capital to Colony: Five New Inscriptions from Roman Crete." Annual of the British School at Athens 101 (November 2006): 385–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400021365.
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This article present and contextualises five new inscriptions from central Crete: one from the hinterland of Gortyn, two from Knossos, and two more in all likelihood from Knossos. Internal geographical mobility from Gortyn to Knossos is illustrated by a Greek inscription from the hinterland of Gortyn. The Knossian inscriptions add new evidence for the local affairs of the Roman colony. A funerary or honorary inscription and two religious dedications – all three in Latin – give rise to new points concerning the well-attested link between Knossos and Campania. The colony's population included people, many of Campanian origin, who were already established in Crete, as well as families displaced from southern Italy in the great post-Actium settlement. The two religious dedications shed light on the city's religious practice, including a newly revealed cult of Castor, and further evidence for worship of the Egyptian gods. Oddest of all, a Greek inscription on a Doric epistyle names Trajan or Hadrian. These four inscriptions are then set into the context of linguistic choice at the colony. Epigraphic and numismatic evidence for the use of Latin and Greek in the life of the colony is analyzed on the basis of the available inscriptions, listed by category and date in an appendix.
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Kotsonas, Antonis. "The Earliest Attic Potter/Painter Known By Name? The Epigraphy and Materiality of an Early Black-Figure Amphora from Mt. Hymettos." Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 92, no. 4 (October 2023): 645–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hes.2023.a914394.
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ABSTRACT: A black-figure amphora from the sanctuary on Mt. Hymettos preserves one of the longest Attic inscriptions of the 7th century b.c., presenting a remarkable case for the integration of a postfiring inscription into the morphology of an early Greek vessel. This article explores the materiality of the amphora and its lacunose inscription, proposing a new reconstruction of the text. The inscription’s peculiar arrangement and unusual verb suggest that it once included one of the earliest signatures of a craftsman in Attica. The study also investigates—but does not embrace—the possibility that the individual mentioned is the earliest Attic potter/painter known by name.
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Black, Stephanie L. "“In the Power of God Christ”: Greek inscriptional evidence for the anti-Arian theology of Ethiopia's first Christian king." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 71, no. 1 (February 2008): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x08000062.
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AbstractFour fourth-century ad inscriptions of Ezana, first Christian king of Aksum (Ethiopia), are surveyed, with special attention to Ezana's only known post-conversion inscription, written in Greek. Greek syntax and terminology in Ezana's inscription point to an anti-Arian Christology which may be associated with Frumentius, first bishop of Aksum, and his connection with Athanasius of Alexandria. The inscription's trinitarian formula “the power of the Father and Son and Holy Spirit” is structured in such a way as to assert the identity of the three members of the Trinity. The phrase “in the power of God Christ” further equates Christ with God. This christological language stands in contrast to the Arian imperial policy of the time, and is historically significant in light of Constantius's attempt to force Frumentius's recall to Alexandria. This inscription serves as the first internal documentary evidence for an anti-Arian Christology in the earliest developments of Ethiopian Christianity.
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Uzunoğlu, Hüseyin, and N. Eda Akyürek Şahin. "New Greek inscriptions from Akmoneia and its territory." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 16 (November 15, 2023): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-16-08.
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This paper publishes nine new inscriptions copied during the archaeological surveys conducted in the Phrygian city of Akmoneia and in its territory between 2014 and 2017. Even though there have been no systematic excavations to date, the city is remarkable due to its rich epigraphic documentation. The new finds make a notable contribution to this. Of the nine inscriptions published here, one (No. 1) concerns the erection of the statues of Koros, the goddesses, as well as of the sacred council, by a certain Hierokles, the priest and the agonothete of the Great Asklepieia. In another inscription (No. 2), a woman called Flavia Hedeia, the daughter of Flavius Montanus of consular rank and the wife of Sallius Aristainetos of consular rank, is honoured by her foster-parents. We attempt to identify Flavius Montanus through some related inscriptions already published from the city and thereby propose a dating in the mid-3rd century AD. Nos. 3–6 are grave inscriptions and they all date from the Roman Imperial period except for No. 6. Even though the remaining inscriptions (Nos. 7–9) consist of fragmentary texts carved on architrave blocks, they still provide valuable information, such as proving the existence of a gymnasium, as well as a fountain house in Akmoneia.
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Rougemont, Georges. "Hellenism in Central Asia and the North-West of the Indo-Pakistan Sub-Continent: The Epigraphic Evidence." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 18, no. 1 (2012): 175–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005712x638681.
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Abstract The Greek inscriptions from Central Asia give information mainly on the three centuries before our era, particularly on the 3rd and 2nd century BC. In the Greek inscriptions from Central Asia, we notice the absence of any sign of a civic life; the inscriptions, however, clearly show firstly on which cultural frontier the Greeks of Central Asia lived and secondly how proudly they asserted their cultural identity. The presence in Central Asia of a living Greek culture is unquestionable, and the most striking fact is that the authors of the inscriptions were proud of the Greek culture. Their Greek names however do not necessarily reveal the ethnic origin, and we do not know whether among them there were “assimilated” Bactrians or Indians. The Greeks, at any rate, constituted a limited community of people living very far from their country of origin, at the borders of two foreign worlds (Iranian and Indian) which were far bigger and older than theirs.
