Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Greek Nationalism'

Within the field of Nationalism Studies, the relationship between “National Identity” and “ethnicity” has been widely studied. Likewise, the relationship between “National Identity”, “elite interests” and “ethnic conflicts” has also been investigated. In fact, there is a considerable amount of studies focused on the “inter-state” aspects of “National Identity”, “ethnicity” and “elite interests”, however, such studies tend to highlight the “elite” of the “homeland” as the political and social leaders of their ethnicity; seeing themselves responsible for defending the political interests of their ethnic relatives in transnational borders, or liberating them from other states via “secessionist” or “irredentist” policies. Nevertheless, an example of elite of “ethnic kin”, who dominates another state outside its “homeland”, has not yet been widely theorized academically, with a focus on “National Identity” and “elite interests”. This study aims to fill that gap within the literature through the example of President Makarios and Greek Cypriot nationalism. While Cyprus was a British colony, the Greek Cypriot community was mobilized to unify Cyprus with their “homeland” Greece. However, the result of such mobilization was the foundation of a Cypriot state, based on power-sharing between the Greek Cypriot majority and Turkish Cypriot minority. In the post-Independence era, particularly with the consolidation of the military dictatorship in Greece (1967), President Makarios abandoned the Enosis (unification of Cyprus with Greece) policies and made attempts to reconstruct the Greek Cypriot National Identity in favour of a Greek Cypriot-ruled independent Cypriot state. President Makarios also ignored Greek Junta's manipulations about the Cypriot politics. The subsequent struggle continued until the Athens-led coup d'état that overthrew the President (1974). This thesis shall follow Brass’ “Instrumentalist” theory and shall analyze the reconstruction of the Greek Cypriot National Identity. The thesis will also investigate the role played by the interests of both the President and the Greek Cypriots in constructing this new National Identity.

This thesis focuses on the dilemma caused by visible differences which are used etic-ly to envisage a group as an ethnic group. The Arvanites are a group of Albanian speaking Greeks who have been living in Greece for one thousand years. They are thought to have come to Greece as mercenaries. The Great Empires gave them lands where they eventually settled down in payment for their service. Throughout the centuries they have maintained their language. However, with the Age of nationalism, they slowly transformed their identity from a regional localised ethnic identity to a Greek national identity. As a result, the Arvanite language, Arvanitika, is in decline at the present time. I set out to explore the ways in which ethnicity or non-ethnicity is practiced and examine the construction of a Arvanite/Greek national identity and offer this as a case study through which we might further our understanding of the practices and politicisation of identity in a context of the Greek nation but more generally in any national context where ethnic identities are not recognised by national, super-national or international forums. The accomplishment of the Greek national model has been examined intensively in terms of it formation, foundation and historicity and its relationship to Europe and in opposition to other national entities such as Turkey. However, such approaches may explain the Greek invention of nationalism from a political and historical point of view but such approaches miss the cognitivisation of national, local and ethnic identities through action and practice in everyday life. Moreover the actors have forgotten much of their local history which may have given them the propensity to choose to participate in or even subordinate their own ethnic identities for an alternative prestigious, in this case, national history and identity. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in the village of Gogofis in North Eastern Attica, I consider mundane acts of everyday life such as, patron/client systems, kin-like relationships, names and naming of people and the processes of memory production and reproduction, as well as practices associated with food and landscape within the framework of the Arvanites’ relationship to the nation state. I then investigate the Arvanites’ relationship to Albanian immigrants, and to the state to better qualify the Arvanites as Greeks or as ethnic Albanians. I conclude that the Arvanites consciously embrace and maintain their Greek identity through banal processes while having an alternative outlook with regards to the Albanians whom the Arvanites envisage as representations of their past selves. Thus, instead of seeing them as a threatening ‘others’ or simply as sources of cheap labour, they see them as part of their own village, representing future villagers, future Greeks, and future memories. The Arvanite should not be understood as just a passive ethnic group who has submitted unawares to symbolic violence. Rather they are active participants in the nation state and see both social and cultural capital advantages in maintaining the nation. Finally, although this thesis focuses on Arvanite/Albanian/Greeks constructions and expressions of ethnic/local and national identity, it may be considered a framework for any ‘ethnic’ group and their relationship to a state in which the said, group inhabits and participates but fundamentally does not ‘fit’ essentialised categorisations of national membership.

This thesis examines the views of Ion Dragoumis and their transformations concerning the Greek foreign policy and the nationalist mobilisation of the Greeks in the Ottoman Empire during the historical developments and political reversals that took place there from 1903 until the Balkan wars. Most of the writings concerning Dragoumis are biased and idealised narratives motivated by nationalist aims and values. Moreover, the determinative influence that the specific historical conditions (social, diplomatic, political and ethnographic) exerted on the particular contents and development of Dragoumis' nationalism is understudied. The thesis aims, through a critical examination of Dragoumis' published material and unpublished archives, to uncover the political functions and objectives that Dragoumis' nationalist ideas fulfilled, alongside the specific historical circumstances which allowed their appearance and conditioned their attainability. During the decade 1903-1913 Dragoumis' nationalism crystallised into incompatible political plans, passing through all the main types of Greek nationalism from the establishment of the Greek Kingdom until his time. Therefore, the examination of the historical and political development of Dragoumis' nationalism constitutes a case study of the historicity and plasticity of nationalist ideas and of the alternative political forms and contradictions of Greek nationalism in the turbulent years of the early twentieth Century.

