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Langlands, Rebecca. "Latin Literature." Greece and Rome 62, no. 2 (September 10, 2015): 224–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383515000091.
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James Uden's impressive new study of Juvenal's Satires opens up our understanding not only of the poetry itself but also of the world in which it was written, the confusing cosmopolitan world of the Roman Empire under Trajan and Hadrian, with its flourishing of Greek intellectualism, and its dissolution of old certainties about identity and values. Juvenal is revealed as very much a poet of his day, and while Uden is alert to the ‘affected timelessness’ and ‘ambiguous referentiality’ (203) of the Satires, he also shows how Juvenal's poetry resonates with the historical and cultural context of the second century ad, inhabiting different areas of contemporary anxiety at different stages of his career. The first book, for instance, engages with the issues surrounding free speech and punishment in the Trajanic period, as Rome recovers from the recent trauma of Domitian's reign and the devastation wrought by the informers, while satires written under Hadrian move beyond the urban melting pot of Rome into a decentralized empire, and respond to a world in which what it means to be Roman is less and less clear, boundaries and distinctions dissolve, and certainties about Roman superiority, virtue, hierarchies, and centrality are shaken from their anchorage. These later Satires are about the failure of boundaries (social, cultural, ethnic), as the final discussion of Satires 15 demonstrates. For Uden, Juvenal's satirical project lies not so much in asserting distinctions and critiquing those who are different, as in demonstrating over and again how impossible it is to draw such distinctions effectively in the context of second-century Rome, where ‘Romanness’ and ‘Greekness’ are revealed as rhetorical constructions, generated by performance rather than tied to origin: ‘the ties that once bound Romans and Rome have now irreparably dissolved’ (105). Looking beyond the literary space of this allegedly most Roman of genres, and alongside his acute discussions of Juvenal's own poetry, Uden reads Juvenal against his contemporaries – especially prose writers, Greek as well as Roman. Tacitus’ Dialogus is brought in to elucidate the first satire, and the complex bind in which Romans found themselves in a post-Domitianic world: yearning to denounce crime, fearing to be seen as informers, needing neither to allow wrongdoing to go unpunished nor to attract critical attention to themselves. The Letters of Pliny the Younger articulate the tensions within Roman society aroused by the competition between the new excitement of Greek sophistic performance and the waning tradition of Roman recitation. The self-fashioned ‘Greeks’ arriving in Rome from every corner of the empire are admired for their cultural prestige, but are also met by a Roman need to put them in their place, to assert political, administrative, and moral dominance. This picture help us to understand the subtleties of Juvenal's depiction of the literary scene at Rome; when the poet's satiric persona moans about the ubiquitous tedium of recitationes, this constitutes a nostalgic and defensive construction of the dying practice of recitatio as a Roman space from which to critique Greek ‘outsiders’, as much as an attack on the recitatio itself. Close analysis of Dio Chrysostom's orations helps Uden to explore themes of disguise, performance, and the construction of invisibility. Greek intellectual arguments about the universality of virtue are shown to challenge traditional Roman ideas about the moral prestige of the Roman nobility, a challenge to which Juvenal responds in Satires 8. Throughout his study, Uden's nuanced approach shows how the Satires work on several levels simultaneously. Thus Satires 8, in this compelling analysis, is not merely an attack on elite hypocrisy but itself enacts the problem facing the Roman elite: how to keep the values of the past alive without indulging in empty imitation. The Roman nobility boast about their lineage and cram their halls with ancestral busts, but this is very different from reproducing what is really valuable about their ancestors and cultivating real nobility – namely virtue. In addition, Uden shows how Juvenal teases readers with the possibility that this poem itself mirrors this elite hollowness, as it parades its own indebtedness to moralists of old such as Sallust, Cicero, and Seneca, without ever exposing its own moral centre. In this satire, Uden suggests, Juvenal explores ‘the notion that the link between a Roman present and a Roman past may be merely “irony” or “fiction”’ (120). Satires 3's xenophobic attack on Greeks can also be read as a more subtle critique of the erudite philhellenism of the Roman elite; furthermore, Umbricius’ Romanness is revealed in the poem to be as constructed and elusive as the Greekness against which he pits himself. Satires 10 is a Cynic attack upon Roman vice, but hard-line Cynicism itself is a target, as the satire reveals the harsh implications of its philosophical approach, so incompatible with Roman values and conventions, so that the poem can also be read as mocking the popularity of the softer form of Cynicism peddled in Hadrianic Rome by the likes of Epictetus and Dio Chrysostom (169). Both Juvenal's invisibility and the multiplicity of competing voices found in every poem are thematized as their own interpretative provocation that invites readers to question their own positions and self-identification. Ultimately Juvenal the satirist remains elusive, but Uden's sensitive, contextualized reading of the poems not only generates specific new insights but makes sense of Juvenal's whole satirical project, and of this very slipperiness.
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BITTARELLO, MARIA BEATRICE. "The Construction of Etruscan ‘Otherness’ in Latin Literature." Greece and Rome 56, no. 2 (September 14, 2009): 211–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383509990052.
