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Journal articles on the topic 'Greek Jews'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Dhont, Marieke. "Greek education and cultural identity in Greek-speaking Judaism: The Jewish-Greek historiographers." Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 29, no. 4 (2020): 217–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951820720936601.

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The style of the Jewish-Greek historiographers Eupolemus and Demetrius has often been evaluated as “bad Greek.” This is generally seen as evidence of their lack of education. The negative views on the language of Demetrius and Eupolemus are illustrative of a broader issue in the study of Hellenistic Judaism: language usage has been a key element in the discussion on the societal position of Jews in the Hellenistic world. In this article, I assess the style of the historiographers in the context of post-classical Greek, and conclude that their language reflects standard Hellenistic Greek. The linguistic analysis then becomes a starting point to reflect on the level of integration of Jews in the Greek-speaking world as well as to consider the nature of Jewish multilingualism in the late Second Temple period.

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2

Isaac, Jeffrey C. "Immigration Politics." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (2011): 501–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271100288x.

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“You are a Greek Jew? I thought all Greeks were Orthodox?” As a Jewish-American growing up in New York City, whose paternal grandparents were Jews who had emigrated from Greece in the 1920s, I was frequently asked this question by well-meaning—if confused—friends and acquaintances. Indeed, while “Greek Jew” has always been a central aspect of my multiply-hyphenated American identity, in fact my grandfather Morris Isaac, né Izaki, was from Salonika and, it turns out, he himself grew up as a Turkish Jew under the Ottoman Empire, only to discover after World War I that he was in fact (now) not a Turkish but a Greek Jew (which was not, in the parlance of his time, synonymous with being an authentic “Greek”). Greek (Orthodox) or Jewish? Greek or Turkish? Pogroms, wars, “ethnic cleansings,” and sometimes even genocides have been undertaken to resolve such questions, and indeed my ancestors experienced all of these things in the opening decades of the twentieth century. For my family, such traumas are part of the story of how my grandparents came to leave Greece and migrate to the US and become Americans and US citizens (alas, many of their relatives were not able to leave, and most ultimately perished at the hands of the Nazis).

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3

Kraemer, Ross S. "On the Meaning of the Term “Jew” in Greco-Roman Inscriptions." Harvard Theological Review 82, no. 1 (1989): 35–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000016011.

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The Greek terms Ἰουδαῖος/Ἰουδαία and their Latin equivalents Iudaeus/Iudaea have rarely posed serious translation problems for scholars. Whether in masculine or feminine form, singular or plural, regardless of declension, these terms have usually been taken as straightforward indicators of Jews, at least when applied to individual persons. Only recently A. T. Kraabel has suggested that these terms, uniformly translated “Jew” or “Jews,” might have other significance, in particular as indicators of geographic origin, that is, “Judaean(s).”

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4

LaCocque, Andre, and Elias Bickerman. "The Jews in the Greek Age." Journal of Biblical Literature 109, no. 2 (1990): 338. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3267033.

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5

Millar, Fergus. "The Jews in the Greek Age." Journal of Jewish Studies 40, no. 2 (1989): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1478/jjs-1989.

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6

Kamesar, Adam, and Elias J. Bickerman. "The Jews in the Greek Age." Journal of the American Oriental Society 110, no. 3 (1990): 576. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603231.

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7

Tripolitis, Antonia, and Elias J. Bickerman. "The Jews in the Greek Age." Classical World 83, no. 3 (1990): 256. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350630.

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8

Eddy, Samuel, and Elias J. Bickerman. "The Jews in the Greek Age." American Historical Review 95, no. 2 (1990): 464. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163781.

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9

Birnbaum, Ellen. "Two Millennia Later: General Resources and Particular Perspectives on Philo the Jew." Currents in Biblical Research 4, no. 2 (2006): 241–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x06059010.

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Twenty centuries after he lived, Philo is regarded by scholars in many disciplines as an important and intriguing subject of study. Extensive print and electronic resources are available to facilitate and inform Philonic research. Fifty years ago, writers debated whether Philo—long neglected by mainstream Jewish tradition—was more fundamentally a Jew or a Greek. To illuminate this issue, these writers often focused on possible Jewish and/or Greek sources of Philo’s ideas and examined his ideas in relation to Jewish and/or Greek parallels. In recent works, however, scholars have probed the complexity of Philo’s Jewish identity from a wider range of perspectives. These include describing what constitutes Philo’s Judaism (‘the descriptive approach’); examining how he deals with Jewish and universal aspects of certain themes (‘the thematic approach’); comparing his ideas to Jewish and other traditions to see how he uses these traditions (‘the comparative approach’); studying how he presents Jews and Judaism to create a positive impression among his readers (‘the presentational approach’); and taking into account the socio-political context of first-century Alexandria to explore his attitudes about Jews and others, to find reflections of contemporary circumstances in his works or to explore the relationship between his exegetical and historical writings (‘the socio-political approach’). Generally considered by scholars today to have been a loyal and observant Jew, Philo is occasionally being integrated into broader studies of the Second Temple period and of Diaspora Jews during that time, and he has also been included in surveys of Jewish topics from the Bible to the present.