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Vasilev, Tsvetan. "Metamorphoses of ascetic texts in some depictions of St. Cyriacus the anchorite in the Balkans from the thirteenth to the seventeenth century." Zograf, no. 42 (2018): 155–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1842155v.
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The text presents several unpublished Greek inscriptions written on the scrolls of St. Cyriacus the Anchorite from Bulgaria. The main focus falls on an inscription from the narthex of the Rozhen Monastery (sixteenth century) and its identification; parallel inscriptions observed in Athonite monasteries are discussed too. A second group of inscriptions from Bulgaria and Macedonia are also discussed, with a stronger focus on an inscription in the church St. Apostles Peter and Paul in Veliko Tarnovo. The linguistic analysis attempts to discern the patterns by which such ascetic texts are visualized and transformed along the way from their original textual source to their final destination - the wall painting.
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Gygax, Marc Domingo, and Werner Tietz. "‘He who of all mankind set up the most numerous trophies to Zeus’ The Inscribed Pillar of Xanthos reconsidered." Anatolian Studies 55 (December 2005): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600000661.
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AbstractThe Inscribed Pillar of Xanthos remains one of the most enigmatic monuments of ancient Lycia. This article addresses the problem of the monument's authorship, but tries also to shed some light on the relative chronology of its inscriptions (a Greek epigram, a long inscription in Lycian A and a short Lycian B inscription), the relationship between the decorative sculptures of the monument and the content of the inscriptions, the political intention of the Lycian A text, and the significance of the Greek epigram for our understanding of the process of Greek acculturation. We argue that the Pillar results from the interventions of different individuals at different times and its overall design, therefore, does not represent a single and unified concept. Viewed from this perspective, several aspects of the monument, while apparently inconsistent at first glance, reveal their own ‘consistency’, which allows us to resolve the contradictions of previous interpretations.
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Andreeva, Sofia, Artem Fedorchuk, and Michael Nosonovsky. "Revisiting Epigraphic Evidence of the Oldest Synagogue in Morocco in Volubilis." Arts 8, no. 4 (September 27, 2019): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8040127.
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Volubilis was a Roman city located at the southwest extremity of the Roman Empire in modern-day Morocco. Several Jewish gravestone inscriptions in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, likely from the 3rd century CE, have been found there. One of them belongs to “Protopolites Kaikilianos, the head of a Jewish congregation (synagogue)”, and it indicates the presence of a relatively big Jewish community in the city. The Hebrew inscription of “Matrona, daughter of Rabbi Yehuda” is unique occurrence of using the Hebrew language in such a remote region. The Latin inscription belongs to “Antonii Sabbatrai”, likely a Jew. In addition, two lamps decorated with menorahs, one from bronze and one from clay, were found in Volubilis. In nearby Chellah, a Jewish inscription in Greek was also discovered. We revisit these inscriptions including their language, spelling mistakes, and their interpretations. We relate epigraphic sources to archaeological evidence and discuss a possible location of the synagogue in this remote city, which was the first synagogue in Morocco.
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GATIER, PIERRE-LOUIS, PIERRE LOMBARD, and KHALID M. AL-SINDI. "Greek Inscriptions from Bahrain." Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 13, no. 2 (November 2002): 223–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1034/j.1600-0471.2002.130204.x.
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Worthington, Ian. "Fourth-Century Greek Inscriptions." Classical Review 55, no. 1 (March 2005): 315–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni174.
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Livingstone, Niall, and Gideon Nisbet. "Introduction: Rock, Paper, Scissors." New Surveys in the Classics 38 (2008): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383509990180.
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Epigram: EPI-GRAMMA, a text written or incised upon something. ‘Inscription’ is one obvious translation of the root meaning, and epigram began with inscriptions: texts carved in stone to fix cultural memory. Epigram and epigraphy, the modern study of inscriptions, are two sides of the same linguistic coin. The classical Greek epigraphic habit manifested itself across many different contexts. Inscriptions broadcast the laws and decrees of the city-state, the polis, and secured the meaning of monuments and tombs against a forgetful future. Cut into trophies and statues, they celebrated victory in war and sport. Inscriptions were unavoidably costly in skilled labour, and competed for the attention of the passer-by with many others of their kind. Official decrees and honorific inscriptions were as long as their elaborate phrasing dictated, but for more personal messages these factors could combine to create a pressure to keep the text short and to the point. A small minority of these inscriptions were in verse.
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Horsley, G. H. R. "A Hellenistic Funerary Epigram in Burdur Museum, Turkey." Antichthon 32 (November 1998): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001088.
