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Journal articles on the topic 'Greek letters'
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1
S. Prtija, Slobodanka. "ANCIENT EPISTOLOGRAPHY: THE DEVELOPMENT OF LETTER-WRITING IN GREECE." Филолог – часопис за језик књижевност и културу 13, no. 25 (June 30, 2022): 189–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.21618/fil2225189p.
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The development of ancient epistolography could be associated with the very development of literacy in Greece. Apart from its original function, to transfer a notice to a distant person, the letter has expanded its realm over time. Trough an overview of the letters preserved in the Greek language area and in the works of Greek authors, we can see various functions the letter assumed – both in everyday life and in literature. Numerous accounts and fragments of letters, from short business notice on lead tablets to private letters written on papyrus, which served as a means for preserving familiar or friendly relationships, point to a great popularity of the letter in ancient times. Given the flexibility of its form and the possibility of its usage on a number of occasions, whether public or private, both by the educated and by the uneducated, we notice that the epistolary form, as a means of communication, soon became firmly rooted in the Greek cultural area. The paper aims at highlighting the very beginning of developing the form of letter in Greece, its basic elements and characteristics, as well as the terms used for it in the Greek language.
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Acerbi, F. "Mathematical Generality, Letter-Labels, and All That." Phronesis 65, no. 1 (February 4, 2020): 27–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685284-12342029.
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AbstractThis article focusses on the generality of the entities involved in a geometric proof of the kind found in ancient Greek treatises: it shows that the standard modern translation of Greek mathematical propositions falsifies crucial syntactical elements, and employs an incorrect conception of the denotative letters in a Greek geometric proof; epigraphic evidence is adduced to show that these denotative letters are ‘letter-labels’. On this basis, the article explores the consequences of seeing that a Greek mathematical proposition is fully general, and the ontological commitments underlying the stylistic practice.
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Morrison, A. D. "Dead Letter Office? Making Sense of Greek Letter Collections." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 97, no. 2 (December 22, 2021): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.97.2.1.
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The letter collections of Greco-Roman antiquity dwarf in total size all of ancient drama or epic combined, but they have received far less attention than (say) the plays of Euripides or the epics of Homer or Virgil. Although classicists have long realised the crucial importance of the order and arrangement of poems into ‘poetry books’ for the reading and reception both of individual poems and the collection as a whole, the importance of order and arrangement in collections of letters and the consequences for their interpretation have long been neglected. This piece explores some of the most important Greek letter collections, such as the Letters attributed to Plato, and examines some of the key problems in studying and editing collections of such ancient letters.
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Weiss, Tzahi. "On the Matter of Language: The Creation of the World from Letters and Jacques Lacan's Perception of Letters as Real." Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 17, no. 1 (2009): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/147728509x448993.
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AbstractJewish texts from Late Antiquity, as well as culturally affiliated sources, contain three different traditions about the creation of the world from alphabetic letters. This observation, which contradicts the common assumption that the myth of creation from letters stems from the holiness of the Jewish language, calls for comparative study. A structural approach to the letter as a founding ontological element is corroborated by the ancient Greek word stoicheion (στoιχειoν), which refers to both physical foundations and alphabetic letters. To analyze this attitude to the letter in the ancient world, I draw on the psychoanalytic theory of Jacques Lacan, which addresses the question of the letter in the framework of human discourse. I use Lacan's concepts to describe and illuminate the inherent connection between letters and the very foundations of the world.
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ALLEN, LINDSAY. "THE LETTER AS OBJECT: ON THE EXPERIENCE OF ACHAEMENID LETTERS." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 56, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2013.00056.x.
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Abstract This paper arises from research undertaken as part of the AHRC-funded project, ‘Communication, Language and Power in the Achaemenid empire: the correspondence of the satrap Arshama’. The project enabled a reengagement with the letters, sealings, and bag purchased in the 1940s by the Bodleian Library from the estate of the archaeologist Ludwig Borchardt. The discussion explores two parallel approaches to reconstructing the three-dimensional function of Achaemenid letters. First, technical variations in letter format and state of preservation reveal a range of physical interactions with letters, both open and closed. Second, Greek prose representations of Persian history imagine letters as objects working with their messengers within Achaemenid (usually royal) communications. This focus on the letter as object prompts us to hypothesize social, performative, and oral elements within the epistolary system.
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Penella, Robert J. "Anacharsis in a Letter of Apollonius of Tyana." Classical Quarterly 38, no. 2 (December 1988): 570–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800037289.
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Philostratus remarks on the terseness of the letters of Apollonius of Tyana (Vita Apoll. 7.35, cf. 4.27), and letter 61 is a good example of that stylistic feature. Addressed to a Lesbonax, it says: ᾽Agr;νἀχαπσις ó Σκὑθης ῆν σπφóς εí δὲ Σκὐθης, ὃτι καì ϳκὐθης (‘Anacharsis the Scythian was a sage.. And if he was a Scythian, then it was because he was a Scythian that he was a sage’). In my commentary to the letters, I observed that Apollonius is drawing here on the tradition of the Scythians as an idealized race, unspoiled by the cultivations of Greek city life, and is implicitly criticizing his contemporaries in the Greek world for not living up to the high ideals of Hellenism. I compared a critical remark in letter 34 that alludes to Euripides, Orestes 485: “ἐβαπβαπὡθ” οὐ “χπóνιος ὢν ἀφ’ ‘Ελλἁδι. More can now be said.
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Damodaram Pillai, Karan. "The Hybrid Origin of Brāhmī Script from Aramaic, Phoenician and Greek Letters." Indialogs 10 (April 12, 2023): 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/indialogs.213.
