Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Greek literature'

The focus of this thesis is to trace the dialogue between the Greek cinéma d' auteur and Greek literature focusing on film adaptations of Greek literature from 1964 to 2001. It is argued that film adaptations are a sensitive prism through which to examine the auteurs’ cultural politics regarding their work and, through that, understand the economy of the auteurist cultural production itself. The thesis consists of five chapters. Chapter One presents the history of the creation of the Greek cinéma d' auteur and traces its developments in relation to the concepts of national and high art. The principle argument is that Greek literature, endowed with notions of high art and national identity, played a key role in the gradual emergence, formation and consolidation of auteurism as a cinema that enunciates national identity and articulates high art values. The next four chapters examine four film adaptations each made by an acclaimed auteur. The chapters endeavour to investigate the identity politics of each director in relation to the categories of high and national art that defined the Greek cinéma d' auteur. Moreover, the chapters aim to study the politics involved in the validation or renegotiation of auteurism itself. The major contribution of the thesis is the exploration of film adaptations of Greek literature in the Greek cinéma d' auteur which has not been systematically discussed so far. Furthermore, the investigation of the two separate components that make up the subject of the thesis, namely cinema and literature, both from a theoretical perspective and within the framework of film studies, aligns the thesis with recent discussions in Modern Greek Studies and theoretical debates about authorship in films, film adaptations as well as peripheral cinemas.

A lo largo de su carrera, la poetisa estadounidense Hilda Doolittle (1886-1961) se comprometió con la mitología clásica. A pesar de que produjo una gran cantidad de traducciones de la tragedia griega, muy pocas investigaciones se han desarrollado sobre esta parte de su trabajo. Con el fin de identificar las influencias y las relaciones de poder que confluyeron en las traducciones de H.D. y que dieron forma a su actividad como traductora, esta tesis no solo analiza las traducciones que hizo durante los primeros años de su carrera (1913-1920), sino que también estudia el contexto en el cual se produjeron dichas traducciones. La principal motivación que impulsa este estudio es la de indagar sobre el trato que H.D. dio al género en sus traducciones y sobre la medida en que los asuntos de género fueron relevantes en su papel como traductora.<br>Throughout her career, the American poet H.D. (1886-1961) engaged with classical myth. Despite the numerous translations from Greek tragedy that H.D. produced, very little research has been carried out into this area of the poet’s work. In order to identify the influences and power relations that fed into H.D.’s translations and shaped her activity as translator, this thesis analyses not only the translations that H.D. produced during the early stages of her career (1913-1920), but also the contexts in which these translations were rendered. The driving force behind this study is the desire to interrogate H.D.’s treatment of gender in her translations and the extent to which questions of gender were relevant to her role as translator.

This thesis examines the Greek wedding song and its function in literature and culture. The genre, hymenaios or epithalamium, has received little scholarly attention, particularly in English (cf. Muth, WS 1954; Tufte, Los Angeles 1970; Contiades-Tsitsoni, Stuttgart 1990, ZPE 1994; Swift, JHS 2006 & DPhil diss.). Yet an examination of the poetry of marriage, a crucial aspect in the study of the ancient world, contributes to our understanding of gender and social relations, as well as literature. Using elements of genre theory, gender studies, anthropology and cultural history, I argue that the epithalamium was part of a ritual of transition; for both the bride and for the community. The archaic epithalamium enacts this transition in lyric; tragic adaptations of the genre explore the consequences when this tradition is unsuccessfully performed. In contrast, the wedding songs of Attic comedy represent a 'happy ever after' ending for the communities of the protagonists, and portray these unions as a Sacred Marriage of man and goddess. The Helenistic epithalamium takes elements of these literary predecessors, and uses them to articulate a transition in marital relations, and literary politics, in the oeuvre of Theocritus. Philia relations in this era evolve to depict a more prominent mutuality between husband and wife, which also underpins the erotic writings of Plutarch. But more importantly, this author develops epithalamial topoi to present marriage as an 'initiation' for the bridal couple, which brings the thesis full-circle to the concept of transition while laying the foundation for one of the central concepts of Menander Rhetor's prescripts.

This thesis examines the ways in which critics, ancient and modem, have looked at verbal repetitions in the texts of Greek tragedy, in particular those repetitions of lexical words which may seem careless or unintentional. It compares surviving plays (taking a sample of those of Euripides). An index of repetitiveness for each play is calculated; it emerges that while Aeschylus' plays have a wide range, there is a statistically significant difference between those of Sophocles and those of Euripides, the latter being more repetitive. The Prometheus, whose authenticity has been doubted, has a much lower index than any other tragedy examined (though that of the Alexandra of Lycophron is much lower still). A comparison of repetitiveness within a small sample of plays has failed to find systematic differences between passages of dialogue and continuous speeches, or according to the category of word. Some verbal repetitions may not have been in the original texts of tragedies, but may appear in manuscripts because of errors made by copyists. A systematic examination has been made of the manuscript tradition of selected plays to identify the instances where some manuscripts have a reading with a repetition, while others do not. The circumstances in which erroneous repetitions are introduced are identified; one conclusion reached is that copyists sometimes remove genuine repetitions. Modem psychological research has thrown light on the processes of language comprehension and production, in particular a process known as 'priming' whereby an earlier stimulus facilitates the naming of an object. The thesis discusses the relevance of this research to the observed phenomena of verbal repetitions by authors and copyists. The thesis concludes with a detailed examination of passages in three plays, and the remarks of commentators on them. Aesthetic and textual matters are discussed.