This thesis aims to examine the development of inter-communal fighting in Cyprus between 1948 and 1974. It focuses on the domestic factors of inter-communal fighting by analyzing the gradual evolution of Greek and Turkish Cypriot stances. The thesis argues that the inter-communal fighting of Cyprus is rooted in the historical and domestic factors. This thesis analyzes the continuities and changes in Cyprus politics. This work accordingly will examine the articulation of various political and social factors in Cyprus. Contrary to the prevailing dominant perspective, this thesis mentions that the inter-communal fighting was not the product of only external forces but their articulation with domestic factors as they evolved historically. Therefore, the issue of &bdquo
&bdquo
ethnic polarization

In 1991, a diplomatic controversy arose between Greece and the newly independent Republic of Macedonia, regarding naming, minority rights and the use of historical symbols. The claims of the new state to the name Macedonia and the historical heritage associated with it were perceived as a threat against Greek national identity and history itself. Within months, the so-called Macedonian question came to dominate the Greek domestic and foreign policy agenda. In Greek public debate, the conflict blended with concerns about the nation’s past, present and future, which played into the challenges brought about by the end of the Cold War. The Macedonian conflict can thus be understood as symptomatic of a crisis in Greek historical culture, as well as a catalyst for broader concerns about the role of history in contemporary society. This study explores the contexts in which the conflict evolved and how history was perceived, narrated and used by institutions, communities and individuals who sought to influence public opinion and policy-makers. The theoretical point of departure is the concept of historical culture, defined as the totality of discourses through which a society makes sense of itself, the present and the future through the interpretation of the past. In the study of historical culture, the notions of narratives and uses of history have been employed, with the notion of boundary-work as a supplementing analytical tool. The material of the study is primarily drawn from mainstream press, but also includes historiography. The study shows how the Macedonian controversy was intertwined with the identity- and memory-political demands of substate actors. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of a narrative on genocide among Greeks of Pontian origins. This happened in an age when traditional notions of national pride were being challenged by transnational history-cultural concerns about human rights and the notion of national guilt. The study also sheds light on how academic historians dealt with issues brought about by demands for politically committed scholarship, objectivity, legitimacy and the need to adjust in a transnational setting.
Denna studie har sin utgångspunkt i de utmaningar som det grekiska samhället och nationalstaten stod inför vid kalla krigets slut. I fokus står den diplomatiska konflikten mellan Grekland och republiken Makedonien, gällande den senare partens namn och bruk av historiskt laddade symboler samt minoritetsrättigheter. Denna makedonska konflikt som seglade upp i samband med Jugoslaviens sammanbrott kom att dominera den in- och utrikespolitiska dagordningen i Grekland under det tidiga 1990-talet, och förde tidvis in landet på kollisionskurs med dess västeuropeiska och amerikanska partners. Avhandlingens syfte har bestått i att spåra de sammanhang som denna konflikt växte fram i. Jag hävdar att den makedonska konflikten inte endast skall förstås som en kris i grekisk inrikespolitik, eller i landets relationer med omvärlden, utan fastmer som en kris i den grekiska historiekulturen. I det offentliga samtalet i Grekland smälte konflikten samman med en oro gällande nationens förflutna, nutid och framtid. Den diplomatiska fejden med den nya grannstaten i norr uppmärksammades av en bred allmänhet och åtföljdes av en diskurs som utmålade den egna nationens historia och arv som hotade. Studiet av denna diskurs, eller rättare sagt diskurser, om historia är ett viktigt mål i denna avhandling, eftersom det belyser uppfattningar om det förflutna jämte farhågor rörande nuet och nationens framtid, uppfattningar och farhågor som ytterst präglade den politiska krisen. Den teoretiska utgångspunkten för studien återfinns i begreppet historiekultur. Med detta avses de samtliga diskurser genom vilka ett samhälle begripliggör sig självt, nuet och framtiden genom att tolka det förflutna. Sålunda definierad skall historiekultur förstås som både struktur och process. Det innebär att historiekulturen är både ramverket av kunskap, attityder och värderingar som ger den enskilde mening och sammanhang, och samhällen deras sammanhållning, och själva handlingen