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Journal articles on the topic 'Greek Inscriptions'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek history." Greece and Rome 70, no. 2 (2023): 322–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383523000116.

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I commence this review with a major contribution to the study of women in the ancient Greek world. The public invisibility of women in the poleis of the archaic and classical period is a well-known phenomenon; equally well-known is the fact that this starts to change from the Hellenistic period onwards, when developments in the culture of evergetism and in honorific practices created a niche for women to be publicly visible and honoured by their communities. Przemysław Sierkierka, Krystyna Stebnicka, and Aleksander Wolicki have published a two-volume collection of all public honorific inscript

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Harper, Kyle. "The Greek Census Inscriptions of Late Antiquity." Journal of Roman Studies 98 (November 2008): 83–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/007543508786239661.

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This article reconsiders a set of Late Roman inscriptions which record the tax liabilities of dozens of landowners in terms of post-Diocletianic fiscality. The stones, from eleven cities in the Aegean and western Asia Minor, are evaluated as evidence for the social and economic history of the Late Empire, challenging Jones' fundamental study in which the inscriptions are read as a sign of structural crisis. With their non-Egyptian provenance, the inscriptions offer unique, quantitative insights into land-ownership and labour. The inscriptions reveal surprising levels of slave labour in the eas

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Iorillo, Robert J., and B. F. Cook. "Greek Inscriptions." Classical World 83, no. 1 (1989): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350535.

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Gill, David W. J. "A Greek Price Inscription from Euesperides, Cyrenaica." Libyan Studies 29 (1998): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900006026.

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AbstractThe price inscription on an Attic black-glossed lekanis is discussed. The lekanis was found during the excavations of one of the houses in the Greek colony of Euesperides. Its significance is considered alongside the small number of price inscriptions known from Cyrenaica. Price inscriptions draw attention to the low value of Attic pottery in antiquity, and the Euesperides graffito is considered against some of the literary and epigraphic evidence used in recent discussions.

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Bowsky, M. W. Baldwin. "From Capital to Colony: Five New Inscriptions from Roman Crete." Annual of the British School at Athens 101 (November 2006): 385–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400021365.

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This article present and contextualises five new inscriptions from central Crete: one from the hinterland of Gortyn, two from Knossos, and two more in all likelihood from Knossos. Internal geographical mobility from Gortyn to Knossos is illustrated by a Greek inscription from the hinterland of Gortyn. The Knossian inscriptions add new evidence for the local affairs of the Roman colony. A funerary or honorary inscription and two religious dedications – all three in Latin – give rise to new points concerning the well-attested link between Knossos and Campania. The colony's population included pe

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Kotsonas, Antonis. "The Earliest Attic Potter/Painter Known By Name? The Epigraphy and Materiality of an Early Black-Figure Amphora from Mt. Hymettos." Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 92, no. 4 (2023): 645–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hes.2023.a914394.

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ABSTRACT: A black-figure amphora from the sanctuary on Mt. Hymettos preserves one of the longest Attic inscriptions of the 7th century b.c., presenting a remarkable case for the integration of a postfiring inscription into the morphology of an early Greek vessel. This article explores the materiality of the amphora and its lacunose inscription, proposing a new reconstruction of the text. The inscription’s peculiar arrangement and unusual verb suggest that it once included one of the earliest signatures of a craftsman in Attica. The study also investigates—but does not embrace—the possibility t

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Black, Stephanie L. "“In the Power of God Christ”: Greek inscriptional evidence for the anti-Arian theology of Ethiopia's first Christian king." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 71, no. 1 (2008): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x08000062.

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AbstractFour fourth-century ad inscriptions of Ezana, first Christian king of Aksum (Ethiopia), are surveyed, with special attention to Ezana's only known post-conversion inscription, written in Greek. Greek syntax and terminology in Ezana's inscription point to an anti-Arian Christology which may be associated with Frumentius, first bishop of Aksum, and his connection with Athanasius of Alexandria. The inscription's trinitarian formula “the power of the Father and Son and Holy Spirit” is structured in such a way as to assert the identity of the three members of the Trinity. The phrase “in the

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Uzunoğlu, Hüseyin, and N. Eda Akyürek Şahin. "New Greek inscriptions from Akmoneia and its territory." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 16 (November 15, 2023): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-16-08.