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This paper deals with issues of ethnic representation; it aims at highlighting how Roman authors tend to portray the Etruscans as ‘others’, whose cultural models deeply differ from those proposed by Rome. Several studies, conducted from different disciplinary and methodological positions, have highlighted the existence, in the Greek world, of complex representations of ‘other peoples’, representations that served political, cultural, and economic purposes. Whether the study of alterity is to be set in the context of a Greek response to the Persian wars (as P. Cartledge and others have pointed out, the creation of the barbarian seems to be primarily a Greek ideology opposing the Greeks to all other peoples), or not, it seems clear from scholarly studies that the Romans often drew upon and reworked Greek characterizations, and created specific representations of other peoples. Latin literature, which (as T. N. Habinek has noted), served the interests of Roman power, abounds with examples of ethnographic and literary descriptions of foreign peoples consciously aimed at defining and marginalizing ‘the other’ in relation to Roman founding cultural values, and functional to evolving Roman interests. Outstanding examples are Caesar's Commentarii and Tacitus' ideological and idealized representation of the Germans as an uncorrupted, warlike people in the Germania. In several cases there is evidence of layering in the representation of foreign peoples, since Roman authors often re-craft Greek representations: thus, the biased Roman portrayal of the Near East or of the Sardinians largely draws on Greek representations; in portraying the Samnites, Latin authors reshaped elements already elaborated by the Tarentines.
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deAngeli, Edna, Thomas Falkner, and Judith de Luce. "Old Age in Greek and Latin Literature." Classical World 84, no. 3 (1991): 252. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350792.
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Garland, R., Thomas M. Falkner, Judith de Luce, George Minois, and S. H. Tenison. "Old Age in Greek and Latin Literature." Phoenix 46, no. 1 (1992): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088776.
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Jaeger, Mary. "Blame the Boletus? Demystifying Mushrooms in Latin Literature." Ramus 40, no. 1 (2011): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000187.
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Keeping in mind Emily Gowers's dictum that ‘food, for the Roman writer who chose to discuss it, was simultaneously important and trivial’, let us go on a mushroom hunt through the fragmented habitat of Latin literature, with some preliminary nosing about in the Greek. We are looking for μύκαι and μύκητες in Greek, and fungi in Latin, and we are keeping an eye open for one kind in particular, the boletus, although we also will stumble upon the occasional interesting fungus suillus (‘pig fungus’). We are not truffle hunting: tubera (Greek ὕδνα) are a topic for another day. Although no survey, however comprehensive, of the appearances of one foodstuff in Latin literature can do full justice to the individual sources, we can still gain something from an overview of the tradition; and although what we learn may be trivial, even the trivial can make its own small contribution to our understanding of a larger matter, in this case the representation of time and change in the Roman world.Ahead of us with knife and collecting basket roams the ghost of the Reverend William Houghton M.A., F.L.S., Victorian parson, Rector of Wellington parish in Preston township, Shropshire, a man with time on his hands—and at least two cats—who in 1885 compiled a list titled, ‘Notices of Fungi in Greek and Latin Authors’. Dr Denis Benjamin, author of Mushrooms: Poisons and Panaceas, says that ‘it would take the persistence of another classical scholar to discover if he [Houghton] missed or misrepresented anything’. Persistence, in the form of the TLL—in its infancy when Houghton was doing his research—the RE entry ‘Pilze’, Maggiulli's Nomenclatura Micologica Latina, and the PHI database, has indeed added to the good Rector's basket a few more specimens on the Latin side, some of which are useful for our inquiry.
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Manuwald, Gesine. "MEDEA: TRANSFORMATIONS OF A GREEK FIGURE IN LATIN LITERATURE." Greece and Rome 60, no. 1 (March 12, 2013): 114–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383512000290.
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Latin writers in the ancient world are well known to have been familiar with earlier Greek writings, as well as with the first commentaries on those, and to have taken over literary genres as well as topics and motifs from Greece for their own works. But, as has been recognized in modern scholarship, this engagement with Greek material does not mean that Roman writers typically produced Latin copies of pieces by their Greek predecessors. In the terms of contemporary literary terminology, the connection between Latin and Greek literature is rather to be described as an intertextual relationship, which became increasingly complex, since later Latin authors were also influenced by their Roman predecessors.
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Lewis, A. M. "Latin translations of Greek literature : the testimony of Latin authors." L'antiquité classique 55, no. 1 (1986): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.1986.2175.
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JOHN, ALISON. "LEARNING GREEK IN LATE ANTIQUE GAUL." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 2 (December 2020): 846–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838821000112.
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Greek had held an important place in Roman society and culture since the Late Republican period, and educated Romans were expected to be bilingual and well versed in both Greek and Latin literature. The Roman school ‘curriculum’ was based on Hellenistic educational culture, and in the De grammaticis et rhetoribus Suetonius says that the earliest teachers in Rome, Livius and Ennius, were ‘poets and half Greeks’ (poetae et semigraeci), who taught both Latin and Greek ‘publicly and privately’ (domi forisque docuisse) and ‘merely clarified the meaning of Greek authors or gave exemplary readings from their own Latin compositions’ (nihil amplius quam Graecos interpretabantur aut si quid ipsi Latine composuissent praelegebant, Gram. et rhet. 1–2). Cicero, the Latin neoteric poets and Horace are obvious examples of bilingual educated Roman aristocrats, but also throughout the Imperial period a properly educated Roman would be learned in utraque lingua. The place of Greek in Quintilian's Institutio Oratoria reveals the importance and prevalence of Greek in Roman education and literature in the late first century a.d. Quintilian argues that children should learn both Greek and Latin but that it is best to begin with Greek. Famously, in the second century a.d. the Roman author Apuleius gave speeches in Greek to audiences in Carthage, and in his Apologia mocked his accusers for their ignorance of Greek.
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Bartsch, Shadi. "Roman Literature: Translation, Metaphor & Empire." Daedalus 145, no. 2 (April 2016): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00373.