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The origins of Brāhmī script have been mired in controversy for over a century since the Semitic model was first proposed by Albrecht Weber in 1856. Although Aramaic has remained the leading candidate for the source of Brāhmī, no scholar has adequately explained a letter by letter derivation, nor accounted for the marked differences between Aramaic, Kharoṣṭhīand Brāhmī scripts. As a result, the debate is far from settled. In this article I attempt to finally answer the vexed questions that have plagued scholars for over a century, regarding the exact origins of Brāhmī, through a comparative letter by letter analysis with other Semitic origin scripts. I argue that Brāhmī was not derived from a single script, but instead was a hybrid invention by Indian scholars from Aramaic, Phoenician and Greek letters provided by a western Semitic trader.
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O’Sullivan, Neil. "In Search of Atticus’ Greek." Journal of Hellenic Studies 139 (September 19, 2019): 94–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426919000053.
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AbstractCicero’s friend and correspondent Titus Pomponius Atticus was a key figure in the Graeco-Roman cultural life of his time, and knowing about the Greek that he used would give us insight not only into this broader culture, but also into the Greek language itself at this crucial point of its history. However, no writings by him survive, and his Greek can only be reconstructed from Cicero’s letters. The only previous attempt to do this was made nearly a century ago and was generously inclusive but lacking in discernment. The current study seeks to distinguish the different types of evidence on this question that Cicero’s letters can offer. It provides a list of those Greek words we can be most confident featured in Atticus’ letters and suggests some criteria for judging the more numerous doubtful instances. Finally, it points to some conclusions about Atticus’ Greek, and how this may have differed from Cicero’s.
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Kircher, Timothy. "At Play in the Republic of Letters: The Correspondence of Lapo da Castiglionchio the Younger." Renaissance Quarterly 71, no. 3 (2018): 841–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/699598.
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AbstractThis article examines the letter collection of Lapo da Castiglionchio the Younger (1406–38), an important translator of classical Greek. While scholars have edited the letters chronologically or analyzed them piecemeal, my study shows that as an ensemble the work artfully conveys a cultural and philosophical statement. By playing with time, circumstance, and persona, Lapo reveals the shortcomings of the humanist program, since it associated learning and virtue with public recognition; in addition, the letters elicit the readers’ empathy, as both patronage and Stoic self-reliance are found wanting. The humanist reawakening of the classics was witnessed here in conversation.
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Delacroix-Besnier, Claudine. "Revisiting Papal Letters of the Fourteenth Century." Medieval Encounters 21, no. 2-3 (July 2, 2015): 150–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342189.
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The fourteenth century is a key moment for papal diplomacy. The popes, then based in Avignon, implemented a very active policy toward the Eastern Christian Churches, the purpose of which was to bring the Greek Schism to an end. In achieving this aim, the popes were helped by the particular historical conjuncture resulting from the Turks’ pressure upon the Greek Empire. Revisiting papal correspondence issued during that period shows numerous groups of letters that were addressed to the West as well as to Constantinople, specifically to the emperor or to the Greek authorities. A study of the letters enables us to detect an evolution, albeit a small one, of the papal position on the schism, and the causes of this evolution, which related to the fact that the new actors involved were more and more often Greek or Greek-speaking.
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Tselikas, Agamemnon. "My Distant Acquaintance with Philosopher-Physician Nikolaos Louros and my Intimate Engagement with His Archives." DELTOS 34, no. 52 (July 1, 2024): 78–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/dj.38291.
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Five letters exchanged between Nikolaos Louros, the medical doctor, academician, philosopher, and renowned men of letters during the 1963-1966 years, are presented in this article. The topic of all these letters was the Louros’ decision to use in his voluminous book “Obstetrics and Gynaecology” the vernacular Greek language instead of the formal “Katharevousa” an artificial language imposed on the newly formed Greek State by the middle of the 19th century by the then archaephile literati. Their aim was initially applauded as a means to “purify” the language suffering of the many local dialects and the “barbarism” of the mass of uneducated Greeks. However, as time passed, it became an obstacle to expression and free thinking. The establishment, particularly the medical one, insisted upon its use in the University and the texts written by the faculty members. Thus, it required a lot of courage by Nikolaos Louros to use for the first time the vernacular in a scientific medical book. The opportunity to present these epistles was given by my friend Professor Athanasios Diamandopoulos, who classified Louros’ huge Archive wherein, between a lot of other letters, those five ones were traced. These include two between the academician novelist Elias Venezis (1963), two more with the philosopher Evangelos Papanoutsos (1963) and one with the intellectual author Kostis Bastias (1966). The spirit of all of five letters underlines the overwhelming acceptance by the recipients of Louros’ ideas about the language. They accept the real contribution of the vernacular to a better understanding by medical students the substance of Louros’ book which would be otherwise obscured by the bounds of “katharevousa” The article concludes with the memories of the author ‘s acquaintance with Louros while the former was in his green days in paleography and Louros already was a respectable member of the echelons in the academic and social life.
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Dasse-Hartaut, Sandrine, and Paweł Hitczenko. "Greek letters in random staircase tableaux." Random Structures & Algorithms 42, no. 1 (February 18, 2012): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/rsa.20405.
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Ricciardetto, Antonio. "The vocabulary of care and healing in the Greek private letters of Byzantine Egypt." Trends in Classics 13, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 227–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2021-0008.
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Abstract Amid the corpus of Greek papyri discovered in the sands of Egypt, some fifty letters dated from the end of the 3rd century CE to the 7th century refer to a disease which afflicts an animal or a private individual – either the sender or the recipient of the letter, or to a third party. Seventeen of these also provide details on care and healing. How do these seventeen letters, which ostensibly do not derive from the medical world, describe the evolution of a disease, and especially its outcome when it is fortunate for the sick person? What are the healing strategies implemented by these individuals? These are the questions that I try to answer, while emphasising the contribution of these documents to the history of health and disease in Byzantine Egypt.
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Ní Mheallaigh, Karen. "THE ‘PHOENICIAN LETTERS’ OF DICTYS OF CRETE AND DIONYSIUS SCYTOBRACHION." Cambridge Classical Journal 58 (November 26, 2012): 181–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270512000103.