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This paper publishes nine new inscriptions copied during the archaeological surveys conducted in the Phrygian city of Akmoneia and in its territory between 2014 and 2017. Even though there have been no systematic excavations to date, the city is remarkable due to its rich epigraphic documentation. The new finds make a notable contribution to this. Of the nine inscriptions published here, one (No. 1) concerns the erection of the statues of Koros, the goddesses, as well as of the sacred council, by a certain Hierokles, the priest and the agonothete of the Great Asklepieia. In another inscriptio

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Rougemont, Georges. "Hellenism in Central Asia and the North-West of the Indo-Pakistan Sub-Continent: The Epigraphic Evidence." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 18, no. 1 (2012): 175–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005712x638681.

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Abstract The Greek inscriptions from Central Asia give information mainly on the three centuries before our era, particularly on the 3rd and 2nd century BC. In the Greek inscriptions from Central Asia, we notice the absence of any sign of a civic life; the inscriptions, however, clearly show firstly on which cultural frontier the Greeks of Central Asia lived and secondly how proudly they asserted their cultural identity. The presence in Central Asia of a living Greek culture is unquestionable, and the most striking fact is that the authors of the inscriptions were proud of the Greek culture. T

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Vasilev, Tsvetan. "Metamorphoses of ascetic texts in some depictions of St. Cyriacus the anchorite in the Balkans from the thirteenth to the seventeenth century." Zograf, no. 42 (2018): 155–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1842155v.

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The text presents several unpublished Greek inscriptions written on the scrolls of St. Cyriacus the Anchorite from Bulgaria. The main focus falls on an inscription from the narthex of the Rozhen Monastery (sixteenth century) and its identification; parallel inscriptions observed in Athonite monasteries are discussed too. A second group of inscriptions from Bulgaria and Macedonia are also discussed, with a stronger focus on an inscription in the church St. Apostles Peter and Paul in Veliko Tarnovo. The linguistic analysis attempts to discern the patterns by which such ascetic texts are visualiz

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Gygax, Marc Domingo, and Werner Tietz. "‘He who of all mankind set up the most numerous trophies to Zeus’ The Inscribed Pillar of Xanthos reconsidered." Anatolian Studies 55 (December 2005): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600000661.

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AbstractThe Inscribed Pillar of Xanthos remains one of the most enigmatic monuments of ancient Lycia. This article addresses the problem of the monument's authorship, but tries also to shed some light on the relative chronology of its inscriptions (a Greek epigram, a long inscription in Lycian A and a short Lycian B inscription), the relationship between the decorative sculptures of the monument and the content of the inscriptions, the political intention of the Lycian A text, and the significance of the Greek epigram for our understanding of the process of Greek acculturation. We argue that t

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Andreeva, Sofia, Artem Fedorchuk, and Michael Nosonovsky. "Revisiting Epigraphic Evidence of the Oldest Synagogue in Morocco in Volubilis." Arts 8, no. 4 (2019): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts8040127.

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Volubilis was a Roman city located at the southwest extremity of the Roman Empire in modern-day Morocco. Several Jewish gravestone inscriptions in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, likely from the 3rd century CE, have been found there. One of them belongs to “Protopolites Kaikilianos, the head of a Jewish congregation (synagogue)”, and it indicates the presence of a relatively big Jewish community in the city. The Hebrew inscription of “Matrona, daughter of Rabbi Yehuda” is unique occurrence of using the Hebrew language in such a remote region. The Latin inscription belongs to “Antonii Sabbatrai”, lik

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GATIER, PIERRE-LOUIS, PIERRE LOMBARD, and KHALID M. AL-SINDI. "Greek Inscriptions from Bahrain." Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 13, no. 2 (2002): 223–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1034/j.1600-0471.2002.130204.x.