In 1953, Maurice Merleau-Ponty claimed, “It is useless to deny that philosophy limps…. [In the philosopher’s] assent something massive and carnal is lacking. He is not altogether a real being.” My dissertation is a critical rereading of the Platonic dialogues and their reception through the lens of one key trope: “limping.” I trace limping through philosophical and literary texts and rhetorical treatises – through authors ranging from Plato, Sophocles, and Hippocrates to Montaigne, Nietzsche, and Derrida. I show that this metaphor, a figure for one-sidedness or deficiency, offers new material for the longest and most-footnoted debate, the debate over Platonic idealism. My project is grounded in a sustained re-examination of Plato’s Phaedo – the most body-denying or “somatophobic” of the Platonic dialogues. I demonstrate how the figure of limping works in conjunction with other metaphors of the body – and the figure of Socrates itself, in all its corporeality – to subvert one-sided or somatophobic readings of the Phaedo and of Platonism. Part One of my dissertation looks at the rhetoric of the body; Part Two examines the body of rhetoric. Part One asks how Socrates’ body, in its satyr-like ugliness and strangeness, itself constitutes a deformity in ancient Athens. Examining the philosopher’s “body techniques,” I show that the Phaedo – which is framed by Socrates’ legs and feet – is mediated by the body it denies. Part Two closely examines Socrates’ terminology in the Phaedo’s first argument for the immortality of the soul. Focusing on the Greek abhorrence of nature as a “limping” body, I study associated tropes of completion and incompletion, balance and imbalance, and metaphors that rely on somatic, circular, and compensatory structures (among them, the periodos, or sentence, and the diaulos, the double racecourse). My project, which draws its title from Alfred North Whitehead’s famous characterization of European philosophy as a “series of footnotes to Plato,” concerns itself with the metaphorical feet, legs, and gait of philosophy itself. In examining the “lame inheritance” the ancients have provided the moderns, my project uses the rhetoric of disability and prosthesis to reframe Classical reception studies.<br>Comparative Literature

This study seeks to explore the concept of ἀνάγκη (and the related terms ἀναγκαίος and ἀναγκαίως) in Greek literature written before 400 BCE. All passages containing these words from the time period were located, translated and analysed according to specific criteria concerning the usage and interpretation of the term. The resulting exploration was then split into five main sections: physical compulsion, moral compulsion, cosmology, circumstantial compulsion and the personification of compulsion. These sections were then examined according to both context and subtle differences in the meaning of ἀνάγκη terms within these contexts. The vast majority concerned some form of violence, physical force or fear of violent repercussions. Although the focus was on the interpretation of texts dating to before 400 BCE, owing to their fragmentary nature but considerable importance, the cosmological texts had to be examined in conjunction with later texts in order to shed more light on the meaning of ἀνάγκη in this context. Statistical analysis was performed on the 466 texts located and they were further analysed to track variations across time and genre-specific usages. Several types of usage were seen to develop only towards the end of the fifth century after 450 BCE including the notion of relative compulsions; the necessity for revenge and compelled alliances were seen to develop at this time. Recommendations were made with regards to the best and most appropriate translations; the majority of passages would require either the translation of coercion, constraint or compulsion for ἀνάγκη with the exception of the adjectival ἀναγκαίος which can mean blood relatives or similarly obligated individuals. The translation of necessity, although generally the given interpretation of ἀνάγκη was seldom appropriate since it did not grasp the entire meaning of the term in context.

The Judgement of Paris has been one of the most influential and popular myths throughout antiquity. Significant work has been done by previous scholars on the collection and analysis of artistic representations of the Judgement. This thesis is also looking into the Judgement of Paris in ancient Greek art, but it mainly focuses on the collection and analysis of the references to the myth in Greek literature from the eighth century B.C. to the second century A.D. Special attention is paid to recurring themes and ideological implications that the Judgement story raises, as well as to the interaction between those themes and specific genres. The detailed account and analysis of the references available sheds light not only on the perception of the myth itself, but also on conceptions of morality, beauty, gods, free choice, responsibility and even humour in antiquity. Through this thesis it is possible to see the transformations of the Judgement of Paris throughout centuries of literature, from its very first appearance in Homer’s Iliad to the enjoyable world of Lucian, realising the vast possibilities of this mythological tradition.