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10

Berthelot, Katell. "The Accusations of Misanthropy Against the Jews in Antiquity." Antisemitism Studies 7, no. 2 (2023): 338–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/antistud.7.2.04.

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Abstract: This article argues that the origin of the accusation of misanthropy against the Jews is Greek—not Egyptian, as other scholars have thought—and reflects a Greek interpretative framework. The depiction of the Jewish way of life as misanthropic may go back to Hecataeus of Abdera, at the very beginning of the Hellenistic era, or it may have developed later, in the context of Ptolemaic Egypt or during the Judeo-Seleucid conflict of the second century BCE. Accusations of misanthropy are often found to appear during conflicts between Jews and Greeks—be it in the Seleucid kingdom, in Alexandria at the beginning of the first century CE, or in Syria during the first century. Moreover, several authors who depict the Jews as misanthropes share a Stoic or at least a universalist ideological background. Finally, in a Roman context, the accusation of misanthropy becomes associated with an aversion to the phenomenon of Judaization or conversion to Judaism.

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11

Berthelot, Katell. "The Accusations of Misanthropy Against the Jews in Antiquity." Antisemitism Studies 7, no. 2 (2023): 338–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/ast.2023.a910235.

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Abstract: This article argues that the origin of the accusation of misanthropy against the Jews is Greek—not Egyptian, as other scholars have thought—and reflects a Greek interpretative framework. The depiction of the Jewish way of life as misanthropic may go back to Hecataeus of Abdera, at the very beginning of the Hellenistic era, or it may have developed later, in the context of Ptolemaic Egypt or during the Judeo-Seleucid conflict of the second century BCE. Accusations of misanthropy are often found to appear during conflicts between Jews and Greeks—be it in the Seleucid kingdom, in Alexandria at the beginning of the first century CE, or in Syria during the first century. Moreover, several authors who depict the Jews as misanthropes share a Stoic or at least a universalist ideological background. Finally, in a Roman context, the accusation of misanthropy becomes associated with an aversion to the phenomenon of Judaization or conversion to Judaism.

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12

Meiser, Martin. "The Translation of the Septuagint – Then and Now." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 10, no. 1 (2018): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2018-0004.

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Abstract The program of „translating faith” was also inherent to the coming-into-existence of the so-called Septuagint. Jews living in Egypt began to translate their holy texts for pedagogical needs. The awareness of Greek cultural superiority required efforts to demonstrate that Jewish culture is equally valuable. Because of the non-Jewish political rulership, Jews had to emphasize their loyalty (Ex. 22.27 [28]; Deut. 17.15); anti-Jewish oppression built the desire of liberation (Isa. 9.3). The translation of the Septuagint therefore includes elements of inculturation (e.g. Gen. 1.26; Ex. 3.14) and dissociation (e.g. Prov. 3.19). Common language (between Jews and non-Jews) did not refer to a common religious feeling; and differences of language (between the Jews in Egypt and the Jews in Israel) did not imply “confessional controversies”. The translation of holy texts into Greek is hence no direct model for shaping ecumenical relationships nowadays, but an appeal to an ethos of speaking, writing, and translating in one’s own way.

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13

Andrade, Nathanael. "The Jewish Tetragrammaton: Secrecy, Community, and Prestige among Greek-Writing Jews of the Early Roman Empire." Journal for the Study of Judaism 46, no. 2 (2015): 198–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340099.

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In his retelling of Exod 3:14-16, Josephus (A.J. 2.275-276) frames the Tetragrammaton as a name that only Jews knew, and he indicates that Jews were not to intone it or disclose it to foreigners. His account illuminates a practice that certain Jews cultivated regarding their non-disclosure of the divine name. The disposition of Jews not to utter their divinity’s name preserved its sanctity and expressed acknowledgement of its ineffable character. But certain Jews, such as Josephus and Philo, also promoted among themselves and outsiders the premise that knowledge of the divine name was a characteristic feature of Jews, a feature of which non-Jews were unaware. Moreover, they framed knowledge of it as being restricted to a subgroup of privileged Jews, who safeguarded its sanctity. In this way, such Jews circulated and bolstered the Tetragrammaton’s reputation for secrecy. Intriguingly, Greek and Latin authors of the Roman Empire appear to corroborate this premise. Even as the divine name underwent increased circulation among non-Jews, such authors still conceived of the Jewish divinity as having a name that Jews did not disclose. Such was the Tetragrammaton’s reputation for secrecy, one which certain Jews actively cultivated and amplified.