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Worthington, Ian. "Fourth-Century Greek Inscriptions." Classical Review 55, no. 1 (2005): 315–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni174.

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Livingstone, Niall, and Gideon Nisbet. "Introduction: Rock, Paper, Scissors." New Surveys in the Classics 38 (2008): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383509990180.

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Epigram: EPI-GRAMMA, a text written or incised upon something. ‘Inscription’ is one obvious translation of the root meaning, and epigram began with inscriptions: texts carved in stone to fix cultural memory. Epigram and epigraphy, the modern study of inscriptions, are two sides of the same linguistic coin. The classical Greek epigraphic habit manifested itself across many different contexts. Inscriptions broadcast the laws and decrees of the city-state, the polis, and secured the meaning of monuments and tombs against a forgetful future. Cut into trophies and statues, they celebrated victory i

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Horsley, G. H. R. "A Hellenistic Funerary Epigram in Burdur Museum, Turkey." Antichthon 32 (November 1998): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001088.

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Of the c. 270 inscribed Greek and Latin inscriptions held at Burdur Archaeological Museum in Turkey, only three definitely are metrical, all of which are in Greek. A fourth, fragmentary item reused as a Moslem gravestone has not been located during research at the Museum in the last decade. The one presented here is unpublished, and will be included more briefly in an edition of all the Greek and Latin inscriptions at Burdur which is currently being prepared for publication by R. A. Kearsley and the present writer. As with the other unpublished verse text (inv. 23.43.88, also funerary), there

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Lambert, S. D. "The Greek inscriptions on stone in the collection of the British School at Athens." Annual of the British School at Athens 95 (November 2000): 485–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400004779.

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This article publishes or republishes the 23 Greek inscriptions on stone in the collection of the British School at Athens. The majority are Attic, but also included are five stones from Melos and one each from Anthedon in Boeotia, Aegina(?), Epirus and Thera. Two of the inscriptions, an Attic funerary monument and an Aeginetan(?) fragment, receive their first editions here. In addition, of the eight which have associated reliefs, six are fully published for the first time. Most of the already published items have also yielded something new of interest. An appendix presents the first edition (

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SLAVOVA, Mirena. "THE THRACIANS AND THE WRITING." Ezikov Svyat volume 20 issue 3, ezs.swu.v20i3 (October 20, 2022): 311–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/ezs.swu.bg.v20i3.111.

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The article offers a summary and analysis of the available texts written in the Thracian language, which became especially necessary after the breakthrough finding in 1988 of new written monuments in Thracian in the settlement of Zone on the Aegean coast in Greece. Contrary to popular belief that the Thracians were an illiterate people, it can be concluded that by the 4th century BC there were three centers of writing activity in the Thracian lands: Northeastern Bulgaria (the inscription from the village of Kjolmen), the Upper Thracian plain (the inscription on the ring from the village of Eze

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Gerleigner, Georg Simon. "ΑΘΕΝΑΙΑ / ΑΙΑΣ". Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, № 60 (24 лютого 2020): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/la.cdclsl.2020.139.

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That the placement of name inscriptions (letter-chains naming figures or, in rare instances, other pictorial elements) in Greek vase-painting followed certain conventions was noticed early by scholars. In his seminal Non-Attic Greek Vase Inscriptions, Rudolf Wachter succinctly described two main “principles of labelling” : the “starting-point principle” and the “direction principle”.1 While these conventions allow for some variation which is mainly determined by the availability of space, the basic rule of the starting-point principle is that a name is placed close (but preferably not too clos

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SCHÜRR, Diether. "Ein Lesevorschlag zur lykischen Inschrift TL 106." Gephyra 24 (November 15, 2022): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.1120561.

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It is proposed that the inscription be segmented at a different point to the usual, namely, immediately before ñneti. The content of the second curse is then that the perpetrator shall be defiled commensurately with the defilement of the tomb, i.e., a singular case of a talion not attested elsewhere in Lycian inscriptions, nor in Greek inscriptions from Lycia. A request to bury "my" wife and "my" children follows as an additional, third part to the inscription as originally planned, then a further addition of two persons. The verb ñneti is also attested in a non-funereal inscription, probably

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Spadijer, Irena. "The scribe of the founder's inscription of Saint Sava in Studenica." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 43 (2006): 517–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0643517s.