Using Jerome J. McGann’s suggestion that the earliest fragments of Manfred might have been written during his Levantine Tour (c 2 July 1809 – 14 July 1811), this thesis aims to offer a new perspective on Byron’s Manfred, taking into account issues inherent in Byron’s patrician upbringing, his experience of Ottoman Greece, his notion of a Classical tradition, and his previous Byronic heroes. The majority of motifs previously perceived as “Gothic” can thus be seen in a new light, namely, as “Greek”. Another inspiration for a “Greek” reading of Manfred has been the fact that Western-European formative education and the literary canon have been based on works written by fifth-century BC Athenian writers, works which evoke a model of intellectual and political sophistication which I call, “the Greek imaginary” on the basis of its essentially fictive quality. However, the Greek imaginary formed part of a nobleman’s education from the days of fifth-century Athens until well after Byron’s age, by the time of which “Greekness” was a form of noblesse oblige amongst privileged North-Western Europeans, while “Greece” denoted a sense of the (imaginary) origin of Western-European culture. In effect, this thesis offers an insight into Byron’s Greek imaginary, shaped by the poet’s Classical education, his loyalty to the British patrician class, and his choice of reading matter from childhood onwards, as well as by what I call, his “inner Greek landscape”, namely an inner mental construct formed during his Levantine Grand Tour, wherein the “Oriental” Greek landscape was tempered by the literary landscapes of his Classical primers. This study provides a detailed account of the ideological and cultural traditions in which Byron’s intellect was formed, showing how the landscapes of Western Greece and Switzerland were conflated with the literary landscapes of Pausanias, Longinus and English pastoral poetry. The Introduction surveys the Greek imaginary, its historical dissemination, its respective appropriations by the Roman Empire and by North-Western Europeans, especially by British Whigs, and its legacy within British poetry, especially regarding the description of mountain landscapes. Aiming to facilitate an insight into Byron’s formative experiences, the chapter offers a survey of eighteenth-century Philhellenism and its socio-political conditions, namely the institution of the Grand Tour, burgeoning Orientalism, Winckelmann's aesthetic reassessment of the plastic arts (followed by the trends of antiquarianism and the picturesque in British painting) and the French Revolution. Here, I draw an ideological and aesthetic distinction between the Greek imaginary and Gothicism and then I outline Byron's Greek imaginary. Chapter One assesses Byron’s intellectual formation from the time he was taught to read until the moment of his Grand Tour (c 1794 – 1809), reviewing it within the cultural and ideological framework of the British Whigs, whose education was based on the study of Ancient Greek and Latin and whose adult culture displayed the dissemination of tropes taken from Classical texts, for example the Eleusinian and Bacchic Mysteries, within Whig gentlemen’s clubs, and pastoral and travel writing. In effect, both Byron’s comprehensive knowledge of Ancient Greek history and literature and his Enlightened Orientalism can be read as a product of his patrician upbringing. Chapter Two follows the movements of Byron and John Cam Hobhouse in Western Greece prior to their arrival in Athens (c October – December 1809) with Pausanias and the Arnaout servants of the tyrant Ali Pasha as their guides and protectors. It is argued that Byron’s “inner Greek landscape” (a collection of motifs which appear in all of his works from Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage and which I see epitomized by Manfred) was formed during the initial three months of his Grand Tour. Here, various elements of that “landscape”, both topographical as well as literary and metaphorical, are established. This chapter also surveys Byron’s antiquarianism, scholarly Orientalism (namely his studies in Romaic philology) and his divided attitude to the abstract legacy of Classical Greece and the contemporary Greeks. The last issue was epitomized by the concepts of the “mark of Cain” and the Byronic hero’s tragic love for his other, (apparently a native of Ottoman Greece), which I see as the two leitmotifs of Byron's poetic fictions featuring the Byronic hero (namely from Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage until Manfred). The chapter also charts the Platonic notion of eros and a quest for the Kalon, pivotal to Byron's concept of love as absent presence, and key to the Byronic hero's self-torture and self-sufficiency. Chapter Three considers the events preceding and surrounding the composition of Manfred (April 1816 – May 1817), following Byron on his second Continental Tour, where his Greek imaginary was displaced onto the Belgian plains, German hills, Swiss mountains, the city-state of Venice and the Mekhitarist monastery of St Lazarus. This chapter observes the impact of Thomas Taylor's Neo-Platonist treatise, A Dissertation of the Eleusinian and Bacchic Mysteries, matched by the impact of Byron’s new friend, the poet Percy Bysshe Shelley, on Byron's subsequent composition of Manfred. The influences of Taylor and Shelley are evident in Byron's respective views of suffering in life as a part of the soul’s philosophical journey, and in his approach to the Promethean myth, Classical democracy, and the Gothic trope, the last serving as an excuse for a series of sceptical discussions culminating with the Diodati contest. Lastly, this chapter traces the influence of Shelley and his friend Peacock on Byron's reassessment of the Promethean and Christian myth during the time of his collaboration with the Mekhitarist monks of St Lazarus, when he was simultaneously writing Manfred and translating the apocryphal words of St Paul the Apostle, which can be read as approving of Manfred’s ultimate self-sufficiency. Following insights from the previous chapters, Chapter Four provides a close reading of Manfred, assessing the play as a form of simultaneous dialogue between Aeschylus, Plato, and Byron’s own hero. While the hero’s musings and monologues are seen as a reiteration of Aeschylus’ Prometheus Bound, and while his notion of a (deflected) eros seems inherited from the first two cantos of Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage and Oriental Tales, the plot of the play seems to follow the course of an initiation rite (theoria) evoked in Plato’s (and Taylor’s) notion of the Eleusinian and Bacchic mysteries. During the course of the play, Manfred is seen as an initiate reclaiming his lost eros, which then enables him to behold the highest good, the Kalon, and to come to terms with the fact that he was, and will be, his own destroyer, whereby displacing the Almighty as the (unjust) ruler of the Universe. In the conclusion, I recapitulate the key terms and concept of my thesis, the function and dissemination of Manfred as an ontologically subversive and politically ambitious reading play and as a contemporary myth. Lastly, the conclusion outlines the significance of Manfred within Byron’s subsequent artistic development by ushering in a shift of Byron’s focus onto collective and cosmic forces, and a more and more impersonal hero.