genom vilka ovansagda skapas och förmedlas. Som redskap för att studera historiekultur har begreppen berättelser och historiebruk använts. Eftersom studien särskilt uppmärksammar fackhistorikers roll i konflikten – viktiga i egenskap av aktörer som skapar och sprider den kunskap och de värderingar som utgör historiekultur – har även ett vetenskapssociologiskt perspektiv infogats. Offentliga kontroverser rörande det förflutna inbegriper kamp om trovärdigheten i vissa tolkningar liksom hos dem som framför dem. Som kompletterande analysredskap brukas begreppet gränsdragning (boundary-work), utifrån uppfattningen att vetenskapen bör studeras i det sociala sammanhang i vilket den bibringas mening och auktoritet. Historiekultur studeras genom dess lämningar. I föreliggande avhandling utgörs källmaterialet främst av artiklar i grekisk dagspress, men även historieskrivning (akademisk såväl som icke-akademisk) i bokform, vetenskapliga tidskrifter och andra relevanta trycksaker där historia debatteras, berättas, sätts in i sammanhang och brukas, har studerats. Materialet täcker ingalunda grekisk historiekultur i hela dess vidd men utgör likväl ett representativt urval av de arenor där såväl allmänhet som specialister mötte diskurser och debatter om det förflutna. 324 Studien har kartlagt de sätt på vilka historia brukades med särskilt avseende på de intressen som kan skönjas däri. Själva upplevelsen av kris tog sig uttryck i ett existentiellt historiebruk, kopplats till ett sökande efter rötter och kontinuitet som närdes av fruktan för krig, rotlöshet och kulturell minnesförlust. Det upplevda yttre hotet mot Grekland beskrevs ofta i termer av en hotande utmaning gentemot den nationella identiteten och nationens överlevnad, men också som en möjlighet att återupprätta en samlande nationell berättelse. Samtidigt brukades historia med både kommersiella och politiska mål i sikte, eftersom det nationella förflutna sågs som en moralisk, politisk och ekonomisk tillgång. Ett framträdande drag i debatten var ett politiskt historiebruk som syftade till att utmana en upplevd vänsterhegemoni som utmålades som ett hinder för nationell enighet och främjandet av Greklands utrikespolitiska målsättningar i utlandet. Men historia kunde även brukas politiskt för att visa på nationalismens avarter. Särskild uppmärksamhet har ägnats åt det moraliska historiebruket. Detta är ett bruk som utmanar vad som utpekas som förhärskande föreställningar och därför är ett medel för historiekulturens förändring. Historieproducenter längs med den politiska skalan tenderade att utforma sina berättelser i kritisk och moralistisk anda, även om syftet ofta var att bevara en traditionell förståelse av nationell historia och identitet. Emellertid är det berättelser som utmanar den nationella tolkningsramen som undersökts särskilt noggrant. Det moraliska historiebruket hänger samman med hur den makedonska frågan nyttjades till att främja minnespolitiska krav. I detta sammanhang har särskild uppmärksamhet riktats mot den slaviskmakedonska minoritetsaktivismen som prisade etnisk särart och anklagade den grekiska staten för diskriminering. Dess historiebruk underblåste föreställningar om ett överhängande hot mot den grekiska nationalstaten och tilltalade som sådant också grupperingar inom den grekiska vänstern, som i den slaviskmakedonska kritiska berättelsen såg ett medel till förändring av rådande samhällsordning och den nationella historiekulturen, genom att blottlägga statens ”ideologiska historiebruk”. En grupp som brukade historien moraliskt och som i viss utsträckning även länkade sin minnespolitiska dagordning till den makedonska frågan återfanns bland de pontiska grekerna. Studien har belyst hur en pontisk identitet knuten till en berättelse om folkmord i Turkiet och en historia av diskriminering i Grekland växte fram i senare delen av 1980-talet och erkändes av staten 1994. Medan kapitel 3 utforskar det lokala historiekulturella landskapet i det grekiska Makedonien, belyser kapitel 4 även de förbindelser som pontiska aktivister sökte upprätta med historiska berättelser utanför den nationella historiens ramverk, huvudsakligen det armeniska folkmordet och förintelsen. Förhållandet mellan politik och historia, mellan kritiska berättelser som utmanade förhärskande uppfattningar i nationella frågor och dem som försvarade den förda politikens legitimitet och den officiella historieskrivningen, står i fokus för kapitel 5. Den makedonska konflikten medförde kolliderande anspråk på expertis inom vetenskapssamhället – mellan ämnesdiscipliner och enskilda forskare – såväl som mellan fackmän och lekmän, vilket tog sig uttryck i retoriska 325 uteslutningsmekanismer. För somliga bar den allmänna betoningen av nationell historia ett löfte med sig om finansiering och förstärkt prestige åt dem som hade denna inriktning. Andra uppfattade den makedonska krisen och historieskrivning med nationella och politiska förtecken som