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The founder's inscription situated at the foot of the tambour in the Church of the Virgin in Studenica originating from 1208/9, is one of the oldest dated specimens of Serbian literacy. It was uncovered in 1951, during the conservation works in the monastery. Former research (conducted by Dj. Trifunovic), has ascertained that inscriptions on the scrolls, books and frescoes in the monastery were written by the Greek artists who decorated the church. Scribal errors indicate beyond any doubt that Slavic was not the mother tongue of the scribes, and that they were not, or at least not sufficiently

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Vinogradov, Andrey. "New Inscriptions on Instrumenta from the Northern Periphery of the Byzantine World." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2022): 284–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.6.18.

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Introduction. Byzantine inscriptions on instrumenta, i.e. portable objects (ceramics, tools, objects of personal piety, etc.), usually attract little attention by researchers. Meanwhile, such inscriptions make it easier to look into the world of an ordinary Byzantine. Analysis. The author publishes (in two cases – anew) seven non-standard inscriptions of this type, found recently or previously unpublished. These are the inscriptions on the phylactery, encolpion, amphorae, jug, and bowl. They have a different character: an apotropaic text, a business letter, a humorous poem, an owner’s inscript

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Immerwahr, Henry R., and Rudolf Wachter. "Non-Attic Greek Vase Inscriptions." Classical World 96, no. 4 (2003): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352813.

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Eilers, Claude. "Archival Dockets in Greek Inscriptions." Tekmeria 17 (March 14, 2023): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.33956.

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   In addition to the documents that they disseminate, inscriptions sometimes contain artefacts of archival processes or “dockets”. Some three dozen examples are collected in the Catalogue, almost all of which accompany documents that originate outside the city where they are displayed. The article discusses what dockets imply about civic archives and what motivated their inclusion.  

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Kassian, Alexei. "Un-Making Sense of Alleged Abkhaz-Adyghean Inscriptions on Ancient Greek Pottery." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 22, no. 2 (2016): 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341301.

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A large number of Ancient Greek vases dated to the 1st millenniumbccontain short inscriptions. Normally, these represent names of craftsmen or names and descriptions of the depicted characters and objects. The majority of inscriptions are understandable in Ancient Greek, but there is a substantial number of abracadabra words whose meaning and morphological structure remain vague. Recently an interdisciplinary team (Mayoret alii2014) came up with the idea that some of the nonsense inscriptions associated with Amazons and Scythians are actually written in ancient Abkhaz-Adyghe languages. The ide

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Mosenkis, Iurii. "“Uninterpretable” cretan alphabetical inscriptions: “eteocretan” as phrygian?" Ukrainian Linguistics, no. 50 (2020): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/um/50(2020).31-41.

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The article is devoted to an old problem of several “Eteocretan” (i.e. “true Cretan”) inscriptions in Greek alphabet, found in Classical Crete (dated to c. 6–4 c. BC), but not interpreted in Greek until the present time. Despite several hypotheses, the problem remains unsolved. However, this enigma is very important to reconstruct the ethno-linguistic map of ancient Crete as the craddle of Minoan civilization and the oldest interpretable scripts in Europe (Cretan hieroglyphs and Linear A). According to a commonly accepted view, the “Eteocretan” inscriptions can be a rest of “Pre-Greek” languag

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Gatzke, Andrea F. "THE GATE COMPLEX OF PLANCIA MAGNA IN PERGE: A CASE STUDY IN READING BILINGUAL SPACE." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (2020): 385–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000324.

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Urban landscapes in the Roman world were covered in written text, from monumental building inscriptions to smaller, more personal texts of individual accomplishment and commemoration. In the East, Greek dominated these written landscapes, but Latin also appeared with some frequency, especially in places where a larger Roman audience was expected, such as major cities and Roman colonies. When Latin and Greek appear alongside each other, whether in the same inscription or across a single monumental space, we might ask what benefits the sponsor of the monument hoped to gain from such a bilingual

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Thonemann, Peter. "Inscriptions from Abdera and Maroneia." Tekmeria 15 (June 3, 2020): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.23347.