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The Romans understood that translation entails transformation. The Roman term “translatio” stood not only literally for a carrying-across (as by boat) of material from one country to another, but also (metaphorically) for both linguistic translation and metaphorical transformation. These shared usages provide a lens on Roman anxieties about their relationship to Greece, from which they both transferred and translated a literature to call their own. Despite the problematic association of the Greeks with pleasure, rhetoric, and poetic language, the Roman elite argued for the possibility of translation and transformation of Greek texts into a distinctly Roman and authoritative mode of expression. Cicero's hope was that eventually translated Latin texts would replace the Greek originals altogether. In the end, however, the Romans seem to have felt that effeminacy had the last laugh.
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Robins, William. "Latin Literature's Greek Romance." Materiali e discussioni per l’analisi dei testi classici, no. 35 (1995): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40236073.
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Rousseau, Philip. "Early Christian Greek and Latin Literature: A Literary History (review)." Catholic Historical Review 93, no. 1 (2007): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2007.0131.
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Zetzel, James E. G. "Beyond Greek: The Beginnings of Latin Literature by Denis Feeney." Classical World 109, no. 3 (2016): 437–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2016.0025.
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Conte, Gian Biagio. "Beyond Greek: The Beginnings of Latin Literature by Denis Feeney." American Journal of Philology 137, no. 4 (2016): 733–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2016.0038.
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Gonis, N. "LATIN LOANWORDS IN GREEK." Classical Review 53, no. 1 (April 2003): 93–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/53.1.93.
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Dickey, Eleanor. "COLUMNAR TRANSLATION: AN ANCIENT INTERPRETIVE TOOL THAT THE ROMANS GAVE THE GREEKS." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 2 (June 9, 2015): 807–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838815000087.
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Among the more peculiar literary papyri uncovered in the past century are numerous bilingual texts of Virgil and Cicero, with the Latin original and a Greek translation arranged in distinctive narrow columns. These materials, variously classified as texts with translations or as glossaries, were evidently used by Greek-speaking students when they first started to read Latin literature. They thus provide a unique window into the experience of the first of many groups of non-native Latin speakers to struggle with reading the classics of Latin literature.
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Davidson, J., Florence Dupont, and Janet Lloyd. "The Invention of Literature from Greek Intoxication to the Latin Book." Phoenix 54, no. 1/2 (2000): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1089095.
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de Jong, Irene. "THE VIEW FROM THE MOUNTAIN (OROSKOPIA) IN GREEK AND LATIN LITERATURE." Cambridge Classical Journal 64 (April 18, 2018): 23–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270518000015.
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This paper argues for the existence of the topos oforoskopiain Greek and Latin literature. Gods and mortals are positioned on mountains to watch events or landscapes below. The view from above symbolises power (in the case of the gods) or an attempt at control or desire for power (in the case of mortals). It may also suggest an agreeable and relaxed spectatorship with no active involvement in the events watched, which may metaphorically morph into a historian's objectivity or a philosopher's emotional tranquillity. The elevated position may also have a temporal aspect, gods looking into the future or mortals looking back on their life.
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Mullen, Alex. "‘In both our languages’: Greek–Latin code-switching in Roman literature." Language and Literature: International Journal of Stylistics 24, no. 3 (August 2015): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963947015585244.
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After a short introduction to code-switching and Classics, this article offers an overview of the phenomenon of code-switching in Roman literature with some comments on possible generic restrictions, followed by a survey of Roman attitudes to the practice. The analysis then focuses on Roman letter writing and investigates code-switching in the second-century correspondence of Fronto (mainly letters between Marcus Aurelius, who became Emperor in AD 161, and his tutor Fronto). This discussion uses part of a new detailed database of Greek code-switches in Roman epistolography and is largely sociolinguistic in approach. It makes comparisons with other ancient and modern corpora where possible and highlights the value of code-switching research in responding to a range of (socio)linguistic, literary and historical questions.
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Timofeeva, Olga. "Bide Nu Æt Gode Þæt Ic Grecisc Cunne: Attitudes to Greek and the Greeks in the Anglo-Saxon Period." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 51, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stap-2016-0007.
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Abstract The Greeks were one of those outgroups to whom the Anglo-Saxons had reasons to look up to, because of the antiquity of their culture and the sanctity of their language, along those of the Hebrews and the Romans. Yet as a language Greek was practically unknown for most of the Anglo-Saxon period and contact with its native speakers and country extremely limited. Nevertheless, references to the Greeks and their language are not uncommon in the Anglo-Saxon sources (both Latin and vernacular), as a little less than 200 occurrences in the Dictionary of Old English (s.v. grecisc) testify. This paper uses these data, supplementing them with searches in the Dictionary of Old English Web Corpus, Brepolis Library of Latin Texts - Series A, monumenta.ch and Medieval Latin from Anglo-Saxon Sources, and analyses lexical and syntactic strategies of the Greek outgroup construction in Anglo-Saxon texts. It looks at lexemes denoting ‘Greek’ and their derivatives in Anglo-Latin and Old English, examines their collocates and gleans information on attitudes towards Greek and the Greeks, and on membership claims indexed by Latin-Greek or English-Greek code-switching, by at the same time trying to establish parallels and influences between the two high registers of the Anglo-Saxon period.
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Agapitos, Panagiotis A. "Karl Krumbacher and the history of Byzantine literature." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 108, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 1–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2015-0002.
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AbstractThe paper (structured in five parts) examines how Karl Krumbacher (1856-1909) formulated his major concepts about Byzantine literature and its history. After a brief look at Krumbacher’s formation as scholar, the main part of the paper examines the “history” of the writing of the Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur in its two editions, as well as the now forgotten Die griechische Litteratur des Mittelalters (1905), a chapter written for a popularizing volume on Greek and Latin literature. The main aim of the paper is to show which exactly were Krumbacher’s concepts on periodization, literature, language and culture in Byzantine times, and how these concepts influenced the way in which Byzantine and Early Modern Greek was viewed and studied until very recently.