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Dictys of Crete's Journal of the Trojan War seems to invite the reader to imagine two different versions of the imaginary ancient Ur-text: one that was written in Phoenician language and script, and another that was written using ‘Phoenician letters’ but whose language was Greek. What is the meaning of the text's different fantasies of its own origins? And how is the reader to understand the puzzlingly implausible Punico-Greek text that is envisaged in Septimius' prefatory letter? This article examines first why the Journal's fantasy Ur-text changed as the Dictys-text itself evolved, and what the text's fiction of its own origins can tell us, not only about its readers' contemporary context, but also about their fantasies about their own literary past – and future as well. Secondly, comparison with the work of Dionysius Skytobrachion, himself the author of a pseudo-documentary Troy-history, offers a new interpretation of what, precisely, Septimius' ‘Punic letters’ may have represented in ancient readers' minds, and opens up a new (imaginary) literary hinterland in the heroic past for the fictional author Dictys and his text.
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Koperski, Marcin. "Listy księdza biskupa Michała Kuziemskiego. Źródła do poznania historii greckokatolickiej diecezji chełmskiej w latach 1868–1871. Część 2." Rocznik Przemyski. Historia 1 (27) (December 29, 2022): 153–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/24497347rph.22.022.16647.
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Letters of Bishop Michał Kuziemski. The sources to discover the history of the Greek Catholic Diocese of Chełm between 1868 and 1871. Part 2 This paper is the second part of the article Letters of Bishop Michał Kuziemski. The sources to discover the history of the Greek Catholic diocese of Chełm previously published in “Rocznik Przemyski. Historia”. It consists of letters translated from Latin and Italian (nos. 16 to 24) published in the book by Fr. Luigi Glinka titled Diocesi ucraino-cattolica di Cholm (Ukrainian Catholic Diocese of Chełm) published in Rome in 1975. It is for the first time that the content of those letters is introduced in Polish historiography.
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Wesoły, Marian Andrzej. "Manifesto of the Epicurean Philosophy of Life." Peitho. Examina Antiqua 10, no. 1 (November 29, 2019): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2019.1.4.
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Epicurus’ philosophy grew out of his life experiences, contacts, polemics, journeys and other activities. Apart from such great works as the monumental On nature (Peri phuseôs) in 37 books, Epicurus authored also various extracts (epitomai), principle doctrines, sayings and letters. The letters, while addressed to many students and friends, were for him a very important tool of propagating his own philosophy. Epicurus’ fascinating Letter to Menoeceus can be regarded as a manifesto of his philosophy of life. In historiography, it is often characterized as an exposition of his ethics, even though Epicurus probably did not use the term himself. To better capture the composition and spirit of this work, the Greek text of the letter has been somewhat rearranged here: for the sake of clarity, ample spaces and special paragraphs have been provided, and appropriate headings have been introduced in the Polish translation.
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Peresada, Yelyzaveta. "GRAPHIC LINGUISTICS: Delineating the Advancement of Writing Systems in the European Linguocultures." Theory and Practice of Teaching Ukrainian as a Foreign Language, no. 18 (May 30, 2024): 239–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/ufl.2024.18.4410.
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This article highlights the general reception of the evolution of writing. The development of writing as a system of signs is under consideration. It is ascertained that writing is a basic concept of graphical linguistics as its separate branch, and graphics is an underlying principle of each ethnos linguoculture, which is fixed in the process of language formation. It is accepted that writing is a crucial invention of mankind since it stimulated the further development and transmission of information. The initial form of writing was launched by the ancient Sumerians and Egyptians. The stages of writing development from pictographic to letter-sound are specified. In spite of regarding the emergence of new types of writing as a process of human evolution, such a form of writing as pictography – an extra-lingual sign system – remains relevant today, and it is used to transmit information intended for various ethnic groups. The development of letter-sound writing is traced, as well as its shift from the consonantal-sound type to the vocalized-sound writing, the emergence of the first alphabet (Phoenician) with consonants only. The paper then discusses the transition of the Phoenician alphabet to the Greek writing, which was supplemented with new graphemes to represent vowels, making it a vocalized-sound writing system. The article then goes on to characterize the different types of writing systems according to the form, size, and style of their letters. Moreover, the borrowing of individual letters from the Greek alphabet for the development of writing in the European linguocultures is also mentioned. The chain-like development of the Greek alphabet is observed, which led to the rise of the Latin alphabet. The article concludes by finding that the majority of European languages have a Latin-graphic background, simultaneously, the alphabet has become a prominent feature of each language, reflecting the history of the linguoculture of a particular nation. Key words: writing, writing system, pictography, letter-sound writing, Greek alphabet.
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Pavlou, Maria. "Clytemnestra's letter in Iakovos Kambanellis’ Letter to Orestes." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 40, no. 2 (September 22, 2016): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2016.8.
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Kambanellis’ Letter to Orestes constitutes Clytemnestra's apologia for the murder of Agamemnon and is addressed to her estranged son Orestes. Until now, research has concentrated mainly on the content, verbal message and metatheatrical dimension of Clytemnestra's letter, laying emphasis upon Kambanellis’ intertextual links with the ancient Greek tragedies revolving around the Atreid myth. This article focuses attention on the dramatic form of the letter, examining it as a physical object with social connotations and as an active agent in the development of the events. It is argued that in emphasizing these aspects of the letter Kambanellis was probably influenced by the function of letters in two of the Greek tragedies which he clearly draws upon in The Supper trilogy: Euripides’ Iphigenia at Aulis and Iphigenia among the Taurians. However, Kambanellis’ intention was not to reproduce his tragic models but rather to exploit the medium of the letter in order to reconsider a staple of his own work: the disconcerting issue of human, and more particularly of familial, communication.
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Flaherty, Mary Jean. "Old Hats, Second Helpings, and Greek Letters." Clinical Nurse Specialist 10, no. 4 (July 1996): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00002800-199607000-00008.