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The present article is concerned with three inscriptions from the Greek citiesof Abdera and Maroneia in coastal Thrace. Nos. 1 (Abdera) and 2 (Maroneia) were first published in the 2004 corpus of the inscriptions of Aegean Thrace (I.Thrac.Aeg. E1 and E181α), and improved texts of both are offered here; no.3 (Maroneia) is new. The first text is a fragmentary early-fifth century law from Abdera, concerned with upper and lower ages of eligibility for military service, and with what will happen in the event of a revolution or naval incursion at Abdera. The inscription is tentatively dated to the i

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González, Elena Martín, and Paschalis Paschidis. "The 21st-century epigraphic harvest from Macedonia." Archaeological Reports 63 (November 2017): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608418000133.

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On 16 June 1936 the young American epigraphist Charles Edson signed an agreement with the Berlin Academy of Sciences for the publication of all Greek inscriptions from Macedonia (Fig. 146) in the prestigious Inscriptiones Graecae series (see the text in Nigdelis 2015b: 10–12), estimating that the whole project could be completed within four years. His estimate proved, as so often in epigraphy, too optimistic. By 2016, only two volumes of inscriptions from ancient Macedonia had appeared in IG: the one Edson managed to complete in 1972 containing the inscriptions of Thessalonike (IG X 2.1) and t

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ARSLAN, Murat, Şükrü ÖZÜDOĞRU, and Nihal TÜNER ÖNEN. "A New Milestone from Cibyra." Gephyra 26 (October 23, 2023): 227–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.1373636.

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The article discussed here deals with a milestone whose location is unknown, but which is understood to have been erected 1.5 km away from the city center of Cibyra, based on the two inscriptions it bears. The milestone in question has two inscriptions indicating two different uses. Both inscriptions are written in Ancient Greek. While the first inscription dates to the Severan Period (AD 198-209), the latter belongs to the First Tetrarchy Period (AD 293-305). Both inscriptions give the city of Cibyra as caput viae and record the same distance. Thus, it is determined that the same milestone is

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Mairs, Rachel. "‘PROCLAIMING IT TO GREEKS AND NATIVES, ALONG THE ROWS OF THE CHEQUER-BOARD’: READERS AND VIEWERS OF ACROSTICH INSCRIPTIONS IN GREEK, DEMOTIC AND LATIN." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 1 (2017): 228–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000179.

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Hellenistic and Roman acrostich inscriptions are usually full of verbal and visual clues, which point the reader in the direction of the ‘hidden message’ contained in the vertical lines of the text. The authors of such inscriptions want their audiences to appreciate the skill that has gone into their composition. There are several complementary ways in which the presence of an acrostich might be signalled to the reader or viewer and their attention directed towards it. These include direct verbal statements, or more subtle allusions, within the text of the inscription. But, even without having

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Papanikolaou, Dimitrios. "Notes on a Gladiatorial Inscription from Plotinopolis." Tekmeria 14 (May 13, 2019): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.20419.

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The paper is concerned with a new gladiatorial tombstone from Plotinopolis. The paper raises serious doubts on the text of the inscription offered by itsinitial editor (Tsoka 2015); it also pinpoints towards Sharankov’s proposal(Année Épigraphique 2014 [2017] no. 1165, 493) as the only viable solution forthe text of the inscription, citing also unnoticed parallel passages from ancientGreek inscriptions and texts as evidence substantiating the new reading of the stone (see nn. 7-9). The paper expresses also disagreement over Tsoka’s assertion that thewords λοῦδοι and Μάτερνος of the inscription

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Bader, Nabil, and Martha Habash. "Greek Funerary Inscriptions from Northern Jordan." Syria 82, no. 1 (2005): 189–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/syria.2005.8690.

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Walbank, Michael B. "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora." Hesperia 54, no. 3 (1985): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/147891.