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Nutton, Vivian. "A new fragment of Posidonius?" Classical Quarterly 45, no. 1 (May 1995): 261–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800041938.
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Galen's intellectual autobiography, On my own opinions, has challenged, and frustrated, potential editors for over a century. It is preserved in Greek excerpts, in a Latin translation made from the Arabic and with a spurious conclusion, and, for its last three chapters, in a passage of continuous Greek that circulated under the misleading title of On the substance of the natural faculties. Around 1340, the Italian translator Niccolo da Reggio made an extremely faithful Latin version from a Greek manuscript of the last two chapters. Although by itself no one source offers a complete text of the treatise, together they apparently cover it in its entirety. The Latino-arabic version, called variously De sententiis, De sententiis medicorum, and De credulitate Galeni, is the most extensive, but, as a comparison with the surviving Greek shows, it frequently departs considerably from the wording, and even general meaning, of the Greek. Indeed, without the availability of many parallel passages elsewhere in the Galenic corpus, much of this Latin translation would remain unintelligible.
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Srika, M. "A Critical Analysis on “Revolution 2020” - An Amalgam of Socio- Political Commercialization World Combined with Love Triangle." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 7, no. 10 (October 31, 2019): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v7i10.10255.
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Literature is considered to be an art form or writing that have Artistic or Intellectual value. Literature is a group of works produced by oral and written form. Literature shows the style of Human Expression. The word literature was derived from the Latin root word ‘Litertura / Litteratura’ which means “Letter or Handwriting”. Literature is culturally relative defined. Literature can be grouped through their Languages, Historical Period, Origin, Genre and Subject. The kinds of literature are Poems, Novels, Drama, Short Story and Prose. Fiction and Non-Fiction are their major classification. Some types of literature are Greek literature, Latin literature, German literature, African literature, Spanish literature, French literature, Indian literature, Irish literature and surplus. In this vast division, the researcher has picked out Indian English Literature. Indian literature is the literature used in Indian Subcontinent. The earliest Indian literary works were transmitted orally. The Sanskrit oral literature begins with the gatherings of sacred hymns called ‘Rig Veda’ in the period between 1500 - 1200 B.C. The classical Sanskrit literature was developed slowly in the earlier centuries of the first millennium. Kannada appeared in 9th century and Telugu in 11th century. Then, Marathi, Odiya and Bengali literatures appeared later. In the early 20th century, Hindi, Persian and Urdu literature begins to appear.
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KAMESAR, ADAM. "THE EVALUATION OF THE NARRATIVE AGGADA IN GREEK AND LATIN PATRISTIC LITERATURE." Journal of Theological Studies 45, no. 1 (1994): 37–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/45.1.37.
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Middleton, Fran. "THE POETICS OF LATER GREEK ECPHRASIS: CHRISTODORUS COPTUS, THE PALATINE ANTHOLOGY AND THE PERIOCHAE OF NONNUS’ DIONYSIACA." Ramus 47, no. 2 (December 2018): 216–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2018.15.
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There is increasing interest in what might be thought ‘special’ about late antique poetry. Two volumes of recent years have focused on Latin poetry of this time, Classics Renewed: Reception and Innovation in the Latin Poetry of Late Antiquity edited by Scott McGill and Joseph Pucci (2016) as well as The Poetics of Late Latin Literature edited by Jaś Elsner and Jesús Hernández Lobato (2017), while it has become increasingly acceptable to remark on late antiquity as a cultural period in its own right, rather than a point of transition between high antiquity and the middle ages. Greek poetry of late antiquity has yet to receive the level of attention offered to Latin literature of this time, and so it is to help answer the question of what may be thought special about late antique Greek poetry that I here discuss the poetics of later Greek ecphrasis.
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Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 62, no. 2 (September 10, 2015): 231–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383515000108.
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Four volumes in this review constitute important contributions to the study of ancient documents and their employment in antiquity, as well as their value for modern historical research. Paola Ceccarelli has written a monumental study of letter-writing and the use of writing for long-distance communication in Ancient Greece; Karen Radner has edited a volume on state correspondence in ancient empires; Christopher Eyre's book concerns documents in Pharaonic Egypt; and Peter Liddel and Polly Low have edited a brilliant collection on the uses of inscriptions in Greek and Latin literature. The first three volumes have major consequences for the study of the workings of ancient state systems, while those by Ceccarelli, Eyre, and Liddel and Low open new avenues into the study of the interrelationship between written documents and literature.
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Geiger, Joseph. "Some Latin authors from the Greek East." Classical Quarterly 49, no. 2 (December 1999): 606–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/49.2.606.
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In a discussion of the spread of Latin in ancient Palestine it has been argued that, apart from Westerners like Jerome who settled in the province and a number of translators from Greek into Latin and from Latin into Greek, three Latin authors whose works are extant may have been, with various degrees of probability, natives of the country. These are Commodian of Gaza, arguably the earliest extant Christian Latin poet; Eutropius, the author of abreviariumof Roman history, who apparently hailed from Caesarea; and the anonymous author of theDescriptio totius mundi et gentium, who certainly was a native of the Syro-Palestinian region, and conceivably of one of the Palestinian cities. Here I wish to discuss another case, which seems to me characteristic of the reluctance of scholars to admit that Latin, and Latin authors, were more prevalent in the East than is usually acknowledged. In fact, it may be not misleading to assert that the invariably adduced exceptions of Ammianus Marcellinus and Claudian as Latin writers from the East are exceptions by virtue of the quality of their work rather than by its very existence.