This study investigates a special sub-section of the corpus of Greek magical papyri (PGM): the so-called Greek magical hymns, the metrical sections of PGM. In a corpus that is usually seen as a significant expression of religious syncretism and that shows strong Egyptian influence, these hymns were for long considered to be the ‘most authentically Greek’ contribution. My research focuses not so much on philology as on history of religions and aims at defining the nature of divinity displayed by these hymns according to its Greek or Egyptian origin. The most representative hymns are given a line-by-line commentary following an approach that takes into consideration language, style, religious concepts, and ritual practice. The methodology employed is to examine earlier Greek and Egyptian sources and religious-magical traditions with a view to finding textual or conceptual parallels, in order to determine which divine aspects can be ascribed either to a Greek or an Egyptian background. The collected data helps to answer questions such as: were the magical hymns composed in a Greek or Egyptian environment? Why were some Greek or Egyptian divine features preserved and others not? Can these reasons tell us anything about the mutual reception of the two cultures? The analysis, though expected to open a debate on the mechanics of assimilation, shows that at a conceptual level the nature of divinity described does not display any unambiguous trace of mutual religious influence. Contrary to the global religious trend, these hymns did not feel any urgency to escape the indigenousness of their deities, and were the expression of a world in which the theological incompatibilities between the Greek and Egyptian religions were far from being overcome. In spite of the apparent syncretism, Greek metre was used to convey two traditional and distinct religious imageries.

This thesis looks at the genre of Greek declamation in the second and third centuries of the Common Era. Communis opinio sees the genre as 'nostalgic', a chance for Greeks dissatisfied with their political powerlessness under Rome to 'escape' to the glorious classical past of a free Greece. I argue, by contrast, that despite its famous classicism of language and theme, Greek declamation remains firmly anchored in the present of the Roman empire, and has much to say to that present. The thesis explores in three sections three contemporary contexts in which to read the genre. Each section is made up of two chapters, the first of which examines the context in question and reconstructs the sort of reading process it requires, while the second illustrates and explores that reading process through extended examples. In the first section (chapters one and two), Greek declamation is read in the context of the extraordinary developments in rhetorical theory that were taking place in this period: I argue that the reading of declamation through rhetorical theory was more widespread than has hitherto been appreciated, and that the relationship between theory and practice in declamation should ultimately be seen as dialogic. In the second and third sections (chapters three to six), the genre is read in its contemporary context more broadly. In the second section (chapters three to four), I explore how we might read declamation as 'mythology', that is, as a sort of safe space for exploring major contemporary concerns. In the third section, I make the case for 'metalepsis' in declamation, which I define as a breaking of the boundaries between a declamation and its immediate performance context, used above all by declaimers to talk about themselves and their careers, and also frequently to make reference to their audience.

Orientador: Fernando Brandão dos Santos<br>Orientador: Maria de Fátima Sousa e Silva<br>Banca: Susana Marques Pereira<br>Banca: Ricardo de Souza Nogueira<br>Banca: Filomena Yoshie Hirata<br>O programa de Pós-Graduação em Estudos Literários apresenta convênio acadêmico internacional visando à preparação de teses e dissertações e a dupla titulação<br>Resumo: Na primeira metade do século XX, E. R. Dodds não apenas estimulou novas perspectivas com o livro The Greeks and the irrational (1953), como tornou-se referência aos futuros estudiosos ao discutir o conceito de ἄτη na Ilíada. Extremamente complexo, o vocábulo ἄτη designa, em primeira instância, um estágio de cegueira do pensamento humano e, mais tarde, a própria desgraça consumada. Suzanne Saïd (1978), acrescenta que, posteriormente, na tragédia clássica, o conceito passaria a fazer referência a toda sorte de infortúnios. Foi R. Doyle (1984) quem fez a análise do conceito em todas as tragédias clássicas, apenas tentando estabelecer seus diferentes sentidos. Dessa forma, a presente tese tem por objetivo defender que o conceito de ἄτη, ao longo da tragédia clássica grega, no século V a.C., passa por mudanças, assumindo diferentes acepções de acordo com o contexto apresentado, podendo, inclusive, ter perdido seu sentido original, aquele que a épica e toda a literatura anterior registravam. Para além disso, ao estar unido a outros termos, o conceito de ἄτη ganha novos contornos e significados diferentes, o que impede que sua tradução seja fixada em um único campo semântico. Daí a proposta, também, de pontuar que sua tradução respeite o uso adequado feito em cada uma das tragédias por seus autores. Para tanto, a tese perpassa todas as tragédias clássicas de Ésquilo Sófocles e Eurípides em que o vocábulo está presente (vinte e oito), nas quais o termo indica mudança ou acréscimo de valor semântico, fato este que será fundamentado na análise da transformação de pensamento do homem grego que, ao longo do século V, passou por mudanças extremas, desde a fundação da democracia e a vitória contra os persas, até o fim da Guerra do Peloponeso, com a queda do poderio ateniense e o desenvolvimento do pensamento racional<br>Abstract: In the first half of the twentieth century, E. R. Dodds not only stimulated new perspectives through the book The Greeks and the irrational (1953), but also has become the benchmark for future scholars to discuss the concept of ἄτη in the Iliad. Extremely complex, the word ἄτη means in the first instance a blinding stage of human thought and, later, the very accomplished disgrace. Suzanne Saïd (1978) adds that later in classical tragedy, the concept would refer to all sorts of misfortunes. It was R. Doyle (1984) who analyzed the concept in all classical tragedies, just trying to establish its different meanings. Thus, this thesis aims to defend that the concept of ἄτη, along the classical Greek tragedy in the fifth century BC, undergoes changes, assuming different meanings according to the context presented, and may even have lost its original meaning, that the epic and all previous literature recorded. In addition, being united with other terms, the concept of ἄτη achieves new contours and different meanings, which prevents its translation to be fixed at a single semantic field. Hence the proposal, also, to point out that the translation respects the proper use made in each of the tragedies by their authors. Therefore, the argument permeates all the classic tragedies of Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides in which the word is present (twenty-eight), in which the term indicates change or addition of semantic value, a fact that will be based on the analysis of the transformation of thought of the Greek man, along the fifth century, underwent extreme changes from the foundation of democracy and the victory against the Persians, until the end of the Peloponnesian War, the fall of the Athenian power and the development of rational thought<br>Doutor