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14

Gruen, Erich S. "Antisemitism in the Pagan World." Antisemitism Studies 7, no. 2 (2023): 405–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/antistud.7.2.06.

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Abstract: This article explores the ancient testimony that has often been understood to indicate pagan antisemitism among Greeks and Romans in antiquity. It seeks to challenge the common notions that hostility to Jews arose on religious or ideological grounds or that it was rooted in suspicion of, or contempt for, the outsider or that it represented fear of Jewish proselytizing that might threaten pagan institutions. The article seeks to show that the negative comments about Jews found in Greek and Roman writings amount to scorn and derision or simply amused misgivings, but little (if any) antisemitism. And the episodes of state or private actions against Jews were very rare and stemmed from exceptional circumstances.

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15

Gruen, Erich S. "Antisemitism in the Pagan World." Antisemitism Studies 7, no. 2 (2023): 405–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/ast.2023.a910237.

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Abstract: This article explores the ancient testimony that has often been understood to indicate pagan antisemitism among Greeks and Romans in antiquity. It seeks to challenge the common notions that hostility to Jews arose on religious or ideological grounds or that it was rooted in suspicion of, or contempt for, the outsider or that it represented fear of Jewish proselytizing that might threaten pagan institutions. The article seeks to show that the negative comments about Jews found in Greek and Roman writings amount to scorn and derision or simply amused misgivings, but little (if any) antisemitism. And the episodes of state or private actions against Jews were very rare and stemmed from exceptional circumstances.

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16

Lagos, Katerina. "The Agony of Greek Jews, 1940–1945." East European Jewish Affairs 40, no. 2 (2010): 207–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501674.2010.494024.

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17

De Vıdas, Albert. "Modern Greece and the Sephardim of Salonica an Overview." Belleten 64, no. 239 (2000): 161–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2000.161.

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The first encounter between Greece and tha Spanish and Portuguese Jews (the Sephardim) in modern times started in 1821 during the Greek rebellion against the Sultan. From the beginning this encounter would follow a rocky path because of three basic facts; the faithfulness of the Sephardim to the Ottoman Empire, the traditional religious anti-Semitism of the Greek population and the economic rivalry between Jews and Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean. Nowhere would the antagonism of the Greek population and government towards the Sephardim be more intense than in the city of Salonica, the Sephardic metropolis which Greece occupied in 1912. With over two-thirds of the population being Sephardi and with Spanish being the everyday language of the population, Salonica, under the liberal rule of the Sultans of the Ottoman Empire had flourished economically and had become the center of the Sephardic Nation within the Empire. Greek policy would be one of constant antagonism from the time of the occupation until the extermination of the Sephardim by the Germans and their loal collaborators during the Second World War. Every effort would be made by the Greek government to diminish the influence of the Sephardim in the city and to reduce their presence and economic wellbeing. The 70,000 Sephardim of Salonica at the time of the Greek occupation would see their numbers diminished by emigration. Those who remained would be reduced to a frightened minority in a city that had been theirs for over 400 years.

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18

Yli-Karjanmaa, Sami, and Elisa Uusimäki. "Good Life, Brave Death, and Earned Immortality: Features of a Neglected Ancient Virtue Discourse." Open Theology 8, no. 1 (2022): 297–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opth-2022-0207.

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Abstract This article examines early Jewish ideas of virtue that are usually ignored in presentations of the history of virtue discourse. We analyze the use of the Greek term ἀρετή in the Apocrypha of the Septuagint; all the occurrences of the term are in texts that were originally composed in Greek. We argue that the discussion on virtues – ideal human qualities and ways of living – in the Apocrypha has three thematic foci: (1) training, (2) courage, and (3) suffering and its postmortem rewards. Virtue prepares one to live well, encounter grave difficulties and even death with courage, and, finally, earn eternal life. We argue that it is implicit that virtuous Jews surpass, in ways that differ depending on the text, their more-or-less openly Greek antagonists who fail the virtue ideals that they would culturally be expected to uphold. Through their words and deeds, the exemplary Jews demonstrate that true virtue comes from a steadfast commitment to the Jewish tradition and the Mosaic law. Being a good Jew involves training that manifests itself in various desirable traits, but it also means acknowledging the divinity of the Jewish law as the basis of both the good life and the postmortem consequences of virtue.