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O'Sullivan, Gerald, L. D. Reynolds, and N. G. Wilson. "Scribes and Scholars: A Guide to the Transmission of Greek and Latin Literature." Classical World 86, no. 2 (1992): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351260.
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D'Orazio, Massimo. "Meteorite records in the ancient Greek and Latin literature: between history and myth." Geological Society, London, Special Publications 273, no. 1 (2007): 215–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/gsl.sp.2007.273.01.17.
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Revyakina, Nina. "Juan Luis Vives on the use of Ancient literature in education." Hypothekai 5 (September 2021): 214–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-214-235.
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The work “On Education” (De tradendis disciplinis) by the Spanish humanist Juan Luis Vives (1492/3–1540) is considered from the perspective of the use of ancient literature during the in-itial period of child school training (from 7 to 15 years). Vives’ appreciation of the Latin language, a positive attitude towards teaching Greek at school, and the influence of ancient languages on modern European languages — Italian, Spanish, and French are discussed. The article draws attention to some features in teaching the Latin language that are not characteristic of the hu-manists who preceded Vives and also wrote about school. They are as follows: using the native language as an instrument for mastering Latin at the initial stage of learning, and using modern literature - writers, grammarians, humanists, which helps to learn ancient languages in the subsequent period. These features can be explained by Vives’ epoch when national states were being estab-lished, national languages were strengthening, and pedagogical thinking was developing. The article also examines the issue brought up by Vives himself about the attitude to pagan literature and to some, in Vives’ opinion, morally questionable poets. With all the inconsistency of Vives and the low persuasiveness of his self-censorship, the solution to this problem comes down to se-lecting such authors the study of whose works will protect school students from vices. The article shows that both Latin and Greek literature (works on oratory, poetry, comedy, history, my-thology, etc.) are widely used in teaching. Ancient writings not only form and enrich the language, but also provide versatile knowledge, mainly of humanitarian kind, help to bring up an ed-ucated and cultured person. This is supported by a large survey of over 100 ancient authors, modern writers, scientists, humanists, early medieval writers, “church fathers”, publishers, translators, and commentators provided at the very end of Vives' discussion on education, with brief characteristics of many of them.
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Holford-Strevens, Leofranc. "Kai For Et." Classical Quarterly 42, no. 1 (May 1992): 284–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800042841.
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The late Sir Roger Mynors, in a letter to Sebastiano Timpanaro quoted in the latter's Contributi difilologia e di storia della lingua latina (Rome, 1978), p. 543 n. 15, states that he had wondered ‘whether it might be a habit of Latin writers, when they were putting only one or two “parolette” between two pieces of Greek’, to use Greek rather than Latin: he invents as an example ‘ἦθος κα πθος where logic demanded ἦθος et πθος’. The answer is that they sometimes did: the present paper will concentrate on the type instantiated by his imaginary example, the use of κα for et. I do not claim to have recorded every case, but those I have observed are the following.
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Bachour, Natalia. "Healing with Mercury: The Uses of Mercury in Arabic Medical Literature." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 69, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 831–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2015-1040.
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Abstract Three textual traditions can be discerned in Arabic medical literature: the early translations from Greek, Syriac and Indian sources; the autochthonous tradition, which reached its height between the tenth and thirteenth centuries; and the translations from Latin sources, beginning in the seventeenth century. This study traces the medical use of mercury and its derivatives within these traditions. The Greek works translated into Arabic like those of Galen or Paul of Aegina did not prescribe mercury as a remedy for human beings because of its toxicity. However, many scholars of the second period, including Rhazes (d. 925), Ibn al-Jazzār (d. 979), Avicenna (d. 1037), Abū l-ʿAlāʾ Zuhr (d. 1131) and Muḥammad al-Idrīsī (d. 1166), described the external application of mercury. Many terms were used to describe these varieties of mercury – the living (ziʾbaq ḥayy), the dead (ziʾbaq mayyit), the murdered (ziʾbaq maqtūl), the sublimated (ziʾbaq muṣaʿʿad) and the dust of mercury (turāb al-ziʾbaq). To reconstruct the meaning of these terms, I examine various recipes for mercurial preparation given in these works. The internal use of mercury is documented in the sixteenth century in a work by Dawūd al-Anṭākī (d. 1599), who used the term sulaymānī to refer to a sublimated derivative of mercury. I attempt to reconstruct the modalities of knowledge transmission from the Indian and Persian East into Arabic medicine, and from the Arabic world into the Latin West. I also address the impact of translations into Arabic of Latin works in the seventeenth century, such as the Practicae medicinae and Institutionum medicinae by Daniel Sennert (d. 1637), the Antidotarium generale et speciale by Johann Jacob Wecker (d. 1586) and the Basilica Chymica by the Paracelsian Oswaldus Crollius (d. 1608).
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Reis, Rafael Vidal dos. "A interculturalidade entre a literatura italiana do Duecento e a literatura árabe-siciliana do Emirado da Sicília." Revista Italiano UERJ 12, no. 1 (September 5, 2021): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/italianouerj.2021.62147.