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Of the c. 270 inscribed Greek and Latin inscriptions held at Burdur Archaeological Museum in Turkey, only three definitely are metrical, all of which are in Greek. A fourth, fragmentary item reused as a Moslem gravestone has not been located during research at the Museum in the last decade. The one presented here is unpublished, and will be included more briefly in an edition of all the Greek and Latin inscriptions at Burdur which is currently being prepared for publication by R. A. Kearsley and the present writer. As with the other unpublished verse text (inv. 23.43.88, also funerary), there is no specific provenance known, but both can be attributed generally to the region of Pisidia. The other inscription, first published last century, was brought into the Museum from Akören in 1994 (inv. no. 499.141.94); it has been presented in an improved edition with commentary and photographs elsewhere.
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Lambert, S. D. "The Greek inscriptions on stone in the collection of the British School at Athens." Annual of the British School at Athens 95 (November 2000): 485–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400004779.
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This article publishes or republishes the 23 Greek inscriptions on stone in the collection of the British School at Athens. The majority are Attic, but also included are five stones from Melos and one each from Anthedon in Boeotia, Aegina(?), Epirus and Thera. Two of the inscriptions, an Attic funerary monument and an Aeginetan(?) fragment, receive their first editions here. In addition, of the eight which have associated reliefs, six are fully published for the first time. Most of the already published items have also yielded something new of interest. An appendix presents the first edition (from the papers of George Finlay) of a short inscription once in his collection.
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SLAVOVA, Mirena. "THE THRACIANS AND THE WRITING." Ezikov Svyat volume 20 issue 3, ezs.swu.v20i3 (October 20, 2022): 311–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/ezs.swu.bg.v20i3.111.
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The article offers a summary and analysis of the available texts written in the Thracian language, which became especially necessary after the breakthrough finding in 1988 of new written monuments in Thracian in the settlement of Zone on the Aegean coast in Greece. Contrary to popular belief that the Thracians were an illiterate people, it can be concluded that by the 4th century BC there were three centers of writing activity in the Thracian lands: Northeastern Bulgaria (the inscription from the village of Kjolmen), the Upper Thracian plain (the inscription on the ring from the village of Ezerovo and the inscriptions on artifacts from the mounds of Duvanlii), and the Aegean coast (inscriptions from the settlements of Zone and Maroneia and from the island of Samothrace). The author examines the written evidence of the Thracian language in the context of the neighboring Greek alphabets and concludes that the existence of a local alphabet used by the Thracian population before the arrival of the Greek colonists on the Aegean coast can be postulated. Another focus of the paper is related to understanding the reasons for the gradual demise of the practice of writing in the Thracian language in the context of the emergence of the Greek local alphabets and the cultural and political reality of contacts with the Greek-speaking population and education, without neglecting the sociolinguistic aspects of the problem.
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Gerleigner, Georg Simon. "ΑΘΕΝΑΙΑ / ΑΙΑΣ." Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, no. 60 (February 24, 2020): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/la.cdclsl.2020.139.
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That the placement of name inscriptions (letter-chains naming figures or, in rare instances, other pictorial elements) in Greek vase-painting followed certain conventions was noticed early by scholars. In his seminal Non-Attic Greek Vase Inscriptions, Rudolf Wachter succinctly described two main “principles of labelling” : the “starting-point principle” and the “direction principle”.1 While these conventions allow for some variation which is mainly determined by the availability of space, the basic rule of the starting-point principle is that a name is placed close (but preferably not too close) to the figure it refers to – often as close to the head as possible –, with the first letter of the inscription always being closest to a figure’s head (the only exception to that are cases where the name is in its whole width placed horizontally above the head). This also determines the direction of the writing : if the name is placed to the right of (the head of) a figure, the writing runs from left to right, and vice versa ; as a consequence of this direction principle, the “feet” of the letters face the figures they belong to. The rationale behind these long-running and overwhelmingly consistently observed conventions followed by vase-painters presumably was to make clear to the viewer in an unambiguous way which inscription referred to which figure – otherwise (and sometimes still, despite adherence to the conventions) something not easily achieved in many images teeming with figures and letters. In this contribution, I would like to present a – to my knowledge singular – case of a name inscription that plays with these conventions in a spectacular way which epitomises the ingenuity of some craftsmen in exploiting the specific potential of the combination of writing and imagery which inscriptions in Greek vase-paintings represent.
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SCHÜRR, Diether. "Ein Lesevorschlag zur lykischen Inschrift TL 106." Gephyra 24 (November 15, 2022): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.1120561.
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It is proposed that the inscription be segmented at a different point to the usual, namely, immediately before ñneti. The content of the second curse is then that the perpetrator shall be defiled commensurately with the defilement of the tomb, i.e., a singular case of a talion not attested elsewhere in Lycian inscriptions, nor in Greek inscriptions from Lycia. A request to bury "my" wife and "my" children follows as an additional, third part to the inscription as originally planned, then a further addition of two persons. The verb ñneti is also attested in a non-funereal inscription, probably a treaty, and replaces here the usual verbs for "to bury". Placing the verb at the beginning of the sentence is also unusual, and this may have led the epigrapher to add it, without a word divider, onto the end of the second line.