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19

Kozlowski, Jan M. "God’s Name ὁ Ὤν (Exod 3:14) as a Source of Accusing Jews of Onolatry". Journal for the Study of Judaism 49, № 3 (2018): 350–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12492223.

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AbstractThe author of this article presents arguments in favor of the new hypothesis, according to which the misunderstanding by non-Jews of God’s nameho ōn(Exod 3:14), and its subsequent association with the Greek wordho onos(“the ass”), stands as a source for accusing Jews of onolatry.

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20

Runia, David T., and M. Stern. "Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism." Vigiliae Christianae 39, no. 4 (1985): 409. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1583781.

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21

Lieu, Judith. "The Greek World, the Jews, and the East." Journal of Jewish Studies 60, no. 1 (2009): 150–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2865/jjs-2009.

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22

Kamesar, Adam. "Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism." Journal of Jewish Studies 37, no. 2 (1986): 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1288/jjs-1986.

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23

Harrington, Daniel J. "Book Review: The Jews in the Greek Age." Theological Studies 49, no. 4 (1988): 731–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056398804900407.

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24

GOLDHILL, SIMON. "WHAT HAS ALEXANDRIA TO DO WITH JERUSALEM? WRITING THE HISTORY OF THE JEWS IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY." Historical Journal 59, no. 1 (2015): 125–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000047.

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ABSTRACTHistories of the Jews are a fundamental and polemical aspect of Christian and especially Protestant historiography in the nineteenth century. This article considers, in their context, the five most popular and influential multi-volume histories published in Britain, namely those of Henry Hart Milman, Heinrich Ewald, Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, Ernest Renan (the one significant – lapsed – Catholic historian in the tradition), and Emil Schürer. It shows how each of these major historians constructs an opposition between Alexandrian Judaism and Palestinian Judaism, a hierarchical opposition which denigrated Alexandrian Judaism as a betrayal or corruption of true religion because it depended on an assimilation of Jewishness and Greekness. The opposition of Greek and Jew was fundamental to nineteenth-century thought for a high intellectual tradition (most famously embodied in Matthew Arnold's categories of Hebraism and Hellenism). The Alexandrian Jews become for these historians an icon of a dangerous hybridity – despite the fact that the Septuagint, the Alexandrian Greek Bible, was the Bible of early Christianity. The article considers the different strategies adopted by these historians in response to this constructed opposition of Jerusalem and Alexandria, and its continuing implications for the historiography of the Hellenistic world.

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25

Hacham, Noah. "Bigthan and Teresh and the Reason Gentiles Hate Jews." Vetus Testamentum 62, no. 3 (2012): 318–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853312x645263.

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Abstract The account of Bigthan’s and Teresh’s conspiracy against the king (Esth 2:21-23) was transposed in the Septuagint to Addition A, which opens the book, while an additional story regarding a conspiracy to kill the king was introduced, in its stead, at the end of chapter 2 of this translation. These moves are part of Greek Esther’s reworking of the story in order to depict Mordechai as faithful to the king, and Haman as the king’s adversary who seeks his downfall, and to suggest that this contrast explains Haman’s animosity toward Mordechai, and the Jews, who are loyal to the throne. This tendency, to accentuate the Jews’ allegiance to the gentile monarch while understating the contrasts between Jews and gentiles, is widely manifested throughout Greek Esther. Its objective is to assert that gentile hatred of the Jews derives from their loyalty and reflects, in effect, hatred of the king. The historical backdrop to Esther, reworked in this manner, is most probably Egypt at the beginning of the first century BCE, when the extent of Jewish involvement within the Ptolemaic court and military was considerable.

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26

FERREIRA, Joel Antônio. "Antropologia semítica de Paulo Apóstolo em confronto com a antropologia grega." PHENOMENOLOGICAL STUDIES - Revista da Abordagem Gestáltica 14, no. 2 (2008): 212–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18065/rag.2008v14n2.8.

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will treat the concept of corporality in Paul. Boyarin, a North American Jew accuses Paul of dichotomy. And in this view, he reflects on the consequences this has brought to Jews up to the present time. This is not true. Boyarin, equivocally, interprets Paul from the point of view of Philo. I will show here that Paul sees the human as a complete and unified being, an entire human person. And starting from this view I will show how personal unity without any dichotomy can lead to unity in a community.

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27

Dhont, Marieke. "Intertext and allusion in Jewish-Greek literature: An introduction." Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 32, no. 2 (2022): 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09518207221137933.

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In the introduction to this special volume, Dhont reflects on Jewish literature in Greek as a research topic and contextualizes the primary research question that lies at the heart of the volume, namely, how did Greek-speaking Jews in the Hellenistic period navigate the multicultural encounter between Jewish and Greek traditions? The study of intertextuality and allusion provides a philological entry point into looking at the ways in which Jewish-Greek authors expressed their position in the cultural matrix of the ancient Mediterranean.