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RESUMO: Neste artigo, busca-se apresentar e confirmar as seis marcas da literatura e da cultura árabe, do período do Emirado da Sicília para o nascimento da literatura italiana no Duecento, período que remete a Scuola Siciliana. Os objetivos são comprovar a inserção das seis marcas utilizadas por Ibn Hamdis, mas que a partir do processo de interculturalidade e transferência cultural, e a adoção dos seus conceitos foi possível comprovar as contribuições/heranças árabes para o nascimento da Literatura Italiana, além de refutar a hipótese de que a poesia lírica amorosa ter sido originada da Literatura Provençal, assim como, colocar a Literatura Árabe Clássica no mesmo pé de igualdade das Literaturas Clássicas: Grega e Latina para a fundação da Literatura Italiana no mapa literário.Palavras-Chave: Poesia Lírica. Poesia Sarcástica. Scuola Siciliana. Duecento. Interculturalidade. ABSTRACT: In questo articolo cerca di presentare e confermare le sei marche della Letteratura e Cultura Araba nel periodo dell’Emirato di Sicilia per il nascimento della Letteratura Italiana nel Duecento, periodo che fa riferimento alla Scuola Siciliana. Gli obbiettivi sono verificare le inserzioni delle sei marche usati per Ibn Hamdis, ma che attraverso del processo d’interculturalità e di trasferimento culturale ed adozione dei suoi concetti fu possibile dimostrare i contributi arabi per il nascimento della Letteratura Italiana, oltre di rifiutare l’ipotesi di che la poesia lirica amorosa fu originata della Letteratura Provenzale, così come a mettere la Letteratura Classica Araba nella stessa egualità delle Letterature Classiche: Greca e Latina per la fondazione della Letteratura Italiana nel cammino letterario.Parole-Chiave: Poesia Lirica. Poesia Sarcastica. Scuola Siciliana. Duecento. Interculturalità. ABSTRACT: In this article, we will intend to present and confirm the six signatures of Arab literature and culture, from the Sicily emirate to the birth of the Italian Literature during the Duecento, the age of Scuola Siciliana. Our main goal is to prove the insertion of the six signatures used by Ibn Hamdis. Through the process of interculturality and cultural transfer as well as the adoption of his concepts, it was possible to inform the Arab contributions and heritages tot the birth of Italian literature; on the other side, we want to refute the hypothesis that the lyric poetry had its origin in the Provençal poetry. Furthermore, we intend to match the Classical Arab literature with Greek and Latin literatures regarding of the foundation of Italian literature in the studies of literature.Keywords: Lyric poetry. Satirical poetry. Scuola Siciliana. Duecento. interculturality.
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Camilleri, Anna. "Byron and Antiquity, ‘Et Cetera - ’." Byron Journal 48, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bj.2020.20.
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Byron’s interest in the classical past is manifest throughout his life and work. Alongside citations from and references to a remarkable catalogue of writers, thinkers, and historical figures, we also have extensive poetic responses to classical places, classical architecture, and to Greek and Roman art and sculpture. Yet it is clear that Byron’s classical pretentions are by no means underpinned by a thorough grasp of classical languages. His Greek in particular was extremely poor, and his Latin compositions barely better than the average eighteenth-century schoolboy’s. As I shall go on to demonstrate, this does not mean that attending to those moments when he does stray into classical allusion or composition is uninteresting, but it is Latin and not Greek that Byron engages with most frequently. Specifically, Byron’s less than proper Latin becomes a means by which he negotiates less than proper subject matter in his poetry.
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BERGREN, THEODORE A. "GREEK LOAN-WORDS IN THE VULGATE NEW TESTAMENT AND THE LATIN APOSTOLIC FATHERS." Traditio 74 (2019): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2019.12.
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Early Latin Christian documents translated from Greek (e.g., Latin translations of the Greek New Testament) contain a large number of Greek loan-words. This article attempts to collect and catalogue the Greek loan-words found in the Vulgate New Testament and the early Latin versions of the Apostolic Fathers. In this literature I have identified some 420 loan-words. The purpose of this article is to systematically categorize, analyze, and comment on these loan-words. In the main section of the article the loan-words are divided into discrete content groups based on their origin and/or meaning. These groups include: (1.) words that originated in Hebrew or Aramaic Vorlagen and that were then transliterated into Greek and then Latin; (2.) words with biblical or ecclesiological orientation that are found exclusively or predominantly in early Christian Latin writings; (3.) words that fall into distinct categories of items, persons or places (e.g., “animals,” “items of clothing,” “gems and minerals,” “human occupations”); and (4.) words of a general character that do not fit in any of the above categories. In this section of the article are listed, for each loan-word: first, the Latin word; second, the Greek Vorlage; third, the meaning(s) of the Latin word; and fourth, one example of a passage in the Vulgate New Testament or the Latin Apostolic Fathers in which the Latin word may be found. Loan-words with special characteristics (e.g., Latin hapax legomena) are commented on individually.
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Nagel, Rebecca. "Literary and Filial Modesty in Silvae 5.3." Ramus 29, no. 1 (2000): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00001685.
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The occasional poems of Statius are an enticing field for critics interested in topics like the interaction of Greek and Roman culture or the relationship between public activities like government and private activities like writing poetry. Most recently John Henderson has explored these issues in Statius' poem for the consular Rutilius Gallicus (Siluae1.4). In this paper I will discussSiluae5.3, an epicedion for Statius' own father. Statius uses the occasion of writing the epicedion to celebrate his father's life as a teacher, writer and performer and, by extension, his own life too. In his poem Statius develops a portrait of himself and his father as Greeks in close sympathy with Roman values. Against a backdrop of teaching and performing Greek literature they value above all filial duty and the skills of Roman government. Yet literature does not remain consistently in the background. Because Statius' father was also his teacher and model in literature, Statius as the dutiful son celebrates his father's literary skill and defers to it. By extension, Statius defers also to the subjects of his father's teaching, the famous masters of Greek and Latin literature.