This thesis explores Hellenistic and imperial Greek texts that represent or discuss the river Nile. The thesis makes an original contribution to scholarship by examining such texts in he light of the history of Greek discourse about the Nile and in the context of social, political and cultural changes, and takes account of relevant ancient Egyptian texts. I begin with an introduction that provides a survey of earlier scholarship about the Nile in Greek literature, before identifying three themes central to the thesis: the relationship between Greek and Egyptian texts, the tension between rationalism and divinity, and the interplay between power and literature. I then highlight both the cultural significance of rivers in classical Greek culture, and the polyvalence of the river Nile and its inundation in ancient Egyptian religion and literature. Chapter 1 examines the significance of Diodorus Siculus' representation of the Nile at the beginning of his universal history; it argues that the river's prominence constructs Egypt as a primeval landscape that allows the historian access to the distant past. The Nile is also seen to be useful to the historian as a conceptual parallel for his historiographical project. Whereas Diodorus begins his universal history with the Nile, Strabo closes his universal geography with Egypt; the second chapter demonstrates how Strabo incorporates the Nile into his vision of the new Roman world. Chapter 3 presents a diachronic study of Greek discourse concerning the two major Nilotic problems, the cause of the annual inundation and the location of the sources. It examines first the construction of the debates, and second the transformation of that tradition in Aelius Aristides' Egyptian Oration. The functions of the Nile in Greek praise-poetry are the subject of chapter 4; it is shown that the Nile and its benefactions are used by poets to lay claim to political, religious or cultural authority, and to situate Egypt within an expanding oikoumene. The fifth and final chapter turns to Greek narrative fictions from the imperial period. The chapter demonstrates that the Nile is more familiar than exotic in these texts. It is shown that Xenophon of Ephesus and Achilles Tatius play with the trope of 'novelty' in this very familiar literary landscape, while Heliodorus articulates a more profound disruption of the expected Egyptian tropes, and ultimately replaces Egypt with Ethiopia as a new Nilotic environment.