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28

Barclay, John M. G. "Who's the Toughest of them All? Jews, Spartans and Roman Torturers in Josephus' Against Apion." Ramus 36, no. 1 (2007): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000783.

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Josephus, the Judean general, Roman captive and Flavian protégé, devoted the last twenty-five years of his life, as a privileged resident in Rome, to the redescription of Jewish identity and to the strategic placement of his cultural tradition on the controverted map of the late first-century empire. After writing his delicately poised account of the Judean War, and the large-scale ‘autoethnography’ known as the Jewish Antiquities, his final and most intricate literary endeavour is his apologetic work, Against Apion. Here Jewishness is constructed and positioned in carefully nuanced dialectic with images of ‘Egyptian’, ‘Chaldean’, ‘Greek’ and (to some degree) ‘Roman’ cultural tradition. The rhetorical flamboyance of this piece and its predominantly polemical tone give Josephus considerable licence to manipulate the tropes that suit his argumentative needs. His eye-catching exordium and the opening vilification of ‘Greek’ historiography (1.1-56) start this treatise with a familiar antithesis between Eastern antiquity and the comparative youth and fickleness of the Greeks. But as the discourse develops we find Josephus deploying his considerable knowledge of the Greek literary and historical tradition to place his Jewish tradition both outside and inside ‘Greekness’, indeed also above (superior to) and behind (historically earlier than) what may be variously labelled ‘Greek’. What gives this manipulation of Greek historical and literary tropes particular interest is not only that Josephus writes explicitly as a Jew, and in defence of his own Jewish tradition, but that he does so in Rome, aware of how ‘Greekness’ may be variously bought and sold in the Roman market-place, ‘displayed or excoriated for its decadence’. It is within this triangulation of Jewish, Greek and Roman—the last always implicit if not explicit in Josephus' text—that the subject of Sparta becomes a particularly interesting topic of discussion.

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29

Tomes, Roger. "Heroism in 1 and 2 Maccabees." Biblical Interpretation 15, no. 2 (2007): 171–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851507x181147.

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AbstractThree types of heroism can be identified in 1 and 2 Maccabees: those of the warrior, the martyr and the suicide. While these concepts derive in part from the histories in the Hebrew Bible, they also display affinities with Greek ideas. Greek influence may be traced in vocabulary, in the manner of writing history, and in the emphasis on the motivation of the heroes. Greek history writing however occasionally appeals to universal values, whereas the Maccabaean literature does not look directly beyond the defence of the Jewish way of life. The martyrs were honoured by both Christians and Jews in times of persecution; and, although they never directly appealed to the suicide of Razis, Jews embraced suicide under the threat of torture or forced conversion as a legitimate way of 'sanctifying the name'. The example of Judas and his brothers may have been used to justify the Crusades: it has certainly helped to inspire Zionism and Israeli aspirations.

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30

Ragaru, Nadège, and Maël Le Noc. "Visual Clues to the Holocaust: The Case of the Deportation of Jews from Northern Greece." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 35, no. 3 (2021): 376–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcab058.

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Abstract This study explores the persecution of Greek Jewry in Bulgarian-occupied lands by analyzing a unique silent film, preserved in several archives, depicting the March 1943 roundup, transfer, and deportation of Greek Jews. Rather than approaching the archival footage as merely illustrative, the authors analyze it as an element integral to the study of these historical events. They identify the locations and situations visible in most sequences by drawing on various sources: photographs, newsreels, maps, digitalized data visualizations, print archival records, and oral testimonies. Uncovering the political, social, and geographical contexts of the footage production and editing thus contributes to the field of visual Holocaust studies and the history of the deportation of Jews from Bulgarian-occupied western Thrace and eastern Macedonia.

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31

PUCCI BEN ZE'EV, Maria. "Greek Attacks Against Alexandrian Jews During Emperor Trajan's Reign." Journal for the Study of Judaism 20, no. 1 (1989): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006389x00038.

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32

Holst-Warhaft, G. "The Tragedy of the Greek Jews: Three Survivors' Accounts." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 13, no. 1 (1999): 98–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/13.1.98.

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33

Avdela, Efi. "Toward a Greek History of the Jews of Salonica?" Jewish History 28, no. 3-4 (2014): 405–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10835-014-9220-3.

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34

Jones, Kenneth. "The Figure of Apion in Josephus' Contra Apionem." Journal for the Study of Judaism 36, no. 3 (2005): 278–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570063054377660.