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Sangduk Lee. "The Power of Letters on Greek Inscriptions." Journal of Greco-Roman Studies 57, no. 3 (January 2019): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.23933/jgrs.2019.57.3.29.
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Sargent, Benjamin. "Neither Jew nor Greek." Novum Testamentum 65, no. 2 (March 15, 2023): 240–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-bja10043.
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Abstract Ignatius of Antioch makes very little reference to specific texts from the Scriptures of Israel. This has been interpreted as evidence of little interest in Scripture, which, in turn has been used to plot Ignatius on a parting of the ways trajectory. The evidence for this interpretation is weak. Ignatius refers to Scripture in a way that is comparable to some Pauline letters. Furthermore, his statements about Scripture and his use of texts suggest that he differs little from the hermeneutical assumptions of apostolic Christianity.
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Capone, Alessandro. "Sulla versione latina delle Epistole a Cledonio." Augustinianum 55, no. 2 (2015): 381–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201555227.
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This contribution focuses attention on the lexical and syntactic features of the Latin version of the Letters to Cledonius: In the passages examined it highlights the differences between the translation and the Greek text, recreates the practices and the strategies of the translator, with particular reference to the two Letters and in some cases to other of Gregory of Nazianzen's texts as reported in Laur. San Marco 584. Lastly the article evaluates the genuineness of the Latin text that was handed down and the possible supply to the constitution of the Greek text.
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WANEK, NINA-MARIA. "The Greek and Latin Cherubikon." Plainsong and Medieval Music 26, no. 2 (October 2017): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137117000043.
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ABSTRACTThis article focuses on the so-called ordinary Cherubikon/Cherubic hymn (Οἱ τὰ χερουβίμ/Oi ta Cherubim) found in Byzantine manuscripts in connection with the Divine Liturgies of St John Chrysostomos and St Basil throughout the church year except for Lent and Easter. The Cherubikon is not, however, restricted to Byzantine codices, but can be found in various Latin manuscripts transliterated into Western letters and written with Western neumes.
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Mullen, Alex. "‘In both our languages’: Greek–Latin code-switching in Roman literature." Language and Literature: International Journal of Stylistics 24, no. 3 (August 2015): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963947015585244.
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After a short introduction to code-switching and Classics, this article offers an overview of the phenomenon of code-switching in Roman literature with some comments on possible generic restrictions, followed by a survey of Roman attitudes to the practice. The analysis then focuses on Roman letter writing and investigates code-switching in the second-century correspondence of Fronto (mainly letters between Marcus Aurelius, who became Emperor in AD 161, and his tutor Fronto). This discussion uses part of a new detailed database of Greek code-switches in Roman epistolography and is largely sociolinguistic in approach. It makes comparisons with other ancient and modern corpora where possible and highlights the value of code-switching research in responding to a range of (socio)linguistic, literary and historical questions.
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Arvaniti, Amalia. "Cypriot Greek." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 29, no. 2 (December 1999): 173–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002510030000654x.
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Cypriot Greek is the dialect of Modern Greek spoken on the island of Cyprus by approximately 650,000 people and also by the substantial immigrant communities of Cypriots in the UK, North America, Australia, South Africa and elsewhere. Due to lengthy isolation, Cypriot Greek is so distinct from Standard Greek as to be often unintelligible to speakers of the Standard. Greek Cypriot speakers, on the other hand, have considerably less difficulty understanding Greeks, since Standard Greek is the official language of Cyprus, and as such it is the medium of education and the language of the Cypriot media. However, in every day situations Cypriot Greek is the only variety used among Cypriots. Cypriot Greek is not homogeneous but exhibits considerable geographical variation (Newton 1972). The variety described here is that used by educated speakers, particularly the inhabitants of the capital, Nicosia. Although influenced by increasing contact with Standard Greek, Cypriot Greek retains most of its phonological and phonetic characteristics virtually intact. There is no established orthography for Cypriot Greek; however, certain, rather variable, conventions have emerged, based on Greek historical orthography but also including novel combinations of letters in order to represent sounds that do not exist in the Standard (e.g. σι for [∫]); a version of these conventions has been adopted here for the sample text. The transcription is based on the speech of an educated male speaker from Nicosia in his mid-thirties, who read the text twice at normal speed and in an informal manner, he also assisted in rendering the text from Standard to Cypriot Greek.
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Gerleigner, Georg Simon. "ΑΘΕΝΑΙΑ / ΑΙΑΣ." Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, no. 60 (February 24, 2020): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/la.cdclsl.2020.139.
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That the placement of name inscriptions (letter-chains naming figures or, in rare instances, other pictorial elements) in Greek vase-painting followed certain conventions was noticed early by scholars. In his seminal Non-Attic Greek Vase Inscriptions, Rudolf Wachter succinctly described two main “principles of labelling” : the “starting-point principle” and the “direction principle”.1 While these conventions allow for some variation which is mainly determined by the availability of space, the basic rule of the starting-point principle is that a name is placed close (but preferably not too close) to the figure it refers to – often as close to the head as possible –, with the first letter of the inscription always being closest to a figure’s head (the only exception to that are cases where the name is in its whole width placed horizontally above the head). This also determines the direction of the writing : if the name is placed to the right of (the head of) a figure, the writing runs from left to right, and vice versa ; as a consequence of this direction principle, the “feet” of the letters face the figures they belong to. The rationale behind these long-running and overwhelmingly consistently observed conventions followed by vase-painters presumably was to make clear to the viewer in an unambiguous way which inscription referred to which figure – otherwise (and sometimes still, despite adherence to the conventions) something not easily achieved in many images teeming with figures and letters. In this contribution, I would like to present a – to my knowledge singular – case of a name inscription that plays with these conventions in a spectacular way which epitomises the ingenuity of some craftsmen in exploiting the specific potential of the combination of writing and imagery which inscriptions in Greek vase-paintings represent.
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Gotsi, Georgia. "Letters from E. M. Edmonds to Nikolaos G. Politis." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 41, no. 2 (September 18, 2017): 254–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2017.3.