Orientador: Flávio Ribeiro de Oliveira<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T03:35:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cabral_LuizAlbertoMachado_D.pdf: 1547375 bytes, checksum: a0b009115fe122a26f2169fba6f1742b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013<br>Resumo: A Biblioteca é um compêndio em Grego antigo de mitos e lendas heroicas dispostos em três livros e foi denominado "a mais valiosa obra mitográfica dos tempos antigos que chegou até nós", mas não se sabe absolutamente quem é o seu autor. A obra que temos em mãos é atribuída a Apolodoro, o Gramático, ou seja, Apolodoro de Atenas, um erudito do século II a. C. e autor da obra Sobre os Deuses (Perì Theôn). O texto que possuímos, no entanto, menciona um autor romano, o cronista Cástor, um contemporâneo de Cícero do século I a. C. Os eruditos que se seguiram a Fócio se equivocaram na atribuição da obra. Uma vez que Apolodoro de Atenas não poderia ter escrito a obra, o autor da Biblioteca é convencionalmente denominado o "Pseudo Apolodoro" por aqueles que almejam ser estritamente precisos. As referências tradicionais mencionam apenas "a Biblioteca e Epítome". Sua primeira menção na literatura grega ocorre em 858 d. C. pelo erudito bizantino Fócio, que teve acesso à obra na íntegra, tal como ele menciona no seu "relato de livros lidos", que ela continha histórias dos heróis da Guerra de Troia e dos nóstoi (Retornos) que faltam nos manuscritos que restaram. Infelizmente, a Biblioteca chegou-nos incompleta. Nos manuscritos ela se encontra indivisa, mas por convenção, foi dividida em três livros. Parte do Livro III, que é interrompido abruptamente no meio das aventuras de Teseu, foi perdida. No século XII d. C., no entanto, John Tzetzes possuía o texto completo, e em 1885, R. Wagner constatou que um manuscrito da Biblioteca do Vaticano, que continha trechos de uma obra de Tzetzes, continha também um longo trecho resumido, extraído de todo o conteúdo da Biblioteca, incluindo o seu final perdido. Essa versão resumida (ou epítome) é conhecida atualmente como Epítome do Vaticano. Coincidentemente, poucos anos depois, A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus descobriu em Jerusalém um manuscrito que continha um conjunto de excertos resumidos, todos do Livro III e da parte conhecida apenas pela epítome de Tzetzes. Este manuscrito ficou conhecido como Epítome Sabaítica (devido ao monastério de São Sabbas, onde o manuscrito foi descoberto); Portanto, embora a Biblioteca tenha sido impressa pela primeira vez em uma edição moderna em 1555, foi somente com a edição de R. Wagner, de 1894, que tivemos acesso ao texto completo, ou pelo menos próximo disso. Estas duas epítomes são inestimáveis para nós por serem nossos únicos testemunhos da parte do livro que se perdeu e foram compostas em tempos diferentes, por diferentes eruditos ou copistas, e quando são contrastadas, nem sempre conservam o mesmo material ou detalhe. Este é o motivo pelo qual escolhemos traduzir uma versão combinada delas, criada por J. G. Frazer, que une as duas epítomes para criar um relato mais completo e coerente. Em nossa tradução da obra, tentamos manter a clareza e a objetividade sem pretender "embelezar", quando nosso autor não teve a intenção de fazê-lo. Compilada fielmente, embora de maneira acrítica, a partir das melhores fontes literárias disponíveis para o Pseudo Apolodoro, em sua época, a importância da Biblioteca deriva sobretudo da fidelidade com a qual ele reproduz ou resume os relatos de escritores cujas obras nos são acessíveis e nos inspira a aceitar suas afirmações também com relação a outros autores, cujos escritos desapareceram. Daí a extrema importância documental desse livro como um registro meticuloso sobre o que os gregos acreditavam a respeito da origem do mundo e da antiga história de sua raça, pois é o único testemunho de tradições perdidas de que dispomos. Os relatos breves e desprovidos de adornos dos mitos na Biblioteca levaram alguns comentadores a sugerir que mesmos as suas seções completas são um resumo de uma obra perdida.<br>Resumo: A Biblioteca é um compêndio em Grego antigo de mitos e lendas heroicas dispostos em três livros e foi denominado "a mais valiosa obra mitográfica dos tempos antigos que chegou até nós", mas não se sabe absolutamente quem é o seu autor. A obra que temos em mãos é atribuída a Apolodoro, o Gramático, ou seja, Apolodoro de Atenas, um erudito do século II a. C. e autor da obra Sobre os Deuses (Perì Theôn). O texto que possuímos, no entanto, menciona um autor romano, o cronista Cástor, um contemporâneo de Cícero do século I a. C. Os eruditos que se seguiram a Fócio se equivocaram na atribuição da obra. Uma vez que Apolodoro de Atenas não poderia ter escrito a obra, o autor da Biblioteca é convencionalmente denominado o "Pseudo Apolodoro" por aqueles que almejam ser estritamente precisos. As referências tradicionais mencionam apenas "a Biblioteca e Epítome". Sua primeira menção na literatura grega ocorre em 858 d. C. pelo erudito bizantino Fócio, que teve acesso à obra na íntegra, tal como ele menciona no seu "relato de livros lidos", que ela continha histórias dos heróis da Guerra de Troia e dos nóstoi (Retornos) que faltam nos manuscritos que restaram. Infelizmente, a Biblioteca chegou-nos incompleta. Nos manuscritos ela se encontra indivisa, mas por convenção, foi dividida em três livros. Parte do Livro III, que é interrompido abruptamente no meio das aventuras de Teseu, foi perdida. No século XII d. C., no entanto, John Tzetzes possuía o texto completo, e em 1885, R. Wagner constatou que um manuscrito da Biblioteca do Vaticano, que continha trechos de uma obra de Tzetzes, continha também um longo trecho resumido, extraído de todo o conteúdo da Biblioteca, incluindo o seu final perdido. Essa versão resumida (ou epítome) é conhecida atualmente como Epítome do Vaticano. Coincidentemente, poucos anos depois, A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus descobriu em Jerusalém um manuscrito que continha um conjunto de excertos resumidos, todos do Livro III e da parte conhecida apenas pela epítome de Tzetzes. Este manuscrito ficou conhecido como Epítome Sabaítica (devido ao monastério de São Sabbas, onde o manuscrito foi descoberto); Portanto, embora a Biblioteca tenha sido impressa pela primeira vez em uma edição moderna em 1555, foi somente com a edição de R. Wagner, de 1894, que tivemos acesso ao texto completo, ou pelo menos próximo disso. Estas duas epítomes são inestimáveis para nós por serem nossos únicos testemunhos da parte do livro que se perdeu e foram compostas em tempos diferentes, por diferentes eruditos ou copistas, e quando são contrastadas, nem sempre conservam o mesmo material ou detalhe. Este é o motivo pelo qual escolhemos traduzir uma versão combinada delas, criada por J. G. Frazer, que une as duas epítomes para criar um relato mais completo e coerente. Em nossa tradução da obra, tentamos manter a clareza e a objetividade sem pretender "embelezar", quando nosso autor não teve a intenção de fazê-lo. Compilada fielmente, embora de maneira acrítica, a partir das melhores fontes literárias disponíveis para o Pseudo Apolodoro, em sua época, a importância da Biblioteca deriva sobretudo da fidelidade com a qual ele reproduz ou resume os relatos de escritores cujas obras nos são acessíveis e nos inspira a aceitar suas afirmações também com relação a outros autores, cujos escritos desapareceram. Daí a extrema importância documental desse livro como um registro meticuloso sobre o que os gregos acreditavam a respeito da origem do mundo e da antiga história de sua raça, pois é o único testemunho de tradições perdidas de que dispomos. Os relatos breves e desprovidos de adornos dos mitos na Biblioteca levaram alguns comentadores a sugerir que mesmos as suas seções completas são um resumo de uma obra perdida.<br>Abstract: The Bibliotheke is an ancient Greek compendium of myths and heroic legends, arranged in three books and it has been called "the most valuable mythographical work that has come down from ancient times", but his author is completely unknown to us. The work has come down to us attributed to Apollodorus the Grammarian, that is, Apollodorus of Athens, a second-century BC scholar and author of On the Gods (Peri Theon). The text that we possess, however, cites a Roman author: Castor the Annalist, a contemporary of Cicero in the 1st century BC. The mistaken attribution was made by scholars from Photius onwards. Since for chronological reasons Apollodorus of Athens could not have written the book, the author of the Bibliotheke is conventionally called the "Pseudo-Apollodorus" by those wishing to be scrupulously correct. Traditional references simply instance "the Library and Epitome". The first mention of the work in the Greek literature is in AD 858 by the Byzantine scholar Photius, who had the full work before him, as he mentions in his "account of books read" that it contained stories of the heroes of the Trojan War and the nostoi, missing in surviving manuscripts. Unfortunately the Bibliotheca has come down to us incomplete. It is undivided in the manuscripts but conventionally divided in three books. Part of the third book, which breaks off abruptly in the middle of Theseus' adventures, has been lost. In the twelfth century AD, however, John Tzetzes, had a complete text too, and in 1885 R. Wagner realized that a manuscript in the Vatican Library containing excerpts of some Tzetzes' work also contained large abridged excerpts drawn from across the whole of the Bibliotheke - including the lost ending. This abridged version (or epitome) is known as the Vatican Epitome. Coincidentally, a few years later, A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus discovered in Jerusalem a manuscript that contained another set of abridged excerpts, all from the third book and the portion known only from Tzetzes' epitome. This became known as the Sabbaitic Epitome (from the monastery of St. Sabbas, where the manuscript was discovered); Thus, although the Bibliotheke was first printed in a modern edition in 1555, it was only with Wagner's edition of 1894 the we had a complete, or at least nearly complete, text. The two epitomes are invaluable for us because they are our witness to the last part of the book and were made at different times by different copyists and scholars, and when they overlap they do not always preserve the same material or detail. That is the reason why we have chosen to translate a combined version of them, created by J. G. Frazer; with stitches the separate epitomes together to create a fuller and more connect account. In our translation of the work we have tried to be clear and straightforward, without "prettying up" our author into something he is not. Compiled faithfully, if uncritically, from the best literary sources open to the Pseudo- Apollodorus, the Bibliotheke debt its importance above all to the fidelity with which he reproduced or summarized the accounts of writers whose works are accessible to us and inspires us with confidence in accepting his statements concerning others whose writings are lost. Hence his book possesses a documentary value as an accurate record of what the Greeks in general believed about the origin and early history of the world and of their race. The brief and unadorned accounts of myth in the Bibliotheca have led some commentators to suggest that even its complete sections are an epitome of a lost work.<br>Abstract: The Bibliotheke is an ancient Greek compendium of myths and heroic legends, arranged in three books and it has been called "the most valuable mythographical work that has come down from ancient times", but his author is completely unknown to us. The work has come down to us attributed to Apollodorus the Grammarian, that is, Apollodorus of Athens, a second-century BC scholar and author of On the Gods (Peri Theon). The text that we possess, however, cites a Roman author: Castor the Annalist, a contemporary of Cicero in the 1st century BC. The mistaken attribution was made by scholars from Photius onwards. Since for chronological reasons Apollodorus of Athens could not have written the book, the author of the Bibliotheke is conventionally called the "Pseudo-Apollodorus" by those wishing to be scrupulously correct. Traditional references simply instance "the Library and Epitome". The first mention of the work in the Greek literature is in AD 858 by the Byzantine scholar Photius, who had the full work before him, as he mentions in his "account of books read" that it contained stories of the heroes of the Trojan War and the nostoi, missing in surviving manuscripts. Unfortunately the Bibliotheca has come down to us incomplete. It is undivided in the manuscripts but conventionally divided in three books. Part of the third book, which breaks off abruptly in the middle of Theseus' adventures, has been lost. In the twelfth century AD, however, John Tzetzes, had a complete text too, and in 1885 R. Wagner realized that a manuscript in the Vatican Library containing excerpts of some Tzetzes' work also contained large abridged excerpts drawn from across the whole of the Bibliotheke - including the lost ending. This abridged version (or epitome) is known as the Vatican Epitome. Coincidentally, a few years later, A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus discovered in Jerusalem a manuscript that contained another set of abridged excerpts, all from the third book and the portion known only from Tzetzes' epitome. This became known as the Sabbaitic Epitome (from the monastery of St. Sabbas, where the manuscript was discovered); Thus, although the Bibliotheke was first printed in a modern edition in 1555, it was only with Wagner's edition of 1894 the we had a complete, or at least nearly complete, text. The two epitomes are invaluable for us because they are our witness to the last part of the book and were made at different times by different copyists and scholars, and when they overlap they do not always preserve the same material or detail. That is the reason why we have chosen to translate a combined version of them, created by J. G. Frazer; with stitches the separate epitomes together to create a fuller and more connect account. In our translation of the work we have tried to be clear and straightforward, without "prettying up" our author into something he is not. Compiled faithfully, if uncritically, from the best literary sources open to the Pseudo- Apollodorus, the Bibliotheke debt its importance above all to the fidelity with which he reproduced or summarized the accounts of writers whose works are accessible to us and inspires us with confidence in accepting his statements concerning others whose writings are lost. Hence his book possesses a documentary value as an accurate record of what the Greeks in general believed about the origin and early history of the world and of their race. The brief and unadorned accounts of myth in the Bibliotheca have led some commentators to suggest that even its complete sections are an epitome of a lost work.<br>Doutorado<br>Linguistica<br>Doutor em Linguística