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AbstractA comparison of Josephus' portrait of Apion with other ancient testimonia shows that the Jewish historian, in his effort to discredit the grammarian, focused on the same failing of character that other ancient authors had found. Josephus also aimed a deceptive attack at Apion's ethnicity wherein he blurs the line between the Alexandrian's Greek cultural identity and his Egyptian origin. Josephus took pains to construct an ideal opponent, one with whom the reader of Josephus' treatise—be he Jew, Greek, or Roman—would not sympathize. An analysis of Apion's "case" against the Jews shows that Josephus himself culled various Jewish items from Apion's Aegyptiaca and, after distorting the original intention of the excerpts, cobbled them together to form an easily refuted indictment of Jewish history and practices. An appendix examines the evidence for a supposed attributed to Apion.

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35

Biliuță, Ionuț. "The Ultranationalist Newsroom: Orthodox “Ecumenism” in the Legionary Ecclesiastical Newspapers." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 10, no. 2 (2018): 186–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2018-0015.

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Abstract The present paper discusses the anti-Greek Catholic and anti-Jewish attitudes of some Orthodox clergy as reflected in the interwar legionary press. By making reference to several newspapers (Legiunea, Predania, Glasul Strămoșesc) the article sheds light on the political mobilization of the legionary Orthodox clergymen and intellectuals in support of the xenophobic agenda regarding other denominations (especially the Greek-Catholics) and religious groups (the Jews) in interwar Romania.

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Lange, Nicholas De, and Natalie Tchernetska. "Glosses in Greek script and language in medieval Hebrew manuscripts." Scriptorium 68, no. 2 (2014): 253–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/scrip.2014.4309.

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Before the discovery of the Cairo Genizah manuscripts towards the end of the nineteenth century the use of Greek scripts by Jews in the Middle Ages was undocumented and indeed unsuspected. Even today, when several Genizah texts containing such writing have been published, no study exists of the scripts themselves, or of the historical setting in which they were used. This paper focuses on one specific group of Genizah texts : Hebrew manuscripts containing glosses or annotations in Greek, written in Greek script. While few in number, these texts are of great interest from the point of view both of their Jewish cultural context and of the history of Greek scripts.

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37

Koskenniemi, Erkki. "Philo and Greek Poets." Journal for the Study of Judaism 41, no. 3 (2010): 301–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006310x488034.

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AbstractPhilo's manner of quoting and referring to Greek poets has never been systematically investigated. This article shows how Philo often quotes Homer, but also Hesiod, Solon, Pindaros and Theognis. He knows the poets as well any Greek writer. In most cases, Philo quotes the verses exactly as we have them from other sources, preserving all the dialectic peculiarities. However, he may correct the quotation theologically, make a mistake or drop a line, and sometimes he might have learned a text that differed from ours. He often cleverly gives the words a new sense and makes them speak for his own view, following the manner of the Stoics. Philo's works allow us a glimpse the learned circles of the Alexandrian Jews. Philo had memorized poets in gymnasium. He hardly lost the contact to them after his early years, but allowed them to entertain him and his friends during his lifetime.

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Popa, Ion. "Nationalism, Conspiracy Theories, and Antisemitism in the Transylvanian Greek Catholic Newspaper Dumineca on the Eve of the Holocaust (1936–1940)." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 34, no. 1 (2020): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcaa005.

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Abstract In the first half of the twentieth century churches in Eastern Europe often promoted extreme nationalism and antisemitism. Their very effectiveness discouraged many bystanders from helping Jews during the Holocaust. Here the author studies a little-known journal published by the Greek Catholic (Uniate) bishopric of Maramureş, a Transylvanian province of Romania (and Hungary from 1940 to 1944) with a significant Jewish population. This journal contributed to a climate in which the Christian population would look on with equanimity or even assist as the Nazi New Order pursued the mass murder of all Jews.

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Goodman, Martin. "The Jews of Syria as Reflected in the Greek Inscriptions." Journal of Jewish Studies 53, no. 1 (2002): 169–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2407/jjs-2002.

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Hezser, Catherine. "Education in Roman Palestine. Part 3. Greek education for jews." St.Tikhons' University Review. Series IV. Pedagogy. Psychology 54 (September 30, 2019): 75–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiv201954.75-83.

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Fleming, K. E. "The Agony of Greek Jews, 1940–1945 (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 29, no. 2 (2011): 209–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2011.0041.

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Stewart, Tyler A. "Jewish Paideia: Greek Education in the Letter of Aristeas and 2 Maccabees." Journal for the Study of Judaism 48, no. 2 (2017): 182–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340146.