ett direkt hot mot den fria forskningen och Greklands överlevnad som ett demokratiskt samhälle. Den akademiska autonomin som föreföll hotad skyddades genom att insistera på en skiljelinje mellan historia som vetenskap respektive som ”ideologiskt bruk” för politiska ändamål. Detta försök att återupprätta konsensus inom vetenskapssamhället genom att vädja till professionens etiska principer blev också en utväg för historiker som med tiden sökte distansera sig från en förd politik som uppfattades som skamfilad och nationalistisk. Analysen har visat på de sammanhang i vilka den makedonska krisen växte fram och hur farhågorna för och bruket av historia kan förstås. Den första av dessa kontexter är den inrikespolitiska, närmare bestämt det grekiska samhällets demokratisering efter 1974. I det nya pluralistiska klimatet införlivades delar av den tidigare förföljda vänsterns kritiska berättelse om det nära förflutna i statens historieskrivning. Övergången från ett auktoritärt samhälle och historiekultur till en ökad öppenhet banade även väg för missnöjda gruppers identitetspolitik (slaviska makedoner, pontiska och andra anatoliska greker), grupper vars historiebruk naggade de gamla nationella och ideologiska stora berättelserna i kanten. Vid tiden för kalla krigets slut 1989 hade en allmänt spridd besvikelse gentemot de politiska ideologierna, i synnerhet socialismen, medfört en motreaktion till förmån för en mer traditionell nationalism. Det andra betydelsefulla sammanhanget återfinns i den europeiska integrationen som följde på Greklands EG-inträde 1981. Denna medförde inte endast hopp om ekonomisk vinning utan även behovet att bearbeta förlusten av nationellt självbestämmande och traditionella former av självförståelse. Grekland stod inför uppgiften att finna sin plats i det nya Europa, samtidigt som landet måste hantera den nya verklighet som 1990-talets krig på Balkan medförde. Särskilt historiker betonade att denna process gjorde det nödvändigt att europeisera nationens värderingar och uppfattningar kring historia, en uppgift som försvårades av Greklands hållning i den makedonska frågan och det sätt på vilket man slog vakt om ”historiska rättigheter”. Även aktivister som, huvudsakligen i den grekiska diasporan, var sysselsatta med att marknadsföra denna fråga pekade på behovet av att modernisera aspekter av den nationella historiekulturen i en tid av europeiskt enande och konvergerande historieutbildningar. Det som ovan beskrivits har ett nära samband med det tredje stora sammanhanget, som även det är av transnationell art. Den nationella historiekulturen är inte avskild från omvärlden; föreställningar om det förflutna rör sig över nationella gränser. På global nivå sammanföll den makedonska konflikten med de s.k. history wars, historiekrig som rasade vid samma tid runtom i världen. Dessa återspeglar i sin tur urholkandet av de stora nationella och ideologiska berättelserna i västerländska samhällen, de identitets- och minnespolitiska kraven hos under- och ickestatliga aktörer, de mänskliga rättigheternas paradigm och 326 beklagandets politik (the politics of regret), som anammar nationell skuld som ny princip för politisk legitimitet. Trenden inom transnationell historiekultur mot en mer universell moral, symboliserad av den ”amerikaniserade” (och ”europeiserade”) förintelsens moral innebar en ytterligare utmaning mot de nationella historiekulturerna. Den pontiska folkmordsberättelsen (och dess nationaliserade förlängning) analyseras som svarande till kravet på en ”amerikanisering” av grekisk historiekultur. I detta sammanhang lyfts den grekiska diasporans roll fram, inte endast som instrumentell i utformningen av Greklands utrikespolitiska dagordning, men även i egenskap av förmedlare av historiekulturella angelägenheter och behovet av anpassning till transnationell omgivning. Konsekvenser av denna ”amerikaniserade” folkmordsberättelse diskuteras. Ett fjärde sammanhang, med en både nationell och transnationell dimension, är det akademiska, inom vilket forskare debatter och formar historiens representation. Identitetspolitikens ankomst och den makedonska konflikten stod även i samband med den objektivistiska historieskrivningens legitimitetskris och den postmoderna utmaningen. Urholkningen av staters bärande historieberättelse och tolkningsföreträde motsvarades i viss utsträckning av ett undergrävt förtroende för den traditionella historieskrivningens trovärdighet och auktoritet. Denna urholkning kunde tolkas som ett hot mot själva historievetenskapen och professionen. Ett annat sätt att bemöta detta hot var att betrakta såväl det som den makedonska krisen som en uppfordran till perspektivskifte inom forskning och historieskrivning. Samspelet mellan politik och historia, mellan förståelsen av svunna realiteter, nutida bekymmer och förväntningar inför framtiden formade sålunda den politiska krisen och banade väg för den grekiska historiekulturens förändring.