<p> I argue in this dissertation that Thornton Wilder is a <i>poeta doctus</i>, a learned playwright and novelist, who consciously places himself within the classical tradition, creating works that assimilate Greek and Latin literature, transforming our understanding of the classics through the intertextual aspects of his writings. Never slavishly following his ancient models, Wilder grapples with classical literature not only through his fiction set in ancient times but also throughout his literary output, integrating classical influences with biblical, medieval, Renaissance, early modern, and modern sources. In particular, Wilder dramatizes the Americanization of these influences, fulfilling what he describes in an early newspaper interview as the mission of the American writer: merging classical works with the American spirit. </p><p> Through close reading; examination of manuscript drafts, journal entries, and correspondence; and philological analysis, I explore Wilder&rsquo;s development of classical motifs, including the female sage, the torch race of literature, the Homeric hero, and the spread of manure. Wilder&rsquo;s first published novel, <i>The Cabala</i>, demonstrates his identification with Vergil as the Latin poet&rsquo;s American successor. Drawing on feminist scholarship, I investigate the role of female sages in Wilder&rsquo;s novels and plays, including the example of Emily Dickinson. <i>The Skin of Our Teeth</i> exemplifies Wilder&rsquo;s metaphor of literature as a &ldquo;Torch Race,&rdquo; based on Lucretius and Plato: literature is a relay race involving the cooperation of numerous peoples and cultures, rather than a purely competitive endeavor. </p><p> Vergil&rsquo;s expression, <i>sunt lacrimae rerum et mentem mortalia tangunt</i> [Here are the tears of the world, and human matters touch the heart] (Vergil: <i>Aeneid</i> 1.462), haunts much of Wilder&rsquo;s oeuvre. The phrase <i>lacrimae rerum</i> is multivocal, so that the reader must interpret it. Understanding <i>lacrimae rerum</i> as &ldquo;tears for the beauty of the world,&rdquo; Wilder utilizes scenes depicting the wonder of the world and the resulting sorrow when individuals recognize this too late. Saturating his works with the spirit of antiquity, Wilder exhorts us to observe lovingly and to live life fully while on earth. Through characters such as Dolly Levi in <i>The Matchmaker</i> and Emily Webb in <i>Our Town</i>, Wilder transforms Vergil&rsquo;s <i> lacrimae rerum</i> into &ldquo;Our Tears.&rdquo;</p><p>