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The substantial corpus of Jewish literature surviving in Greek shows that some Jews appropriated Greek literature and philosophy in highly sophisticated ways. This article argues that Letter of Aristeas and 2 Maccabees are examples of a Jewish paideia, a Jewish cultural literacy in Greek. This Jewish paideia was indebted to the language, literary forms, and philosophy of Hellas, but was set apart by endorsing the Torah as its foundation text. The difference between Letter of Aristeas and 2 Maccabees is not in their appropriation of Greek paideia but rather in how they endorse the Greek Torah in relation to the ideals of Greek paideia. The Letter of Aristeas invokes the ideals of Greek paideia to substantiate a Jewish paideia while 2 Maccabees places Jewish ideals in competition with those of Athens. Both works, however, articulate a Jewish paideia.

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Mills, Amy. "THE PLACE OF LOCALITY FOR IDENTITY IN THE NATION: MINORITY NARRATIVES OF COSMOPOLITAN ISTANBUL." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 3 (2008): 383–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080987.

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These words of an elderly Jewish man in Istanbul relate his memory of neighborhood life with Greeks, Armenians, and Muslims in the neighborhood of Kuzguncuk. In this place, there were no arguments between people of different religious backgrounds; Muslims shared “his” language, and he, as a Jew, knew Greek. As I examine his narrative for what it emphasizes and for the silences in between, I read Kuzguncuk as exceptional: describing an absence of argument in the past suggests that tension exists today; sharing multiple ethnic languages is understood now to be an old-fashioned rarity. His statement “Because we are Kuzguncuklu Jews, our Muslims over there loved us very much” suggests that in Kuzguncuk, he and his Muslim neighbors shared a common tie to place, a unique identity as Kuzguncuklu (of Kuzguncuk) that superseded any difference based on religion or ethnicity. As he describes a culture that remained from Ottoman times, his story illuminates indirectly the current Turkish national context that conditions the telling of his narrative.

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Gruber, Isaiah. "Biblical Languages and National-Religious Boundaries in Muscovy." Russian History 41, no. 1 (2014): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04101001.

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Inspired in part by conversations with David Goldfrank, this essay considers aspects of how attitudes toward biblical language contributed to representations of national and religious identity in late medieval and early modern Muscovite Russia. At roughly the same time in history that revived Hebrew and Greek study in Western Europe helped to stimulate the Renaissance and Reformation, bookmen in East Slavia also reconsidered the original languages of sacred writings. Contrary to what is sometimes assumed, such interest was neither unknown nor marginal within Muscovite religious culture. Hebrew-Russian glossaries circulated in leading monasteries from at least the thirteenth century; major infusions of Greek (and other) words and definitions in the sixteenth century transformed these texts into multilingual dictionaries. This mainstream tradition in Russian Orthodoxy can be linked to such important religious figures as Nil Sorskii and Maksim Grek. I argue that by “appropriating” biblical languages and terminology, often via inaccurate translations, Muscovite Russian literati created and defended their distinctive identity vis-à-vis Jews and Greeks, who were considered God’s former chosen peoples. These findings suggest reconsideration of the nature and boundaries of faith in Muscovy in the “age of confessionalism.”

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Skira, Yurii Romanovych. "The Start of the Jews Rescue Campaign by the Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky in August 1942." Dnipropetrovsk University Bulletin. History & Archaeology series 25, no. 1 (2017): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/261709.

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Start of the campaign for the rescue of the Jews by the Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky in August 1942 is studied in the article. The author begins with an analysis of the August campaign in 1942 as a massive Holocaust of Lvivʼs Jewish community. He focuses on the fact that a foreboding of imminent catastrophe felt by some Jews led them, in despair, to address the Head of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church. A visit of Rabbis Dawid Kahane and Kalman Chameides started the campaign for the rescue of Jewish children from Lviv Ghetto. Active rescue efforts regarding adult Jews were made during the August operation. Some sources allow us to assert that sheltering the Jews in cellars of St. Georgeʼs Cathedral architectural complex was not a one-time act of commitment but an ongoing rescue operation under conditions of growing genocide. Events that took place in August 1942 became the turning point for Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky and Lviv Jews and their relationship, since they started the process of rescuing people deprived of the right to live by the Nazis. This rescuing campaign developed during the following months of autumn 1942.

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Hacham, Noah. "The Letter of Aristeas: A New Exodus Story?" Journal for the Study of Judaism 36, no. 1 (2005): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570063054012150.