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Pucci Ben Zeev, Mariam. "Josephus, Bronze Tablets and Greek Inscriptions." L'antiquité classique 64, no. 1 (1995): 211–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.1995.1231.

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Olson, S. Douglas, P. J. Rhodes, and Robin Osborne. "Greek Historical Inscriptions 404-323 B.C." Classical World 99, no. 4 (2006): 463. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4353081.

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Walbank, Michael B. "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora." Hesperia 66, no. 2 (1997): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148484.

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Gera, Dov. "Some Dated Greek Inscriptions from Maresha." Palestine Exploration Quarterly 149, no. 3 (2017): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00310328.2017.1310575.

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Ovadiah, Asher, and Rosario Pierri. "Three Greek Inscriptions from Herodion – Reconsidered." Liber Annuus 68 (January 2018): 351–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.la.4.2019046.

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Lalonde, Gerald V. "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora." Hesperia 61, no. 3 (1992): 375. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148312.

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Walbank, Michael B. "Greek Inscriptions from the Athenian Agora." Hesperia 58, no. 1 (1989): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148321.

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Ruffing, Kai. "Greek Inscriptions in Mesopotamia (and Babylonia)." Studia Orientalia Electronica 11, no. 2 (2023): 109–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.129808.

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This article provides a short overview on the few Greek inscriptions from Mesopotamia which date to the period between the third century bce and the first century ce. It argues that since the concept of “identity” has certain shortcomings for a historical analysis of an ancient society it might be useful to apply the concepts “commonality,” “connectedness,” and “groupness” for a somehow further and deeper insight. Due to the lack of a larger group of Greek documents in the timeframe mentioned, these concepts are used for some short remarks on the graffiti of the Nebuchelos-Archive from Dura-Eu

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Evdokimova, Аlexandra. "Accentuation of Byzantine Greek Inscriptions on Metallic Objects from Different Collections." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2023): 351–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.6.26.

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Introduction. Analysis of sphragistic material in comparison with inscriptions from Italy made on metal showed that in inscriptions of this kind, in addition to the previously known Byzantine, Alexandrian and logical accentuation systems, systems with accent shifts to the right or left were actively used. Methodology. Inscriptions on metal objects were examined on the basis of photographs presented in different editions of the same monument. Material. The article presents the result of an analysis of the use of accentuation marks in 22 Byzantine Greek inscriptions on metal objects of the 9th –

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Al-Jallad, Ahmad, та Ali al-Manaser. "Old Arabic Minutiae II: Greek-Safaitic Bilinguals and Language Contact in the Syro-Arabian Ḥarrah". Arabica 69, № 4-5 (2022): 567–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341637.

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Abstract This article publishes a selection of texts discovered during the 2019 Badia Survey that shed light on the complex interactions between the inhabitants of the desert and settled areas. The inscriptions studied here include two new Safaitic-Greek bilingual texts, two new Greek inscriptions, and a Safaitic text composed by an inhabitant of the city of Bosra in the Ḥawrān.

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Κριτζάς, Χαράλαμπος Β. "Παρατηρήσεις σε επιγραφές από την Δυτική Κρήτη". Fortunatae. Revista Canaria de Filología, Cultura y Humanidades Clásicas, № 32 (2020): 295–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.fortunat.2020.32.20.

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The article proposes new readings and interpretations for 4 Greek inscriptions from Western Crete. At the stele of Tyliphos (area of Phalasarna) with a treaty of alliance between Phalasarna and Polyrhenia (early 3rd c. BC., Martinez-Fernandez, 2012: 46, No 2), l. 23: instead of ΑΙΑΚΟΝ (Αἰακός, the hero Aeacus) it should be read ΑΡΑΚΟΝ (ἄρακος, the field-weed vicia villosa, the hairy vetch). At the inscription from Polyrhenia (2nd c. BC, o.c., p. 169-170, No 76), ll. 15-16: instead of Ἀνδροκλῆς | Ἥρᾳ (a dedication in the dative), it should be read the genitive Ἡρᾶ, of the father’s name Ἡρᾶς. Th

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Vellidis, Nikki. "Finding Krateros. Exploring the Signatures on the Mosaics in the Roman Villa of Skala (Kefalonia)." PHASIS, no. 26 (June 10, 2024): 56–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.60131/phasis.26.2023.7871.