This thesis is an attempt to inquire the origins of the Cyprus conflict by analyzing the historical developments that laid the ground for the inter-communal dispute in the late 1950s, while focusing on the structural dimension of the rise of ethnonationalisms in the island. The special emphasis is given to the British period 1878-1960 in the historical analysis since the ethno-religious identity consciousnesses of the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities in the island started to turn into ethnonational ones and later into antagonistic nationalisms during this era. The study&rsquo
s underlying premise is that although different identity perceptions existed much earlier among the two communities of the island, the inconsistent policies of the British administration that shifted in accordance with its interests in the Mediterranean region enabled the emergence of a conducive environment for the politicization and manipulation of these diverse identity perceptions. The Greek and Turkish nationalisms gained strength in this era and gradually transformed into antagonistic nationalisms motivated by different political goals about the future of the island. These developments would be the main reason of the inter-communal violence in Cyprus that arose in late 1950s and also in the following years till the permanent territorial partition in 1974.

The thesis investigates the impact of western art music ('classical') upon the construction of Greek-European identity in the 19th century. Through the examination of institutions such as the Theatre of Athens that hosted the Italian opera for the better part of the 19th century, the Conservatory of Athens (1873), the Conservatory of Thessaloniki (1914), various 19th century literary societies, press content, scores, publications on music, and state regulations on education, the thesis utilizes both musical, as well as extra-musical material to construct a cultural and social history of Greece's understanding of the 'European' in relation to local Greek society through music between 1840 and 1914. At the same time, it highlights the importance of transnational institutional and interpersonal musical networks between Greece and Europe (mainly England, France, and Germany), to demonstrate how political and aesthetic preferences influenced long-term policy, cultural practice, and musical tradition. While examining the 19th century diplomatic, political, and cultural practices of the expanding 19th century Greek Kingdom, the thesis traces the development of western musical taste and practice in Balkan Greece in relation to the local modernizing society. It highlights the importance of local and European artistic agents and networks, identifies the tension between the projection of European identity and raw acoustic divergence, argues for about the contribution of music to the construction of Greek-European identity, and examines the cultural and political negotiations about the conflicting relationship between Byzantine-Hellenic-European-Modern Greek, as expressed through music and debates on music. The last part of the thesis assembles the 19th century material to explain the relationship between nationalism and musical practice at the turn of the 20th century, and as such the long-term influence of western art music upon the construction of Greek-European national identity.

This thesis discusses concepts of cosmopolitism and peripherality in the Greek and wider European goth scene. The research took place primarily in Greece but extended to Germany, the United Kingdom and online as I followed the movement of Athenian goths who were searching for connectivity, hybridity and their cosmopolitan selves. In living a hybrid cosmopolitan identity, goths regularly challenge national stereotypes and transgress international boundaries. But sometimes the complexities of goth cosmopolitan identity may also contain unpalatable aspects, such as hard-core Greek or German nationalism and views that verge on xenophobia or anarchism that are seemingly at odds with the ‘open' and ‘egalitarian' persona put forward by Athenian goths. It is through performance (particularly dance) that Athenian goths choose to express their beliefs and desires, blending aspects of the contemporary goth scene with twists of ‘traditional' Greek ideas. Often performance, with all its paradoxes and hybrid contradictions, says more than words. Movement is at the centre of goth identity; the movement of ideas on social media, the physical movement of goths to overseas festivals and the exchange of opinions among goths at nightclubs in Athens all contribute to a hybrid cosmopolitan identity of a group of people who reside both on the geographical periphery of Europe and on the periphery of their own society. Goth identity is hybrid and complex with layers of peripherality being channelled toward becoming an ever-developing cosmopolitan subject. This thesis focuses on the core aspects of the goth life-project which aim for individuality, connectivity, movement and inclusivity. Being able to creatively display one's hybrid cosmopolitanism is the very essence of what it is to be goth.

The purpose of this study is to concentrate on the changing discourses in Turkish history and their constitutive themes in positioning the self&
#8211
image of the minorities, i.e., Armenians and Greeks, the Turks being other. The research is carried out on the basis of the literary works produced by the intellectuals / authors of these minorities. The historical context, which is taken as the reference point for these discourses, covers the period from the late Ottoman Period up to the early 1960s. Furthermore, the study explores how the ethnic minorities constructed their identities in the last century. This study also seeks to find out which discourses have been the leading ones through history and to determine the continuities and ruptures in the use of themes by these ethnic groups to construct their identities. In addition, policies and ideologies attributed to the state by the minorities are tackled with the literary works and main discursive elements used by minority groups to (de)construct Turkish national identity are explored.

This study offers a reinterpretation of the so-called Eurozone crisis, arguing that its crisis character is overstated and that it is rather a normal stage in the process of European banking sector integration. Particularly, I maintain that it is neither a sovereign debt crisis caused by profligate peripheral governments, nor a crisis of the Eurozone's common monetary policy. Nor, however, are the Eurozone's low growth, high unemployment, and economic and political instability deliberate policies, whether by German or Greek governments, European institutions, or the European banking circuitry. Rather, I trace the Eurozone's low growth and high unemployment back to what I call transpositions. Transpositions change the possible boundaries of perceiving political and economic situations by altering the syntagmatic structure governing their intelligibility. The shift from 2003-2007 'boom times' to post-2007 'times of crisis' is one such transposition, which occurs behind the backs of human actors and thus forms the horizon of possible behavior of market and political actors. The Eurozone's 'crisis' transposition, results in differentiations within the asset class of Euro-denominated sovereign debt between a 'core,' comprising Germany, Austria, Latvia, and Finland, among others, and a 'periphery,' encompassing Greece, Ireland, Italy, Portugal, Spain, and Cyprus. It follows that the solvency of Eurozone member states is a derivative function of banking sector liquidity, reversing the conventional 'sovereign debt crisis' explanation to what I call the country-fundamental transposition. The second transposition I explore is the austerity transposition. I maintain that the Eurozone's real economy is more interconnected than conventional narratives of European economic unification allow, and that supposedly national European economies – including particularly that of Germany – are integrated subcircuits of Europe's real economy. Constituting them as supposedly national economies is itself a transposition, necessary for the preservation of the European banking circuitry's interconnected balance sheets. Yet, the austerity transposition goes further, beyond a form of political economy oriented towards growth and sustainability, and into a moral economy of condemnation differentiating between morally virtuous and morally pernicious economies in the Eurozone. Its destructive effects are therefore neither irrational nor the result of a German hegemonic agenda, but that of the Eurozone's post-2007 syntagmatic structure.
Ph. D.