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This article presents the letters sent by the late nineteenth-century English writer Elizabeth Mayhew Edmonds to the Greek folklorist Nikolaos G. Politis. While a preoccupation with folklore and ethnology predisposed the Victorian public to take a narrow view of Greek society, Edmonds's interest in both vernacular culture and the literary, social and political life of modern Greece enriched the complex cultural exchange that developed between European (Neo)Hellenists and Greek scholars. This European-wide discourse promoted modern Greece as an autonomous subject of study, worthy of intellectual pursuit.
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payne, Philip B. "MS. 88 as Evidence for a Text without 1 Cor 14.34–5." New Testament Studies 44, no. 1 (January 1998): 152–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500016428.
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This critical note explains the most likely origin of the dislocated text at the end of 1 Corinthians 14 in the Greek twelfth century AD minuscule 88.1 There are four distinctive features of this passage in ms. 88.1) Cor 14.36 follows immediately after 14.33.2) Cor 14.34–5 follows 14.40.3) Cor 14.34—5 is a distinct unit separated from v. 40 by a double slash on the base line in the space normally occupied by letters. The words on each side of this double slash are much farther apart than any other adjacent words on this page, so the original scribe must have inserted the double slash before writing w. 34–5. (See line 15 of the enlarged photograph, p. 158.) The end of v. 35 coincides with the end of a line. (See line 22 of the enlarged photograph.) Nothing follows on this line after its closing punctuation dot,2 even though each of the remaining three lines on this page extends one or two more letters beyond this dot. The next line, which begins chapter 15, is the only line on this page to be indented.34) There is a corresponding but smaller double slash above the last letter of 14.33.4 (See line 6 of the enlarged photograph.) It is placed at a sharper angle than the double slash before vv. 34–5 to help it fit between the lines of text. Another larger double slash, at the same level as the Greek letters on the last line of v. 33, is in the right margin where it is easy to see.
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Stefec, Rudolf S. "Die Briefe des Gregorios Chioniades." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 115, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 1031–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2022-0050.
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Abstract The present study offers a new critical edition of fifteen letters of the bishop of Tabrīz Gregory Chioniades (fl. ca. 1300) and of one further anonymous letter, all preserved in the manuscript Vind. theol. gr. 203, as well as the first edition of yet another letter penned by Chioniades and preserved in the manuscript New York, Columbia University, Smith Western, Add. 10. An attempt at the reconstruction of Chioniades’ career is made, and the content of his letters is analysed, especially with a view to exploring the cultural and political history of the Empire of Trebizond. Codex Vind. hist. gr. 4, the archetype of the medieval tradition of Arrianos’ Anabasis and Indike and one of the most important Greek manuscripts held by the Austrian National Library (ÖNB), is shown to have belonged to Gregory Chioniades and to have passed through the hands of several owners in Trebizond before reaching Constantinople via Demetrios Angelos, a physician and copyist active in the Ottoman capital shortly after the Turkish conquest.
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Di Serio, Chiara. "Mythological References in Ausonius’ Epistolary." Classica et Mediaevalia 72 (October 28, 2023): 177–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v72i.141499.
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Ausonius’ letters constitute a specimen of the way he employs references to Greek mythology. The process by which Ausonius reworks mythological material fol- lows patterns that were already well established in the Latin literary tradition of re-working Greek sources. The recycling of such material is not only proof of his technical prowess, but also demonstrates his ability to perform precise thematic choices. Frequently, the use of mythology is part of the metaliterary and metapoetic discourses tackled by Ausonius while addressing his friends as recipients of letters. The analysis of individual letters reveals how the poet used mythological references for two main purposes. The first is to elevate the tone and content of the discourse, employing a series of artificial comparisons with mythical characters and events. Brief mythological references used to formulate playful numerical periphrases are also worth noting here. The second aim is encomiastic, namely the celebration of his friends, the recipients of his letters, who are transferred from everyday reality to the higher level of the mythical dimension and the superhuman sphere.
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Botica, Aurel. "WHO INVENTED WHAT? EXPLORING THE ROLE OF THE NORTH WESTERN SEMITIC ALPHABET UPON THE FORMATION OF MODERN EUROPEAN LANGUAGES." Semănătorul (The Sower) 4, no. 2 (March 2024): 84–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.58892/ts.swr4250.
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It is an accepted fact that, with some exceptions, the ancient Greek and Latin languages served as the basis for the formation of most of the Western (modern) languages. However, what remains less known is that the Greeks borrowed the alphabet letters from the North-Western Semitic alphabet of the 2nd millenium BCE. This alphabet was used by Phoenicians, Arameans, Hebrews and the Moabites beginning with the early second millenium and was borrowed by the early Greeks from Phoenician merchants in the later part of the second millenium and the beginning of the first millenium BCE. In this article we will explore the issue of the revolutionary contribution that the North-Western semitic alphabet had upon the cultures of the Ancient Near East (including Egypt, Canaan, Mesopotamia and Siria).2 The transition from a system that used hundreds of pictograms and signs (the cuneiform and hierogliphic alphabets) to an alphabet of only 22 linear letters marked one of the most important, yet neglected, innovations in ancient history. The purpose of our article is to draw on both ancient and contemporary scholarship in order to show how this revolutionary alphabet influenced the Greek and Latin alphabets (and implicitly the languages themselves) and the impact that this event had upon the formation of the modern European languages.
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Mytilinaki Kennedy, Maria. "During the Long Greek Crisis: Jan Fabre, The Greek Festival, and Metakénosis." Performance Philosophy 4, no. 1 (August 30, 2018): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21476/pp.2018.41209.