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Katzoff, R. "Sperber's Dictionary of Greek and Latin Legal Terms in Rabbinic Literature - a Review-Essay." Journal for the Study of Judaism 20, no. 2 (1989): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006389x00308.
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Lowe, J. C. B. "Aspects of Plautus' Originality in the Asinaria." Classical Quarterly 42, no. 1 (May 1992): 152–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983880004266x.
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That the palliatae of Plautus and Terence, besides purporting to depict Greek life, were in general adaptations of Greek plays has always been known. Statements in the prologues of the Latin plays and by other ancient authors left no room for doubt about this, while allowing the possibility of some exceptions. The question of the relationship of the Latin plays to their Greek models was first seriously addressed in the nineteenth century, mainly by German scholars, under the stimulus of Romantic criticism which attached paramount importance to originality in art. Since then the question has been constantly debated, often with acrimony, and to this day very different answers to it continue to be given. Yet the question is obviously important, both for those who would measure the artistic achievement of the Latin dramatists and for those who would use the plays to document aspects of Greek or Roman life. It is not disputed that Plautus' plays contain many Roman allusions and Latin puns which cannot have been derived from any Greek model and must be attributed to the Roman adapter. What is disputed is whether this overt Romanization is merely a superficial veneer overlaid on fundamentally Greek structures or whether Plautus made more radical changes to the structure as well as the spirit of his models.
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Kolbaba, Tia. "On the closing of the churches and the rebaptism of Latins: Greek perfidy or Latin slander?" Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 29, no. 1 (2005): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307013100015159.
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Following the testimony of various western medieval authors, historians sometimes assert that Byzantines closed the Latin churches of Constantinople on at least two occasions and rebaptised Latin Christians who married Greek ones from c.1054 on. Both the polemical context of these accusations, however, and statements in contemporary Greek sources call these assertions into question. Latin churches were probably not closed by the Greek patriarch in 1054 or 1089, and rebaptism of Latin Christians was not the policy of the Constantinopolitan church at any point in the Middle Ages.
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Halla-Aho, Hilla, and Martti Leiwo. "A Marriage Contract: Aspects of Latin-Greek Language Contact (P. Mich. VII 434 and P. Ryl. IV 612 = ChLA IV 249)." Mnemosyne 55, no. 5 (2002): 560–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852502760347441.
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In this paper we approach a Latin marriage contract from Philadelphia, Egypt, taking into account various viewpoints. The document is written in Latin, a language that was not commonly used in the community. As a result of the language choice the contract offers a possibility for a contact linguistic analysis. The names of the father of the bride and the future husband, Nomissianus and M. Petronius Servillius respectively, are Roman, so there probably was some connection with the Roman army. The contact between Latin and Greek is studied from social, philological and linguistic perspectives. We suggest that together with some other known persons with Roman nomina from Philadelphia Nomissianus and M. Petronius Servillius belonged to a social network where Latin was the prestige language. This was the reason for choosing to write the marriage contract in Latin, which otherwise was minimally used in the Philadelphian documents. Greek was used normally, so that interference from Greek can be expected. The language of the contract is, however, clearly Latin, not Greek flavoured with Latin legal idioms. It is noteworthy that all Latin legal formulae and phrasing were composed correctly and the scribe definitely knew enough of the morphophonological correspondence between Latin and Greek to be able to latinize a majority of the original Greek words (which are mainly technical terms for objects given as dowry or part of the parapherna ).
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Ceulemans, Reinhart. "Hexaplaric Excavations." Vetus Testamentum 69, no. 2 (April 17, 2019): 321–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341359.
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Abstract This article introduces ten Hexaplaric readings that are cited in Greek and Latin Christian literature that is not exegetical or treats a biblical book other than the one the Hexaplaric reading relates to.
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Barton, Charles R. "Greek Eirw, Latin Sero, Armenian Yerum." American Journal of Philology 108, no. 4 (1987): 672. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/294789.
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DIGGLE, JAMES. "GREEK AND LATIN IN COLERIDGE'S NOTEBOOKS1." Notes and Queries 45, no. 2 (1998): 193–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/45.2.193.
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Dell’Oro, Francesca. "Peter Liddel & Polly Low (éd.), Inscriptions and their uses in Greek and Latin literature." Anabases, no. 24 (November 10, 2016): 356–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anabases.5778.
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Jackson, Lucy. "Proximate Translation: George Buchanan's Baptistes, Sophocles’ Antigone, and Early Modern English Drama." Translation and Literature 29, no. 1 (March 2020): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2020.0410.
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This essay takes up the question of what impact Greek tragedy had on original plays written in Latin in the sixteenth century. In exploring George Buchanan's biblical drama Baptistes sive calumnia (printed 1577) and its reworking of scenes and images from Sophocles' Antigone, we see how neo-Latin drama provided a valuable channel for the sharing and shaping of early modern ideas about Greek tragedy. The impact of the Baptistes on English drama is then examined, with particular reference to Thomas Watson's celebrated Latin translation of Antigone (1581). The strange affinities between Watson's and Buchanan's plays reveal the potential for Greek tragedy to shape early modern drama, but also for early modern drama to shape how Greek tragedy itself was read and received in early modern England.
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Vasunia, Phiroze. "Greek, Latin and the Indian Civil Service." Cambridge Classical Journal 51 (2005): 35–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270500000397.