It is important to consider the effects of past conflicts on the current perceptions of the people of Cyprus and of the future generations. This thesis contends that the ongoing division of Cyprus along with the many unresolved issues regarding past conflicts have had a profound effect on how the people of Cyprus perceive new information in regard to their future. The inquiry will explore the historical background of Cyprus and the affects of nationalism. The need for enemies, large group identity, divided societies and the need for dialogue will also be examined in relation to perception and new information. In light of the interviews and the lived experiences in Cyprus questions arise in regard to how the Cypriots will move forward to a solution that is agreeable to both Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. With each person's perception being influenced by the past conflicts, pain and suffering how will they move forward? How has protracted conflict and nationalism influenced the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot perceptions to new information including a possible solution in Cyprus?

Abstract The rise of competing nationalisms in Cyprus first drew world attention in the 1950's, yet the origins of nationalism in Cyprus can clearly be traced to the closing stages of Ottoman rule on the island during the nineteenth century. While the earlier development of nationalism in the Greek Orthodox community of Cyprus is commonly acknowledged, the pre-World War II evolution of nationalism amongst Cyprus' Moslem Turks is consistently overlooked or misrepresented. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, this work contends that Turkish nationalism in Cyprus did not first emerge in the 1950's, but instead grew gradually from the late nineteenth century onwards; that nationalism amongst the island's Turks was first discernible in a 'civic' form founded on Ottomanism which was gradually, though progressively replaced by Turkish ethno-nationalism; and that while both British colonial policies and especially the threat perceived from the rise of Greek nationalism on the island may have helped spur nationalism amongst the Turks, the continued cultural and political interaction with Ottoman, and even non-Ottoman Turks, and later with the Turkish Republic was at least as influential in fostering nationalist sentiments and prompting their expression in political actions. While particular note is made of the often neglected impact of the Young Turk movement in the early twentieth century, this study acknowledges and seeks to elucidate a complex assortment of variegated stimuli that ranged from international developments, such as the recurring crises in the Balkans and President Wilson's speech on the 'Fourteen Points', to the personal attitudes and attributes of British administrators and domestic inter-ethnic relations, and local and international economic trends and developments. Together, it is maintained, these influences had made Turkish nationalism a perceptible phenomenon amongst the Turks of Cyprus by the time of the October Revolt of 1931.

This thesis aims to engage with the poetry of Scotland and Greek-speaking Cyprus, and examine the relationship between poetry defined as high culture and articulations of national identity in the two places. Scotland and Cyprus share characteristics that make the establishment of a single, coherent national identity with the appearance of permanence challenging, including their relationships with culturally dominant neighbours, competition between local and official languages, and the insecurity of their status as nations. Both Scotland and Cyprus have historically had hybrid identities; in Scotland, British identity is made problematic by England's cultural dominance, while in Cyprus Greek-speakers have a conflicted relationship with Greece. This is made more complex by the fact that Scotland's political union with England may be ending, while Cyprus is divided in half as a result of tensions between Christian and Muslim populations and the unsubtle past involvement of Greece and Turkey in the island's affairs. This thesis aims to locate trends of national identity through the analysis of poetry and its reception in three distinct contexts. Part 1 analyses the evolution of Scottish and Greek-speaking Cypriot 'national character' through the poetry of national poets Robert Burns and Vasilis Michailidis, and the poets Walter Scott and Dimitris Lipertis. Part 2 explores the effects of modernity on the expression of national identities in literature through the lens of the Modernist movement, and how this was adopted and modified in Scotland and Cyprus. This is discussed with reference to three poets, Hugh MacDiarmid, Kostas Montis and Edwin Morgan, and their treatment of the national past and search for a national literary language. Finally, Part 3 analyses deliberate engagements of poets with national identity and issues of national importance, using Seamus Heaney's idea of 'adequate' poetry as a guide. Two functions of poetry are considered: the role it can play in transforming the landscape into the national homeland, and its potential to address communal trauma, and transform it into a unifying experience.

Cette recherche est consacrée aux pratiques de protection des monuments à Athènes, et ce depuis l’Indépendance. Elle est ainsi associée à une analyse précise de la législation, des débats qui l’ont accompagnée et des pratiques de sauvegarde des monuments historiques et des sites archéologiques de la capitale. Ce travail espère contribuer ainsi à une meilleure connaissance de l’évolution de la notion de patrimoine en Grèce. Une évolution qui est ponctuée par les évènements politiques qui ont mené à la construction de l’État grec pendant tout un siècle, mais aussi par les différentes ratifications des conventions européennes et internationales relatives à la protection du patrimoine. Cependant, la traduction de ces instruments normatifs s’avère contraignante dans un pays où l’héritage culturel est associé essentiellement aux témoignages matériels conformes à l’histoire nationale. Le régime patrimonial grec s’orchestre de ce fait, non sans difficultés, à une notion de patrimoine en perpétuelle évolution. Cet héritage qui était un bien national à l’image d’un peuple homogène héritier de la Grèce antique et de l’Empire byzantin devient aujourd’hui synonyme de legs diversifiés et produits de différentes « communautés ». Athènes à qui l'on a réfuté les témoignages « post-byzantins » inaugure aujourd’hui son premier « archontikó » ottoman
This research is devoted to the practical conservation of monuments in Athens since Independence. It is thus associated with a precise analysis of the legislation, debates that accompanied it, as well as practical conservation of historical monuments and the capital of archaeological sites. This work hopes to contribute to a better understanding of the evolution of the concept of heritage in Greece. This evolution is punctuated by political events that led to the construction of the Greek State for a whole century, but also by the different ratifications of European and international conventions concerning the heritage protection. However, the translation of these normative instruments proves compelling in a country where cultural heritage is associated primarily with material evidence in accordance with the national history. Greek patrimonial regime orchestra thus not without difficulty, to a notion of heritage in constant evolution. This legacy was a national asset for the image of a homogeneous people heir of ancient Greece and the Byzantine Empire now becoming synonymous with diverse legacies and products of different "communities". Athens who are denied the "post-Byzantine" testimony today inaugurated its first "archontikó" Ottoman