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Spadijer, Irena. "The scribe of the founder's inscription of Saint Sava in Studenica." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 43 (2006): 517–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0643517s.
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The founder's inscription situated at the foot of the tambour in the Church of the Virgin in Studenica originating from 1208/9, is one of the oldest dated specimens of Serbian literacy. It was uncovered in 1951, during the conservation works in the monastery. Former research (conducted by Dj. Trifunovic), has ascertained that inscriptions on the scrolls, books and frescoes in the monastery were written by the Greek artists who decorated the church. Scribal errors indicate beyond any doubt that Slavic was not the mother tongue of the scribes, and that they were not, or at least not sufficiently, familiar with the orthography of this language. In this paper the main focus has been directed at the founder's inscription, which has been put under detailed orthographic and palaeographic scrutiny. The morphology of some letters ? the Greek "K", non-distinguishing between izica (ippsilon) and the Cyrillic "C" ? clearly indicates that in all probability the author of the inscription was a Greek, perhaps the very painter who signed his name in the Greek language on the Mandelion beneath the large founder's inscription.
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Vinogradov, Andrey. "New Inscriptions on Instrumenta from the Northern Periphery of the Byzantine World." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2022): 284–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.6.18.
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Introduction. Byzantine inscriptions on instrumenta, i.e. portable objects (ceramics, tools, objects of personal piety, etc.), usually attract little attention by researchers. Meanwhile, such inscriptions make it easier to look into the world of an ordinary Byzantine. Analysis. The author publishes (in two cases – anew) seven non-standard inscriptions of this type, found recently or previously unpublished. These are the inscriptions on the phylactery, encolpion, amphorae, jug, and bowl. They have a different character: an apotropaic text, a business letter, a humorous poem, an owner’s inscription. Results. These seven monuments open a window to the world of medieval Rhomaios: the fear of the evil eye and the protective prayers, written from hearing; the cheerful world of wine and wine drinking during the voyage and on a bet; jokes about a broken cup, often expressed in verses, that the Byzantines used for any purpose, including the owner’s inscriptions; the world of merchants, who send their goods overseas, take care of its safety and the well-being of sailors. These inscriptions are distinguished by the peculiarities of spelling and style, which make it possible to better imagine the ordinary Byzantine environment. The travelling of the inscriptions on instrumenta, including pilgrims’ inscriptions, reflect, among other things, the ways of spreading Greek writing.
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Immerwahr, Henry R., and Rudolf Wachter. "Non-Attic Greek Vase Inscriptions." Classical World 96, no. 4 (2003): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352813.
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Eilers, Claude. "Archival Dockets in Greek Inscriptions." Tekmeria 17 (March 14, 2023): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.33956.
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In addition to the documents that they disseminate, inscriptions sometimes contain artefacts of archival processes or “dockets”. Some three dozen examples are collected in the Catalogue, almost all of which accompany documents that originate outside the city where they are displayed. The article discusses what dockets imply about civic archives and what motivated their inclusion.
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Kassian, Alexei. "Un-Making Sense of Alleged Abkhaz-Adyghean Inscriptions on Ancient Greek Pottery." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 22, no. 2 (December 6, 2016): 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341301.
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A large number of Ancient Greek vases dated to the 1st millenniumbccontain short inscriptions. Normally, these represent names of craftsmen or names and descriptions of the depicted characters and objects. The majority of inscriptions are understandable in Ancient Greek, but there is a substantial number of abracadabra words whose meaning and morphological structure remain vague. Recently an interdisciplinary team (Mayoret alii2014) came up with the idea that some of the nonsense inscriptions associated with Amazons and Scythians are actually written in ancient Abkhaz-Adyghe languages. The idea is promising since in the first half of the 1st millenniumbcthe Greeks initiated the process of active expansion in the Black Sea region, so it is natural to suppose that contacts with autochthonous peoples might be reflected in Greek art. Unfortunately, detailed examination suggests that the proposed Abkhaz-Adyghe decipherment is semantically and morphologicallyad hoc, containing a number of inaccuracies and errors of various kinds. The methodological and factual flaws are so substantial that it makes Mayoret alii’s results improbable.
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Mosenkis, Iurii. "“Uninterpretable” cretan alphabetical inscriptions: “eteocretan” as phrygian?" Ukrainian Linguistics, no. 50 (2020): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/um/50(2020).31-41.