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During the fiscal, political, and social disorder caused by the Greek crisis, Greek cultural production has turned to obscure moments of Greek history, such as the Ottoman period, in an attempt to reframe dominant narratives. For Greek cultural politics, rejecting, or at least questioning the ancient past -- that was until now seen as the only valuable past -- is a way for Greek artists to reject Western perspectives on Greek culture and claim their own set of criteria by which to experience their national past. This aspect of the crisis, which is in some ways a renewed principle of historiographic judgment, inevitably presents itself in comparison to the highly influential Enlightenment philosophy of metakénosis. A term coined by Adamantios Korais (1748-1833), metakénosis referred to the transfer of the ideas of European liberal humanism through translation into Modern Greek, while dismissing Eastern influences in Greek culture. European thought of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was assumed by Korais to be based on classic Greek ideals, and its re-translation into Greek was undertaken in earnest in order to inspire sentiments of national unity, confidence in Greek letters, and continuity with the classical past.For this proposed article, I examine Korais’s highly consequential principle and its legacy by looking at a recent scandal in the Greek theatre world, that of Jan Fabre’s short-lived appointment as artistic director of the Greek Festival in 2016. A large group of Greek theatre artists circulated a letter of protest in which they asked Fabre to resign. In their responses to Jan Fabre’s perceived appropriation of their festival, these artists seemed to be reversing the metakénosis model as they expressed their opposition to standards of cultural value imposed from abroad. The context of the crisis, as fiscal crisis, but also as a new paradigm of krisis as judgment, was instrumental in voicing this protest.
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Andrée, Alexander. "Of dogs and men: a note on Liudprand's Greek (Rel. 1, 21–23)." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 44, no. 2 (October 2020): 319–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2020.9.
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Unlike many of his contemporary Westerners, Liudprand of Cremona was proficient in Greek. His writings are full of Greek words and expressions, both written in Greek letters and transliterated into Latin. This note discusses an apparently corrupt passage in Liudprand's narrative of his embassy to Constantinople in 968, the Relatio de legatione Constantinopolitana, and reviews conjectures proposed by editors of the text. A non-invasive solution to the problem is presented that takes both the textual tradition of the Relatio and Liudprand's use of Greek into account.
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Nosirova, Dilfuza, and Mehrigiyo O’ktamova. "How to pronounce silent letters in English and French." Общество и инновации 2, no. 4/S (May 20, 2021): 712–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.47689/2181-1415-vol2-iss4/s-pp712-716.
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According to the Law on Education, the National Training Program, new educational institutions have been built, and the existing ones have been reconstructed and repaired in accordance with modern standards. In the framework of the Law of the Republic of Uzbekistan "On Education" and the National Program of Personnel Training, a comprehensive system of teaching foreign languages, is the formation of a harmoniously developed, educated, modern-minded young generation , a system aimed at further integration of the republic into the world community has been created.
Silent letter is part of a word that written but not spoken. Silent letter can sometimes join with other letters to form part of a word. Silent letters exist in many English words and French words as well. Because of this, they often cause confusion and sometimes embarrassment when they are accidentally spoken.One of the reasons why silent letters are used in English, French and some other languages relates to following. During the formation evolution of English and French many foreign words were assimilated or absorbed in the language in Latin ,Germanic , Greek words were readily added to early English and French as was the spelling. All natural languages change and because they change, they have histories. Every language changes in different ways, so their histories are unique and different. The history of a given language is the description of how it has changed over time.
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Smith, Warren S. "St. Paul’s Letters and Classical Culture." Ancient Narrative 15 (February 14, 2019): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/5c643ab42ba9b.
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Paul in his Letters drew on conventions that would have been familiar to anyone receiving a rudimentary Greek education. The persona used at the end of Romans 1 to denounce the sinners in contemporary culture is based on the alazon or boastful man familiar from satire and the diatribe philosophical style of Bion, Seneca, and later Epictetus. The persona in Romans 7 who prays to be delivered from “this body of death” goes back to Greek tragedy and can be paralleled in the tragic tone of such poets as Ovid and Catullus. The beautiful hymn to love in I Corinthians 13 goes back to Socrates’ speech in Plato’s Symposium and also owes much to the pattern for an encomium used in Aristotle’s Rhetoric and followed by Isocrates and Cicero. Paul’s discussion of “the Married and Unmarried Man” in I Corinthians 7 and “The Weak Man’ in Romans 14 are consistent with stereotypes introduced by Aristotle and Theophrastus and found on stage in comedies such as “The Bad Tempered Man.” All these passages are based on cultural commonplaces that would have made Paul’s arguments come alive to a Greek speaking audience.Warren S. Smith is a retired Professor of Classics at the University of New Mexico. Among his books is Satiric Advice on Women and Marriage from Plautus to Chaucer (Michigan, 2005). His articles on Apuleius and the New Testament have appeared before inAncient Narrative. His church service includes teaching stints in the Philippines and Kenya, and weekly visits to a prison in Los Lunas, N.M.
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Koniuszy, Przemysław. "All Roads Lead to Unity: Tomasz Różycki’s Litery as a Search for the Contemporary Arché. The Philosophical Dimension of Poetic Expression." Tekstualia 1, no. 56 (July 21, 2019): 127–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.3281.
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The article analyzes Tomasz Różycki’s poetic volume Letters in the light of selected philosophical contexts in order to demonstrate the correspondence between Różycki’s poetic imagination and Heraclitus’ philosophy and the possibility of equating the letters with a logos, a fundamental concept in the Ionian philosophy of nature. Accordingly, the letter helps to connect the poetic world and the absolute sense, from which everything else results. Secondly, the potential relations between the chaos often appearing in Różycki’s poems and the apeiron of Anaximander have been pointed out. Yet another correspondence concerns the thread of unity and the struggle of opposites, the notions crucial in Greek philosophy and in the work of the Polish poet, who wrote the poem The Eternal War of Opposites. Różycki explores the relation between man who tries to understand the world around him and the reality which undergoes a permanent process of change. Love can be seen as a force that alleviates confl icts arising from rather abstract philosophical problems in the Letters. The article additionally addresses the question of the symbolism of numbers and letters in Różycki’s poetry. The connection between his poetry and the artistic creativity and world view of Stéphane Mallarmé constitutes a special context in this respect. In Różycki’s Letters, the philosophical thought often provides a key to the poet’s most important concerns: the human condition in (post)modernity, the actual shape of objects, and the forces behind the image of the moment experienced in space-time.