M.A.
The present dissertation is divided into two parts. The first part consists of the first three chapters, the theoretical content and the second part, which consists of the fourth and fifth chapters, is the research conducted according the conclusions drawn and the proposals. In the first chapter the compiled thesis deals with the reformation of the nation- state notion. This dissertation sought for the roots of the nation-state notion, which rise from the era of Enlightenment and encountered the particular features typical to their existence. The study then moves on to the formation of the Greek nation state. We witnessed its development and evolution from the ancient years until its creation. Its existence is worth being mentioned only after the emancipation from the Turkish occupation, as well as to the special features such as the language, culture and religion, features that were created during the antiquity. Furthermore, national identity was the main subject, whose infrastructure is the existence of “foreigners”. It is widely known that the individuals who belong to a particular group comply with common values and ideals but they reject elements which are considered to be unfamiliar and of a bad influence. As far as the Greek national identity is concerned, what came to light was that the roots stem from the ancient Greek civilization, which represents the modern Greek and the European civilization. National identity’s major features and functional elements such as education, language and church were revealed at the same time. In addition, the scientific interest was directed towards nationalism and ethnocentrism. The special features suitable for the creation of nationalism and the era in which it appeared were examined. Moreover, the causes and factors, which reformed, shaped and supported it were revealed some of which may be ideology, political parties, mass media, educational system, and the way of thinking to name a few. Finally, it was found that Greek nationalism was formed by the fall of Istanbul and was connected with the “Great Idea”. Therefore, the cultivation of the national ethics can be developed into ethnocentrism. This phenomenon can be interpreted in a different manner in relation with the existing political and historical state and the specific period of time. Later on, ethnocentrism’s existence, it’s originality, it’s creation and the consequences it might have had on the development of the student’s identity. It is cultivated properly when the education takes on a “traditional” role promoted to exemplify the particular national features. As a result, on the one hand the ethnocentrism secures the cultural continuation and homogeneity, but on the other hand it functions as a factor against bringing the students in contact with other people and civilizations. As far as it is concerned, the official state plays an important role providing books and educators who are summoned to materialize the aims of education. The second chapter presents economical, political, social and cultural changes which took place during the 20th century not only worldwide but also within the Greek society. These changes were particularly important and resulted in more and more people coming into contact with more than one civilizations and they were summoned to co-exist harmoniously, peacefully and creatively. This goal can be achieved only under the appropriate circumstances. Education should play this significant role in order to cultivate the ethno-cultural identity, the acceptance and the comprehension of “others” demonstrating them not only through warfare but also through culture. A lot conferences such as { the educational action of UNESCO, The Maastricht treaty) were held on this important issue at which was presented proposal (Green Bible and others). The conclusions of which culminated the A.T.P. and school text material, putting aside as much as possible the ethnocentrism other stereo types and negative conceptions towards “foreigners”. Instead they create suitable teaching circumstances for the understanding and tolerance of the ”foreigners” in order to co-exist peacefully. The third chapter presents the aim of the research ground of this project which has to do with the A.T.P., the school written text books and the concepts of the educators containing national centralized elements. It is known that students are encouraged to come in contact with knowledge, attitudes and values according to the educational policy of each government. The significance of both the school manual and A.T.P. as well as school textbooks, implements of the official state, that helped fulfill the aims, along with the concepts of the educator regarding the cultivation or not of ethnic centrism, were demonstrated. Furthermore, the third chapter continues with a summarized research in bibliography. From this summary culminated that the school manual, curriculum and the school text books from primary and elementary school, even though there were some improvements, remained national centralized and they are not relieved from negative comments and reviews about “foreign” people. Commonly, they present other peoples through battle, warfare and not through their culture and civilization. Moreover, problems and issues which concern all of us are not presented in the depth and coverage they should have been presented within the margin of European and worldwide dimensions in education, a fact which is increasingly discussed in our times. As far as the concept of the educators is concerned, what has risen is that those children, who originated from other nationalities, are more open-minded and tolerant to the presence of ‘foreigners’ and the propagation of ethnocentrism elements from education as well as the acceptance of new reality. Finally, the same chapter features the manuals and A.T.P. in which the research materialized and the appropriate method. The fourth chapter presents the research, which was held in the general Analytic Teaching Programme, and that of the subject lessons (Language, History, Geography, Environmental studies, and Religion) as well as the reverent school textbooks. The conclusions and proposals of the whole research procedure were also presented in the above research. It was noted that the general A.T.P., refers to the cultivation of national identity, respect and acceptance of ‘foreigner’ peoples, point that was regarded as remarkably positive. Perhaps due to the fact that the Analytic Teaching Programme has been written recently, it has taken into consideration new standards in world wide and Greek societies and the new role education has to play in this theme. The cultivation of European consciousness is also mentioned, element which could lead to a one new kind of national centralization known as euro centrism. The research in the subject of History grade 6th showed that the national identity is cultivated since social political, economical and religious life of Greece from the period of Turkish rule up until today, but the references of the current Greek state are scant. Therefore, the ‘foreigners’ presented through war and diplomatic relations, which they had with Greece and there are few cultural references to them. All the above culminate in the historical consciousness and judgment of students not being cultivated. As far as the subjects Greek Language grade 5th and grade 6th classes, it is noted that their foremost goal is Greece and its culture. Apart from the Anthology text book, all the references deal with the past and does not present the image of the current Greek state. Also, there is no reference to minorities, residing permanently in Greece. The references to ‘foreigners’ basically stem from passages which refer to wars between Greece against other peoples and passages of foreign literature are missing. It has to be mentioned that the Anthology text book comes in terms with the requirements of the A.T.P. and differs from that of the Language textbooks. Through the subjects of Geography of grade 5th and grade 6th classes students experience their first acquaintance with natural, and human environment in Greece 5th class and in the whole world, ( 5th class ). However, there is no mention in minorities as well as in groups of people who have emigrated permanently in Greece in the recent years. It is noted is that the European Union and its aims, which are presented fully in the textbook of 5th class. Also, in the same textbook cultural exchanges between Greek and other cultures are mentioned, elements which are missing from the corresponding text book in 6th grade which promote superiority and homogeneity in Greek culture. After their comparison, both books pose the issue of their inspection according to new standards. Hence, through both books the necessity of co-operation and supporting and the right of believing in different religions is promoted. The subject of Environmental studies of grade 4th attempts to acquaint the students with the geographical state of Greece, the ecosystem, the tradition and culture. Therefore, the cultural references deal fundamentally with the ancient Greek civilization. In regards to the ‘foreigners’ and E.U the references are briefly mentioned and the aims of the A.T.P are not fulfilled successfully. Finally, concerning the subject of Religion grade 6th through the research study on it, I came to the conclusion that the textbook is centered on Christianity and there are no references to other religions. As a consequence, only Christian consciousness is developed to the students and not the religious one, which is the aim of the A.T.P. This element does not develop a religious thinking and this aim is necessary for the prorogation of religious fanaticism and the acceptance of differentiation. A brief summary of the findings is presented in the fifth chapter, which was mentioned above through the research that was held in respect to Greece and to the ‘foreigners’ using the A.T.P. and the corresponding school manuals. Proposals on the improvement of school text books, the A.T.P., as well as proposals on the teachers {which has been studied through the summary of the research Bibliography) followed. In this way the new social and economical reality was taken into account as it is formed in the present era which imposes the educational liberation from national centralization and its implementation with European and worldwide standards to cultivate peace, the acceptance of others and the harmonious co-existence among peoples all over the world for their own best interest.