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The article is devoted to an old problem of several “Eteocretan” (i.e. “true Cretan”) inscriptions in Greek alphabet, found in Classical Crete (dated to c. 6–4 c. BC), but not interpreted in Greek until the present time. Despite several hypotheses, the problem remains unsolved. However, this enigma is very important to reconstruct the ethno-linguistic map of ancient Crete as the craddle of Minoan civilization and the oldest interpretable scripts in Europe (Cretan hieroglyphs and Linear A). According to a commonly accepted view, the “Eteocretan” inscriptions can be a rest of “Pre-Greek” languages of the island – despite the “Eteocretan” and the Linear A inscriptions demonstrate no common linguistic features. The present author proposes an interpretation of the “Eteocretan” language as Phrygian. The latter was a close relative to Ancient Greek, splitted from it c. 4000 BC. This hypothesis correlates with another idea of the same author – of the presence of some Phrygian phonetic features in the language of Cretan hieroglyphs. Some “satem” elements of Phrygian, Cretan hieroglyphs, and Eteocretan (the name of Praisos as possible homonym of the “satem” Indo-European name of pig) make a system. Summarizing, Eteocretan looks like Phrygian, more or less Graecianized. In some inscriptions, loaned lexical elements are Greek whereas basic lexical and grammatical elements are Phrygian. In such way, a conundrum of “Greek vs non-Greek” Eteocretan inscriptions can be solved.
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Gatzke, Andrea F. "THE GATE COMPLEX OF PLANCIA MAGNA IN PERGE: A CASE STUDY IN READING BILINGUAL SPACE." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (May 2020): 385–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000324.
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Urban landscapes in the Roman world were covered in written text, from monumental building inscriptions to smaller, more personal texts of individual accomplishment and commemoration. In the East, Greek dominated these written landscapes, but Latin also appeared with some frequency, especially in places where a larger Roman audience was expected, such as major cities and Roman colonies. When Latin and Greek appear alongside each other, whether in the same inscription or across a single monumental space, we might ask what benefits the sponsor of the monument hoped to gain from such a bilingual presentation, and whether each language was serving the same function. This paper considers the monumental entrance to the Pamphylian city of Perge as a case study for exploring this relationship between bilingual inscriptions and civic space. By surveying the display of both Greek and Latin on this entrance, examining how the entrance interacted with the broader linguistic landscape of Perge, and considering the effects that each language would have had on the viewer, I show that the use of language, and the variation between the languages, served not only to communicate membership in both Greek and Roman societies but also to delineate civic space from imperial space, both physically and symbolically.
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Thonemann, Peter. "Inscriptions from Abdera and Maroneia." Tekmeria 15 (June 3, 2020): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.23347.
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The present article is concerned with three inscriptions from the Greek citiesof Abdera and Maroneia in coastal Thrace. Nos. 1 (Abdera) and 2 (Maroneia) were first published in the 2004 corpus of the inscriptions of Aegean Thrace (I.Thrac.Aeg. E1 and E181α), and improved texts of both are offered here; no.3 (Maroneia) is new. The first text is a fragmentary early-fifth century law from Abdera, concerned with upper and lower ages of eligibility for military service, and with what will happen in the event of a revolution or naval incursion at Abdera. The inscription is tentatively dated to the immediate aftermath of the Persian Wars, perhaps around 475 BC. The second text is an ad hominem decree of the city of Maroneia, probably of the first century BC or the first century AD, granting permission to a civic magistrate named Proklesto adopt his own infant orphaned grandson; the content of the decree has no close parallels elsewhere in the Greek world. The third text is a poorly preserved twelve-line epigram in the form of a hymn or prayer to several deities, asking them to protect the city of Maroneia; its letter-forms suggest a date in the later Hellenistic period.
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González, Elena Martín, and Paschalis Paschidis. "The 21st-century epigraphic harvest from Macedonia." Archaeological Reports 63 (November 2017): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608418000133.
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On 16 June 1936 the young American epigraphist Charles Edson signed an agreement with the Berlin Academy of Sciences for the publication of all Greek inscriptions from Macedonia (Fig. 146) in the prestigious Inscriptiones Graecae series (see the text in Nigdelis 2015b: 10–12), estimating that the whole project could be completed within four years. His estimate proved, as so often in epigraphy, too optimistic. By 2016, only two volumes of inscriptions from ancient Macedonia had appeared in IG: the one Edson managed to complete in 1972 containing the inscriptions of Thessalonike (IG X 2.1) and the 1999 volume covering most of the northwestern border areas prepared by Fanoula Papazoglou and her collaborators (IG X 2.2.1). A further volume, of new material published after or not included in Edson's corpus, has just been published (IG X 2.1, Suppl. 1; most inscriptions have already been published and commented upon in Nigdelis 2006a and 2015a) and another is planned: a supplement to Edson's volume and full photographic documentation (due for publication in 2018).
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ARSLAN, Murat, Şükrü ÖZÜDOĞRU, and Nihal TÜNER ÖNEN. "A New Milestone from Cibyra." Gephyra 26 (October 23, 2023): 227–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.1373636.