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Mosaic signatures provide an incredible and unique view into a sector of the ancient world that is often difficult to access. These signatures are formulaic – utilizing similar vocabulary, grammar, and phrasing. Therefore, when a signature deviates from the so-called “norm,” the unique aspects of the inscription should be carefully considered. This article analyses the figure of Krateros, a possible mosaicist or patron mentioned in two lengthy mosaic inscriptions from an Imperial Period villa on the Greek island of Kefalonia. Krateros was traditionally believed to be a mosaicist with an elabor

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Rosenmeyer, Patricia. "Greek Verse Inscriptions in Roman Egypt: Julia Balbilla's Sapphic Voice." Classical Antiquity 27, no. 2 (2008): 334–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2008.27.2.334.

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In 130 ce, Hadrian and Sabina traveled to Egyptian Thebes. Inscriptions on the Memnon colossus document the royal visit, including fifty-four lines of Greek verse by Julia Balbilla, an elite Roman woman of Syrian heritage. The poet's style and dialect (Aeolic) have been compared to those of Sappho, although the poems' meter (elegiac couplets) and content are quite different from those of her archaic predecessor. This paper explores Balbilla's Memnon inscriptions and their social context. Balbilla's archaic forms and obscure mythological variants showcase her erudition and allegiance to a Greek

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Mitchell, Stephen. "Inscriptions from Melli (Kocaaliler) in Pisidia." Anatolian Studies 53 (December 2003): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3643092.

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AbstractThis article presents several new inscriptions discovered during the survey of the Pisidian city at Melli directed by Dr Lutgarde Vandeput, and revisions to already published texts. These include several imperial statue bases from the city agora, four texts honouring city patrons, who include a provincial governor and a senior Roman equestrian official from the nearby Pisidian city of Selge, dedications and epitaphs. The most significant discovery is the first identified Greek copy of a votive text to ‘the gods and goddesses’, set up according to the interpretation of a Clarian oracle,

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Phiphia, N., та E. Kobakhidze. "К ВОПРОСУ ОБ ИДЕНТИФИКАЦИИ ЦАРЯ ИБЕРИИ АМАЗАСПА, КОРОЛЕВЫ ДРАКОНТИСЫ И КОРОЛЕВСКОГО ЧИНОВНИКА АНАГРАНА, УПОМЯНУТЫХ В ТРЕХ ГРЕЧЕСКИХ НАДПИСЯХ, НАЙДЕННЫХ В МЦХЕТЕ". Proceedings in Archaeology and History of Ancient and Medieval Black Sea Region, № 13 (15 лютого 2022): 925–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.53737/2713-2021.2021.35.71.033.

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Three Greek inscriptions found in Mtskheta reveal interesting information about Ancient Iberian royal court. However, identification of each of the persons, especially the king, is quite problematic. Still, there are some possibilities to deal. King of Iberia is mentioned in all three inscriptions, one of them reveals his name fully, another one partially, while king’s name is lost in the third one, however, one passage may still give us some hints about his identity or at least about Roman aspirations of Iberian court. Queen Dracontis is known only from one inscription. As for the royal offic

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Németh, György. "Jewish Elements in the Greek Magic of Pannonia." Journal of Ancient Judaism 1, no. 2 (2010): 181–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00102006.

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Numerous names and terms related to Jewish tradition are known from the territory of Roman Pannonia. Pannonian magical inscriptions raise the question, to what extent do names and terms of Hebrew origin bear witness to the presence of Jews in Pannonia in the first three centuries of the imperial age? An almost simultaneous appearance of the silver lamella from Aquincum and the golden lamella from Halbturn proves that the Jewish population of Pannonia not only commemorated itself in official inscriptions but also preserved its identity through amulets.

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