This dissertation concerns a crucial episode in the international legal history of nation-building: the Greek-Turkish population exchange. Supported by Athens and Ankara, and implemented largely by the League of Nations, the population exchange showcased the new pragmatism of the post-1919 order, an increased willingness to adapt legal doctrine to local conditions. It also exemplified a new mode of non-military nation-building, one initially designed for sovereign but politico-economically weak states on the semi-periphery of the international legal order. The chief aim here, I argue, was not to organize plebiscites, channel self-determination claims, or install protective mechanisms for vulnerable minorities – all familiar features of the Allied Powers’ management of imperial disintegration in central and eastern Europe after the First World War. Nor was the objective to restructure a given economy and society from top to bottom, generating an entirely new legal order in the process; this had often been the case with colonialism in Asia and Africa, and would characterize much of the mandates system throughout the interwar years. Instead, the goal was to deploy a unique mechanism – not entirely in conformity with European practice, but also distinct from non-European governance regimes – to reshape the demographic composition of Greece and Turkey. I substantiate this argument by marshalling a range of material from international law, legal history, and historical sociology. I first examine minority protection’s development into an instrument of intra-European nation-building during the long nineteenth century, showing how population exchange emerged in the Near East in the 1910s as a radical alternative to minority protection. I then provide a close reading of the travaux préparatoires of the 1922-3 Conference of Lausanne, at which a peace settlement formalizing the exchange was concluded. Finally, I analyze the Permanent Court of International Justice’s 1925 opinion in Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations, examining it from the standpoint of wide-ranging disputes concerning the place of religion and ethnicity in the exchange process. My aim throughout is to show that the Greek-Turkish exchange laid the groundwork for a mechanism of legal nation-building which would later come to be deployed in a variety of different contexts but whose precise status under international law would remain contested.