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Brakke, David. "A New Fragment of Athanasius's Thirty-Ninth Festal Letter: Heresy, Apocrypha, and the Canon." Harvard Theological Review 103, no. 1 (January 2010): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816009990307.
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Athanasius of Alexandria's thirty-ninth Festal Letter remains one of the most significant documents in the history of the Christian Bible. Athanasius wrote the letter, which contains the first extant list of precisely the twenty-seven books of the current New Testament canon, in 367 c.e., during the final decade of his life. Like many of his annual Easter letters, the thirty-ninth was fairly long, but only a small portion of the text survives in Greek.1 The Greek excerpt contains Athanasius's lists of the books of the Old and New Testaments, which he calls “canonized,” and a list of a few additional books, like the Shepherd of Hermas, which he says are not canonized, but are useful in the instruction of catechumens. Most studies of the formation of the Christian canon, including very recent ones, examine only this Greek fragment and so discuss only the contents of the lists. But already in the late-nineteenth-century fragments of the much more extensive Coptic translation had been published, and a few scholars, such as Carl Schmidt and Theodor Zahn, used them to write penetrating studies of the letter.2 In 1955 Lefort published all the then-known Coptic fragments in his book of Coptic Athanasiana, and then in 1984 Coquin published another long fragment.3 These served as the basis for my 1995 translation and my 1994 article in this journal on the social context of canon formation in fourth-century Egypt.4
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Sofieva, Gulchin. "Epistolary genre in Eastern classical literature." Golden Scripts 5, no. 4 (December 10, 2022): 65–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.52773/tsuull.gold.2022.4/hcxy5980.
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Epistolary genres (Greek epistole - letter) are a special form of lit-erature embodied in texts “in the form of letters, postcards, telegrams sent to an address to convey certain information.” Writing is an ancient popular epistolary genre. For people separated by a long distance, correspondence was the only means of communication. Over time, fixed etiquette formulas specific to certain types of letters (business, personal, etc.) were developed. Correspondence with relatives, acquaintances, friends, colleagues, etc. was conducted between Today, epistolary genres are experiencing hard times. This is primarily due to the development of scientific and technical prog-ress and the increasing importance of oral speech. The distance communi-cation function includes phone calls, correspondence on social networks, communication via e-mail, etc. took it upon himself. Paper letters in the usual format are used very rarely, in most cases as a business document. On the one hand, technical innovations expand the possibilities of commu-nicators: the processes of transmitting and receiving information are sig-nificantly accelerated, the interlocutors’ time is saved, it is possible to add photo, video and audio materials to the message, and conduct a dialogue.
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Székely, Gabriel. "Gréckokatolícka cirkev a Židia v Slovenskej republike v rokoch 1939–1945." Studia historica Brunensia, no. 2 (2022): 91–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/shb2022-2-4.
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The study analyzes the attitude of the Greek Catholic Church towards the Jewish population in the Slovak Republic during 1939–1945. In the authoritarian political regime, this minority church was confronted with the nationalist and racial (anti-Semitic) policies of the state; a fundamentally oppositional attitude towards the regime was interpreted in the form of pastoral letters, or public appearances of its hierarch – Bishop Peter Pavel Gojdič. The study describes specific forms of help from the clergy of the Greek Catholic Church intending to rescue the Jewish population from the repressive measures and deportations of the regime. The most common form of help and rescue of Jews was baptism and the issuing of false letters on baptisms with antedated baptisms. Persecuted Jews also found help by getting presidential exemptions and issuing letters on baptisms, hiding valuables and movable property, saving their real estates from arization, and finally sheltering people from persecution and deportation.
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Chernukhin, Yevhen. "SONGS AND POEMS OF THE "BIG CITY": TO THE QUESTION OF CULTURE AND LIFE OF MARIUPOL IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE 19th CENTURY." City History, Culture, Society, no. 8 (June 17, 2020): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mics2020.08.073.
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Тhere are several fragments of Іtalian, Russian and Ukrainian folk songs and poems among various texts, written with Greek letters, in the Urum manuscript dating from the first half of the 19th cent. The very presence of such texts, the character of their transcription indicates the spread of ІItalian, Russian and Ukrainian song culture and, in some degree, literature among the Turkish speaking Greeks of Mariupol in the first decades of their residence in Azov region.
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Ebbeler, Jennifer, and Michael Trapp. "Greek and Latin Letters: An Anthology with a Translation. Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics." Classical World 99, no. 4 (2006): 461. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4353079.
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Brock, Sebastian P. "Two Letters of the Patriarch Timothy from the Late Eighth Century on Translations from Greek." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 9, no. 2 (September 1999): 233–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423900001338.
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Among the extensive correspondence of Timothy I, Catholicos of the Church of the East, are two letters which refer to his collobaration in a translation of Aristotle's Topics into Syriac and Arabic, commissioned by the Caliph al-Mahdī. An annotated English translation of both letters is provided.
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Kuin, Inger N. I. "Een ondeugende Diogenes." Lampas 52, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 139–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2019.2.003.kuin.
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Summary In the corpus of apocryphal Cynic letters those attributed to Diogenes stand out: they form the bulk of the letters and they are the most humorous. This corresponds with representations of him as a provocateur elsewhere in imperial Greek literature. This article focuses on the topic of sex in Diogenes’ letters, and answers two main questions: first, whether the sexual humor of the letters is more risqué than what we find in the other sources; second, how this sexual humor contributes to the overall purpose of the apocryphal Diogenes letters. I suggest that even though in the letters euphemistic language persists, they treat the Diogenes anecdotes about sex in greater detail than anywhere else. The provocative, risqué humor contained in these anecdotes would serve to entice and entertain audiences in order to get them engaged in Cynic philosophy.