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The article discussed here deals with a milestone whose location is unknown, but which is understood to have been erected 1.5 km away from the city center of Cibyra, based on the two inscriptions it bears. The milestone in question has two inscriptions indicating two different uses. Both inscriptions are written in Ancient Greek. While the first inscription dates to the Severan Period (AD 198-209), the latter belongs to the First Tetrarchy Period (AD 293-305). Both inscriptions give the city of Cibyra as caput viae and record the same distance. Thus, it is determined that the same milestone is reused approximately hundred years. In the introduction of the article, the routes related to Cibyra and the milestones that give Cibyra as caput viae are also discussed. In both uses, the milestone in question refers to repair and regulation works rather than the construction of a new road. This situation can be associated with the eastern campaigns during the Severan Period and the reconstruction efforts carried out during the Diocletian Era.
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Mairs, Rachel. "‘PROCLAIMING IT TO GREEKS AND NATIVES, ALONG THE ROWS OF THE CHEQUER-BOARD’: READERS AND VIEWERS OF ACROSTICH INSCRIPTIONS IN GREEK, DEMOTIC AND LATIN." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 1 (March 15, 2017): 228–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000179.
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Hellenistic and Roman acrostich inscriptions are usually full of verbal and visual clues, which point the reader in the direction of the ‘hidden message’ contained in the vertical lines of the text. The authors of such inscriptions want their audiences to appreciate the skill that has gone into their composition. There are several complementary ways in which the presence of an acrostich might be signalled to the reader or viewer and their attention directed towards it. These include direct verbal statements, or more subtle allusions, within the text of the inscription. But, even without having read its text, the viewer of an inscription containing a ‘hidden message’ is often immediately aware that some kind of wordplay is at work. Acrostichs, palindromes and various kinds of word square are all graphically striking, or their appearance may be enhanced to make them more so. Regular spacing, the repetition of the acrostich in a separate column and the use of painted or incised grids are all ways in which the layout of the text on the stone can invite the viewer to play a word game. In some cases, as I will argue in this paper, acrostich makers envisaged—even intended—the participants in this game to include the illiterate as well as the literate.
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Papanikolaou, Dimitrios. "Notes on a Gladiatorial Inscription from Plotinopolis." Tekmeria 14 (May 13, 2019): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.20419.
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The paper is concerned with a new gladiatorial tombstone from Plotinopolis. The paper raises serious doubts on the text of the inscription offered by itsinitial editor (Tsoka 2015); it also pinpoints towards Sharankov’s proposal(Année Épigraphique 2014 [2017] no. 1165, 493) as the only viable solution forthe text of the inscription, citing also unnoticed parallel passages from ancientGreek inscriptions and texts as evidence substantiating the new reading of the stone (see nn. 7-9). The paper expresses also disagreement over Tsoka’s assertion that thewords λοῦδοι and Μάτερνος of the inscription are mere transcriptions into Greek letters of the Latin words ludi, Maternus – and that the name Μάτερνοςimplies Romanisation. It is argued that the Latin-derived name of a gladiator ghting in the Eastern (Greek-speaking) side of the Roman Empire is not a safe marker of Romanisation. This is demonstrated by the epigraphical evidenceattesting to the habit of Greek-speaking gladiators to adopt professionalpseudonyms, many of them (25% of all recorded cases) Latin-derived ones; thepaper argues that the name Μάτερνος is simply a Latin-derived gladiatorialpseudonym. Plutarch’s testimony further substantiates that gladiators could be ethnic Greeks or culture-Greeks (see n. 20). As far as the word λοῦδοι is concerned, the poetic declination of the word in the stone attests to the laststages in the adaptation of a Latin-derived word into a fundamentally Greek linguistic environment. The paper argues that the Latin-derived vocabulary ofthe stone (Μάτερνος, λοῦδοι) should be viewed as a further piece of evidenceattesting to the recognition on the part of the Greek-speakers of the time, that gladiation was a fundamentally Roman cultural institution, a cultural import whose onomastics and terminology could rather remain untranslated.
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Bader, Nabil, and Martha Habash. "Greek Funerary Inscriptions from Northern Jordan." Syria 82, no. 1 (2005): 189–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/syria.2005.8690.
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Walbank, Michael B. "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora." Hesperia 54, no. 3 (July 1985): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/147891.
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Pucci Ben Zeev, Mariam. "Josephus, Bronze Tablets and Greek Inscriptions." L'antiquité classique 64, no. 1 (1995): 211–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.1995.1231.
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Olson, S. Douglas, P. J. Rhodes, and Robin Osborne. "Greek Historical Inscriptions 404-323 B.C." Classical World 99, no. 4 (2006): 463. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4353081.
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Walbank, Michael B. "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora." Hesperia 66, no. 2 (April 1997): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148484.
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Gera, Dov. "Some Dated Greek Inscriptions from Maresha." Palestine Exploration Quarterly 149, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00310328.2017.1310575.
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Ovadiah, Asher, and Rosario Pierri. "Three Greek Inscriptions from Herodion – Reconsidered." Liber Annuus 68 (January 2018): 351–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.la.4.2019046.
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Lalonde, Gerald V. "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora." Hesperia 61, no. 3 (July 1992): 375. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148312.