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The whole question of the future of the East is full of interest, and is, perhaps, the greatest political question in the world.(Benjamin Jowett)… a corps of men specially selected, brought up in a rigour of bodily hardship to which no other modern people have subjected their ruling class, trained by cold baths, cricket, and the history of Greece and Rome …(Philip Mason)In his essay ‘Comparativism and references to Rome in British imperial attitudes to India’, Javed Majeed shows how Greek and Latin figured prominently in the examinations for the Indian Civil Service, the prestigious administrative body that David Lloyd George called ‘the steel frame’. Greek and Latin were not just used to attract and shape a class of ruling ‘gentlemen’, but were also part of a complex structure of attitude and practice designed ‘to preserve the ICS as a monopoly of European officers’. Majeed's insightful essay sheds light on the role of ICS examinations and on the function of Classics in colonial contexts, although it is mainly about comparative approaches to the British and Roman empires.
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Lines, David A. "The Commentary Literature on Aristotle'sNicomachean Ethicsin Early Renaissance Italy: Preliminary Considerations." Traditio 54 (1999): 245–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012253.
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In a letter of 1404 to the Sienese professor Francesco Casini, the Italian humanist Coluccio Salutati expressed appreciation for the addressee's commentary on Aristotle'sNicomachean Ethics, comparing it favorably with the Greek (XI/XII century) commentaries of Eustratius and Michael of Ephesus, and with the Latin ones of Albert the Great, Albert of Saxony, Gerard of Odo, Walter Burley, and Jean Buridan. He invited Casini not to neglect the works of Henry of Friemar, a minor fourteenth-century figure. Furthermore, Salutati remarked that Casini had even surpassed Thomas Aquinas and Giles of Rome, whose commentaries were doubtless the most widespread in the Latin West of Salutati's time. As Luca Bianchi has pointed out, Salutati's letter highlights the degree to which Italian humanists depended on the scholastic tradition (whether Byzantine or Latin) when approaching Aristotle'sEthics; even Donato Acciaiuoli's famous commentary, published in 1478, draws heavily on Eustratius, Albert the Great, and St. Thomas. This was actually seen as one of its greatest merits by later commentators.3 However, Salutati's comments invite yet another observation: namely, that Salutati is unable to point to any specificallyItaliantradition connected with this work. In fact, although Salutati does name two Italians (Thomas and Giles of Rome), they too, like all the other commentators mentioned, spent most of their lifetimes in northern Europe; for most of them, the center was not Italy but Paris. This is why Salutati heaped so much praise on Francesco Casini — finally an indigenous Italian tradition might develop; its beginnings were promising indeed.
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Horn, Fabian. "THE CASUALTIES OF THE LATIN ILIAD." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 2 (December 2020): 767–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000877.
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The so-called Latin Iliad, the main source for the knowledge of the Greek epic poem in the Latin West during the Middle Ages, is a hexametric poetic summary (epitome) of Homer's Iliad likely dating from the Age of Nero, which reduces the 15,693 lines of the original to a mere 1,070 lines (6.8%).
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Crawford, Gregory A. "A Citation Analysis of the Classical Philology Literature: Implications for Collection Development." Evidence Based Library and Information Practice 8, no. 2 (June 10, 2013): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.18438/b8hp56.
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Objective – This study examined the literature of classical (Greek and Latin) philology, as represented by the journal Transactions of the American Philological Association (TAPA), to determine changes over time for the types of materials cited, the languages used, the age of items cited, and the specificity of the citations. The overall goal was to provide data which could then be used by librarians in collection development decisions.
Methods – All citations included in the 1986 and 2006 volumes of the Transactions of the American Philological Association were examined and the type of material, the language, the age, and the specificity were noted. The results of analyses of these citations were then compared to the results of a study of two earlier volumes of TAPA to determine changes over time.
Results – The analyses showed that the proportion of citations to monographs continued to grow over the period of the study and accounted for almost 70% of total citations in 2006. The use of foreign language materials changed dramatically over the time of the study, declining from slightly more than half the total citations to less than a quarter. The level of specificity of citations also changed with more citations to whole books and to book chapters, rather than to specific pages, becoming more prevalent over time. Finally, the age of citations remained remarkably stable at approximately 25 years old.
Conclusion – For librarians who manage collections focused on Greek and Latin literature and language, the results can give guidance for collection development and maintenance. Of special concern is the continuing purchase of monographs to support research in classical philology, but the retention of materials is also important due to the age and languages of materials used by scholars in this discipline.
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Zarzeczny, Rafał. "Euzebiusz z Heraklei i jego "Homilia efeska" (CPG 6143) z etiopskiej antologii patrystycznej Qerellos." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 807–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4175.
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Classical oriental literatures, especially in Syriac, Arabic and Coptic languages, constitute extraordinary treasury for patristic studies. Apart from the texts written originally in their ecclesiastical ambient, the oriental ancient manuscripts include many documents completely disappeared or preserved in their Greek and Latin originals in defective form only. The same refers to the Ethiopian Christian literature. In this context so-called Qerəllos anthology occupies a particular place as one of the most important patristic writings. It contains Christological treaties and homilies by Cyril of Alexandria and other documents, essentially of the anti-nestorian and monophysite character, in the context of the Council of Ephesus (431). The core of the anthology was compiled in Alexandria and translated into Ge’ez language directly from Greek during the Aksumite period (V-VII century). Ethiopic homily by Eusebius of Heraclea (CPG 6143) is unique preserved version of this document, and also unique noted text of the bishop from V century. Besides the introduction to the Early Christian patristic literature and especially to the Qerəllos anthology, this paper offers a Polish translation of the Eusebius’s Homily with relative commentary.
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Major. "Awriten on þreo geþeode: The concept of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin in Old English and Anglo-Latin Literature." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 120, no. 2 (2021): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jenglgermphil.120.2.0141.
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