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Geller, M. J. "Babylonian Physiognomic Omens in Cryptic Hebrew Orthography." Aestimatio: Sources and Studies in the History of Science 4 (June 12, 2024): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/aestimatio.v4.42936.
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A unique text of physiognomic omens in Hebrew from the Dead Sea Scrolls (4Q186) is remarkable in that it mimics the similar Akkadian omens upon which it is based, in that it is written in a left-to-right format beginning with the column on the left. The Qumran text also avoids final letters and includes some words in Paleo-Hebrew script and Greek letters, all pointing to its Vorlage being an exemplar of Graeco-Babyloniaca (an Akkadian text in Greek transliteration), employed in order to make technical Akkadian more widely accessible. How to cite: Geller, M. J. Babylonian Physiognomic Omens in Cryptic Hebrew Orthography. Aestimatio: Sources and Studies in the History of Science (2023) 4: 1-16. https://doi.org/10.33137/aestimatio.v4.42936
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Leonidas, G. E. "Greek Letters: From Tablets to Pixels. Michael S. Macrakis." Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 92, no. 2 (June 1998): 213–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/pbsa.92.2.24304227.
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Janßen, Martina. "Die Themistoklesbriefe zwischen Fälschung und Fiktion – Zur Relevanz griechischer Brieffiktionen für die neutestamentliche Pseudepigraphiefrage." Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 111, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 161–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znw-2020-0008.
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AbstractPseudepigraphy is a widespread and complex phenomenon in ancient Greek culture. Numerous letters are attributed to famous historical figures, especially in the first and second century. The letters of Themistocles offer a useful case study of pseudepigraphy of this kind. The purpose of the letters is still under discussion. Several interpretations are proposed by scholars (sometimes combined with one another), e. g. worthless forgery, epistolary novel, prosopopoiia, fictional self-biography. One of the most interesting questions is whether there is any evidence for a “fictional contract” between author and reader (“open” pseudepigraphy, epistolary fictions). In many respects, research on the letters of Themistocles and related literature may open up new perspectives for the study of New Testament pseudepigraphy.
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Grünbart, Michael. "Dionysios von Antiocheia und das Schicksal einer spätantiken Briefsammlung." Frühmittelalterliche Studien 57, no. 1 (October 1, 2023): 251–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fmst-2023-0014.
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Abstract The letters of Dionysios of Antioch have been preserved in more than 30 manuscripts ( the oldest dating to the 10th c. ). They are often transmitted in the context of eminent late antique epistolographers ( e. g. Libanios or Basil ). It seems that both the label ‘school of Antioch’ and the function as models favoured their transmission. In addition, Dionysios provided some theoretical reflections on epistolographic techniques that may have interested learned circles. Nevertheless, these 85 short texts rarely received scholarly attention ( due to the lack of facts ), but a new edition ( after more than 150 years ) will contribute to the understanding of middle Greek letter-writing.
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Serikoff, N. I. "A note about the Greek script and the Greek language as found in Kitāb al-Fihrist by Ibn an-Nadīm." Orientalistica 2, no. 1 (September 7, 2019): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2019-2-1-119-133.
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Abstract: the article deals with the note on the history of the Greek language and the Greek script as found in the Kitab al-Fihrist by Ibn an-Nadim. The author analyses the composition of the passage as well as the ways and methods applied to transcribe the Greek technical linguistic terms with Arabic letters. The results obtained invite a strong suggestion that the note as a whole was not written by Ibn an-Nadim himself but was constructed on the basis of the material from the Greek manual Kitāb fī aḥkām al-iʿrāb ʿalā madhab al-yūnāniyyīn composed by Hunayn ibn Ishaq (d. 873 AD).
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Turenko, Vitalii. "Upbringing and education of children in context letters of Pythagorean woman philosophers." Filosofiya osvity. Philosophy of Education 27, no. 1 (August 11, 2021): 228–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31874/2309-1606-2021-27-1-13.
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The article reveals in detail the understanding of raising children in the context of two pseudo-epigraphic letters of Pythagorean wonan thinkers – Theano and Myia of Crotone. Based on these letters, it was found that pedagogical issues were important in general for the whole Pythagorean tradition. In fact, we can say that this early Greek philosophical school was the first to systematically and comprehensively approach the problem of upbringing and education in ancient society. It is hypothesized that this topic is not accidentally in the center of attention of these philosophers, because their authority was the greatest among all other representatives of this philosophical school. The author’s position is proved that Theano of Crotone letter to Eubule focuses on moderation in education, which is aimed at avoiding luxury, fulfilling all children’s whims, comfort. This is the purpose of hardening in difficult circumstances in order to withstand with dignity all the potential difficulties of adult life. Accordingly, if you do not raise a child in certain restrictions, then, according to Theano, it may well be unprepared for certain trials that may occur. The thesis is substantiated that the key task of upbringing and education, according to Myia of Crotone letter, is moderation, prudence and balance, which is based on both archaic elements and Hellenistic plots, which testifies to the skill of writing this letter. It is revealed that the Pythagorean principles of education, according to both philosophers, have no gender difference. This is because both girls and boys, if they grow up in luxury, comfort and do not know the limitations, can potentially become dangerous both for themselves and for society as a whole. It is emphasized that according to the style of writing, these letters are not so much moral and ethical as paraenetic epistolary genre, ie they act as advice on the upbringing and education of the younger generation. Because of this, these letters are such sources of ancient culture, which are one of the few that are devoted to the philosophical understanding of upbringing and education.
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Daniels, Peter T. "Some Semitic Phonological Considerations on the Sibilants of the Greek Alphabet." Written Language and Literacy 2, no. 1 (July 23, 1999): 57–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.2.1.04dan.
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A recent reinterpretation of the phonetics of the sibilant phonemes in Semitic makes it unnecessary to hunt for "explanations" of the apparent failure of Greek sibilant letters to correspond in value with their Phoenician counterparts.