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Walbank, Michael B. "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora." Hesperia 58, no. 1 (January 1989): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148321.
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Ruffing, Kai. "Greek Inscriptions in Mesopotamia (and Babylonia)." Studia Orientalia Electronica 11, no. 2 (May 16, 2023): 109–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.129808.
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This article provides a short overview on the few Greek inscriptions from Mesopotamia which date to the period between the third century bce and the first century ce. It argues that since the concept of “identity” has certain shortcomings for a historical analysis of an ancient society it might be useful to apply the concepts “commonality,” “connectedness,” and “groupness” for a somehow further and deeper insight. Due to the lack of a larger group of Greek documents in the timeframe mentioned, these concepts are used for some short remarks on the graffiti of the Nebuchelos-Archive from Dura-Europos which dates to the third century ce. The article attempts to show how, in a situation of cultural contact which produced hybrid and ambiguous forms of cultural practices, individuals used different cultural markers and practices of the different societies to demonstrate and publicly display their “commonality” and “connectedness.”
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Evdokimova, Аlexandra. "Accentuation of Byzantine Greek Inscriptions on Metallic Objects from Different Collections." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2023): 351–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.6.26.
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Introduction. Analysis of sphragistic material in comparison with inscriptions from Italy made on metal showed that in inscriptions of this kind, in addition to the previously known Byzantine, Alexandrian and logical accentuation systems, systems with accent shifts to the right or left were actively used. Methodology. Inscriptions on metal objects were examined on the basis of photographs presented in different editions of the same monument. Material. The article presents the result of an analysis of the use of accentuation marks in 22 Byzantine Greek inscriptions on metal objects of the 9th – 14th centuries, most of which were written in dodecasyllables. Analysis. Inscriptions on metal reliquaries, icon frames, crosses, as well as inscriptions on enamels and encolpions made using various metalworking techniques were analyzed. The elements of Greek accentuation systems presented in them and the directions of stress shifts are described. Results. All presented inscriptions can be divided into two groups: 1) the Byzantine accentuation system with shifts of stress to the right or left with the latter falling between a vowel and a consonant, which can be considered a paleographic feature, as well as the use of trema in cases not determined by phonetic aspects; 2) elements of the Alexandrian system: stress on the unstressed syllable, stress on the first part of the diphthong. In both groups, logical stress could also be placed, including on abbreviations.
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Al-Jallad, Ahmad, and Ali al-Manaser. "Old Arabic Minutiae II: Greek-Safaitic Bilinguals and Language Contact in the Syro-Arabian Ḥarrah." Arabica 69, no. 4-5 (November 3, 2022): 567–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341637.
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Abstract This article publishes a selection of texts discovered during the 2019 Badia Survey that shed light on the complex interactions between the inhabitants of the desert and settled areas. The inscriptions studied here include two new Safaitic-Greek bilingual texts, two new Greek inscriptions, and a Safaitic text composed by an inhabitant of the city of Bosra in the Ḥawrān.
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Κριτζάς, Χαράλαμπος Β. "Παρατηρήσεις σε επιγραφές από την Δυτική Κρήτη." Fortunatae. Revista Canaria de Filología, Cultura y Humanidades Clásicas, no. 32 (2020): 295–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.fortunat.2020.32.20.
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The article proposes new readings and interpretations for 4 Greek inscriptions from Western Crete. At the stele of Tyliphos (area of Phalasarna) with a treaty of alliance between Phalasarna and Polyrhenia (early 3rd c. BC., Martinez-Fernandez, 2012: 46, No 2), l. 23: instead of ΑΙΑΚΟΝ (Αἰακός, the hero Aeacus) it should be read ΑΡΑΚΟΝ (ἄρακος, the field-weed vicia villosa, the hairy vetch). At the inscription from Polyrhenia (2nd c. BC, o.c., p. 169-170, No 76), ll. 15-16: instead of Ἀνδροκλῆς | Ἥρᾳ (a dedication in the dative), it should be read the genitive Ἡρᾶ, of the father’s name Ἡρᾶς. The inscriptions from Polyrhenia (o.c., p. 164,No 68 and 179, No 81), the ligatures ΦΟ and Φ, should be read as abbreviations of Ὅρo(ς).
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Vellidis, Nikki. "Finding Krateros. Exploring the Signatures on the Mosaics in the Roman Villa of Skala (Kefalonia)." PHASIS, no. 26 (June 10, 2024): 56–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.60131/phasis.26.2023.7871.
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Mosaic signatures provide an incredible and unique view into a sector of the ancient world that is often difficult to access. These signatures are formulaic – utilizing similar vocabulary, grammar, and phrasing. Therefore, when a signature deviates from the so-called “norm,” the unique aspects of the inscription should be carefully considered. This article analyses the figure of Krateros, a possible mosaicist or patron mentioned in two lengthy mosaic inscriptions from an Imperial Period villa on the Greek island of Kefalonia. Krateros was traditionally believed to be a mosaicist with an elaborate signature. However, this conclusion has been debated, and his identity and relation to the mosaic and villa speculated. This article aims to provide Krateros with an identity that considers the plethora of information supplied in the inscriptions.