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AbstractA common opinion views the purpose of the Letter of Aristeas as strengthening the self-identity of Egyptian Diaspora Jewry by sanctifying the Greek translation of the Torah. As Orlinsky has shown, this view is supported by linguistic and thematic parallels between Aristeas and biblical descriptions of the giving of the Torah. The linguistic and thematic associations, however, do not only apply to this specific biblical episode, but also to the entire book of Exodus including the exodus story itself. The author of Aristeas transformed the biblical stories of the exodus and the giving of the Torah into a new foundation story of Egyptian Jewry. In doing so, the new story disregards the biblical hostility to Egypt and instead expresses sympathy for the Ptolemaic king who released the Jews from slavery, settled them in Egypt and initiated the Torah translation into Greek. The aim of Aristeas was to offer a religious justification for the residence of Jews in Egypt.

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Székely, Gabriel. "Gréckokatolícka cirkev a Židia v Slovenskej republike v rokoch 1939–1945." Studia historica Brunensia, no. 2 (2022): 91–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/shb2022-2-4.

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The study analyzes the attitude of the Greek Catholic Church towards the Jewish population in the Slovak Republic during 1939–1945. In the authoritarian political regime, this minority church was confronted with the nationalist and racial (anti-Semitic) policies of the state; a fundamentally oppositional attitude towards the regime was interpreted in the form of pastoral letters, or public appearances of its hierarch – Bishop Peter Pavel Gojdič. The study describes specific forms of help from the clergy of the Greek Catholic Church intending to rescue the Jewish population from the repressive measures and deportations of the regime. The most common form of help and rescue of Jews was baptism and the issuing of false letters on baptisms with antedated baptisms. Persecuted Jews also found help by getting presidential exemptions and issuing letters on baptisms, hiding valuables and movable property, saving their real estates from arization, and finally sheltering people from persecution and deportation.

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Németh, György. "Jewish Elements in the Greek Magic of Pannonia." Journal of Ancient Judaism 1, no. 2 (2010): 181–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00102006.

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Numerous names and terms related to Jewish tradition are known from the territory of Roman Pannonia. Pannonian magical inscriptions raise the question, to what extent do names and terms of Hebrew origin bear witness to the presence of Jews in Pannonia in the first three centuries of the imperial age? An almost simultaneous appearance of the silver lamella from Aquincum and the golden lamella from Halbturn proves that the Jewish population of Pannonia not only commemorated itself in official inscriptions but also preserved its identity through amulets.

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Eshel, Esther, Hanan Eshel, and Armin Lange. "“Hear, O Israel” in Gold." Journal of Ancient Judaism 1, no. 1 (2010): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00101004.

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This article presents a recently discovered gold amulet, dated to the 3rd century C. E. and inscribed with the Hebrew text of the “Shema‘” (Deut 6:4) in Greek characters. The amulet was found in 2000, in excavations of a cemetery in Halbturn, Austria. This discovery sheds new light on the history of the Jews in Roman Pannonia and illuminates how the Shema‘ was used and understood by Jews of late antiquity. In addition to a line-by-line commentary of the amulet, we also discuss the interpretive history of Deut 6:4 and the use of mezuzot and amulets in ancient Judaism.

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Christou, Anastasia. "Curatorial Dissonance and Conflictual Aesthetics: Holocaust Memory and Public Humanities in Greek Historiography." Histories 4, no. 2 (2024): 204–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories4020010.

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Despite the increasingly diverse societal landscape in Greece for more than three decades within a context of migration, understandings of its fragile histories are still limited in shaping a sense of belonging that is open to ‘otherness’. While Greek communities have utilised history as a pathway to maintain identity, other parallel histories and understandings do not resonate with ‘Greekness’ for most, such as the case of Greek Jewry. Critical historical perspectives can benefit from tracing ‘re-membering’ as a feminist practice in the reassessment of societal values of inclusivity. Histories of violence and injustice can also include elements of ‘difficult histories’ and must be embraced to seek acknowledgement of these in promoting social change and cultural analysis for public humanities informing curation and curricula. Between eduscapes, art heritage spaces, an entry into contested and conflictual histories can expand a sense of belonging and the way we imagine our own connected histories with communities, place and nation. Greek Jews do not constitute a strong part of historical memory for Greeks in their past and present; in contrast to what is perceived as ‘official’ history, theirs is quite marginal. As a result, contemporary Greeks, from everyday life to academia, do not have a holistic understanding in relation to the identities of Jews in Greece, their culture or the Holocaust. Given the emergence of a new wave of artistic activism in recent years in response to the ever-increasing dominance of authoritarian neoliberalism, along with activist practices in the art field as undercurrents of resistance, in this intervention I bring together bodies of works to create a dialogic reflection with historical, artistic and feminist sources. In turn, the discussion then explores the spatiotemporal contestations of the historical geographies of Holocaust monuments in Greece. While interrogating historical amnesia, I endeavour to provide a space to engage with ‘difficult histories’ in their aesthetic context as a heritage of healing and social justice.

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