My Ph.D. thesis constitutes an investigation into the ways in which non-verbal communication (NVC) is represented and relayed by ancient authors through the use of the written word. This written expression of NVC can be represented in conjunction with oral communication, or independently of it, offering intentionally chosen insight into particular perspectives, concepts or situations. The reasons why a specific author, or authors, chose to include certain non-verbal details are considered, as is the cultural, symbolic, and literary significance of each example. The thesis approaches the subject from historical, anthropological, sociological and philosophical perspectives, while retaining an appreciation of the chronological and methodological limitations of studying the behaviour of a society which cannot be directly experienced. My thesis is intended to fill a gap in the historical scholarship of classical Athens as, with a few notable exceptions, the study of NVC remains virtually ignored by ancient historians and classicists. Indeed, most of the research in this area belongs to the discipline of art history and does not include a thorough consideration of the subject through the use of literary and historical sources. My research of NVC includes the study of gesture and body language, as well as investigations into kinesics, manipulable elements of appearance, autonomic nervous system responses, haptics, posture, gait, and mobility. Within these areas of inquiry there exist sub-divisions that must also be taken into consideration, e.g., gender, age, socio-economic status, and race. Furthermore, the symbolism and meaning of any element of NVC do not remain static, and the changes and alterations occurring within the means of communication of the society under investigation are critical to any attempt at understanding the role of NVC in that community. The point of departure for my research is the Attic orators. However, the scope of my work is by no means limited to oratory. Descriptions of NVC are used throughout Greek prose and verse, allowing a web of comparable and conflicting usage to be unravelled. Of particular interest to my work is the influence of early physiognomies and physiognomical thought on the textual usage of the body. In order to establish continuity or change in the attitudes and understanding of NVC in antiquity, the texts I consider are not restricted to the classical period, but spread into adjacent centuries. For methodological reasons, I have divided this dissertation according to body part or function, and have chosen particular aspects of NVC for detailed analysis, both on a practical and on a theoretical level. While each body movement represents a certain emotion or symbolises a particular response or message, bodily traits and actions need also be considered within the wider context of Greek thought. Bodily movement and expression are evaluated in relation to basic Greek concepts such as the psyche, the body, schema, beauty, civic ideals and values, etc. My thesis deals with NVC both as an expression of the ideal and as a possible reflection of reality, taking into consideration its role both as a means to fantasise and as a tool of criticism.

This dissertation explores the transcultural relationships between modern China and ancient Greece, with a view toward appreciating how Greek philosophical and literary visions have been received, reformulated, and repurposed by Chinese writers from the turn of the twentieth century to the Cultural Revolution that began in 1966. The project is a combination of intellectual inquisition and textual analysis. Contextualized in the narrative of modern Chinese intellectual history, my study focuses on critical analysis of certain literary texts that contain or appropriate Greek elements. The objective of this study is to uncover the sophisticated transcultural practice in Chinese writers’ creative representation of what they consider the original source of the Western civilization. This in turn has contributed to the making of new intellectual trends that characterize modern Chinese culture. While constructing “a Greek layer” in the characteristics of Chinese modernity, these intellectuals’ reception of Greek imagery was also conditioned by their own political and cultural purposes. This reception was a process of appropriation that turned ancient Greece into an integral element in the formulation of a new cultural subjectivity of modern China, a course defined by David Damrosch as to mobilize elements derived from the foreign works within a vital and ongoing home tradition. This dissertation considers the Chinese translations of, introductions to, and commentaries on texts of Greek antiquity as recreations adapted to the domestic context. My study does not only analyze what has been rendered and changed in the translations of the broad term when compared with the original texts, but also treat the translations as reformulated texts that succeeded in representing Greek imagery as an internal part of the intellectual history of modern China. As the first comprehensive study of the multi-layered literary relationships between ancient Greece and modern China, this study aims to better understand the modernization of Chinese literature and culture in the context of transculturation.<br>East Asian Languages and Civilizations