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Rosenmeyer, Patricia. "Greek Verse Inscriptions in Roman Egypt: Julia Balbilla's Sapphic Voice." Classical Antiquity 27, no. 2 (October 1, 2008): 334–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2008.27.2.334.
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In 130 ce, Hadrian and Sabina traveled to Egyptian Thebes. Inscriptions on the Memnon colossus document the royal visit, including fifty-four lines of Greek verse by Julia Balbilla, an elite Roman woman of Syrian heritage. The poet's style and dialect (Aeolic) have been compared to those of Sappho, although the poems' meter (elegiac couplets) and content are quite different from those of her archaic predecessor. This paper explores Balbilla's Memnon inscriptions and their social context. Balbilla's archaic forms and obscure mythological variants showcase her erudition and allegiance to a Greek past, but while many of the Memnon inscriptions allude to Homer, Balbilla aligns herself closely with Sappho as a literary model. The main question raised here is what it means for Julia Balbilla to imitate Sappho while simultaneously honoring her royal patrons in the public context of dedicatory inscriptions.
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Mitchell, Stephen. "Inscriptions from Melli (Kocaaliler) in Pisidia." Anatolian Studies 53 (December 2003): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3643092.
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AbstractThis article presents several new inscriptions discovered during the survey of the Pisidian city at Melli directed by Dr Lutgarde Vandeput, and revisions to already published texts. These include several imperial statue bases from the city agora, four texts honouring city patrons, who include a provincial governor and a senior Roman equestrian official from the nearby Pisidian city of Selge, dedications and epitaphs. The most significant discovery is the first identified Greek copy of a votive text to ‘the gods and goddesses’, set up according to the interpretation of a Clarian oracle, which was already known from nine Latin versions. The inscription is associated with a cult room in a domestic building, and may be connected with the worship of theos hypsistos.
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Phiphia, N., and E. Kobakhidze. "К ВОПРОСУ ОБ ИДЕНТИФИКАЦИИ ЦАРЯ ИБЕРИИ АМАЗАСПА, КОРОЛЕВЫ ДРАКОНТИСЫ И КОРОЛЕВСКОГО ЧИНОВНИКА АНАГРАНА, УПОМЯНУТЫХ В ТРЕХ ГРЕЧЕСКИХ НАДПИСЯХ, НАЙДЕННЫХ В МЦХЕТЕ." Proceedings in Archaeology and History of Ancient and Medieval Black Sea Region, no. 13 (February 15, 2022): 925–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.53737/2713-2021.2021.35.71.033.
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Three Greek inscriptions found in Mtskheta reveal interesting information about Ancient Iberian royal court. However, identification of each of the persons, especially the king, is quite problematic. Still, there are some possibilities to deal. King of Iberia is mentioned in all three inscriptions, one of them reveals his name fully, another one partially, while king’s name is lost in the third one, however, one passage may still give us some hints about his identity or at least about Roman aspirations of Iberian court. Queen Dracontis is known only from one inscription. As for the royal official — commander in-chief and the only minister of Iberian king Anagranes, he is mentioned in all three inscriptions, being himself the sponsor of all the constructions. The paper focuses more on the issue of identification of King Amazasp mentioned in these inscriptions and some other issues connected with the major topic. Три греческие строительные надписи, найденные в г. Мцхета, содержат весьма ценную информацию о царском дворе Древней Иберии. Но идентификация каждой персоны, особенно иберийского царя, по ним крайне проблематична. Однако некоторые выводы все же можно сформулировать. Так, царь Иберии упомянут во всех трех надписях. Первая из них содержит его имя полностью, вторая — частично, а в третьей оно утрачено, хотя один пассаж все-таки дает возможность его установить, а также указывает на проримскую ориентацию Иберииского царского двора. Царица Драконтис известна только по одной надписи. Главнокомандующий и единственный министр Иберииского царя Анагранес упомянут во всех трех надписях. Что не случайно. Ведь он выделил средства на постройки. Статья в основном касается идентификации царя Амазаспа, упомянутого в этих надписях, а также других вопросов, связанных с этой проблемой.
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Németh, György. "Jewish Elements in the Greek Magic of Pannonia." Journal of Ancient Judaism 1, no. 2 (May 6, 2010): 181–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00102006.
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Numerous names and terms related to Jewish tradition are known from the territory of Roman Pannonia. Pannonian magical inscriptions raise the question, to what extent do names and terms of Hebrew origin bear witness to the presence of Jews in Pannonia in the first three centuries of the imperial age? An almost simultaneous appearance of the silver lamella from Aquincum and the golden lamella from Halbturn proves that the Jewish population of Pannonia not only commemorated itself in official inscriptions but also preserved its identity through amulets.