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Journal articles on the topic 'Greek Nationalism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 16 February 2022

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1

Triandafyllidou, A., M. Calloni, and A. Mikrakis. "New Greek Nationalism." Sociological Research Online 2, no. 1 (March 1997): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.44.

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The creation of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia after the dismantling of the Yugoslav federation has led to a revival of Greek nationalism. Greece has refused to recognize the new state as the ‘Republic of Macedonia’, sustaining that its name and national symbols form part of Greek culture and identity and are, therefore, unacceptable. The aim of this study is to highlight the Greek claims of ‘property’ over certain cultural traditions and, more specifically, the relationship between these claims and the ethno-cultural character of Greek national identity. Moreover, the paper examines the strategic manipulation of nationalist feelings by Greek politicians. The role of political and cultural myths in (re)defining national identity and in drawing the boundaries, symbolic and territorial, between ‘us’ and the ‘others’ is investigated. The problems that may arise from such an ethnic conception of the nation-state are discussed and a ‘constitutional model of patriotism’ is proposed as an alternative solution.

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2

Demetriou, Olga. "The Original Turkish State: Opposing Nationalism in Nationalist Terms." New Perspectives on Turkey 33 (2005): 93–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600004258.

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On the night of July 4, 2004, Greeks across the globe celebrated their national team's triumph in winning the European Championship Cup of the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA). The victory had been unexpected and the celebrations, which lasted until the next morning, largely spontaneous. Urban streets everywhere in Greece filled with people clad in Greek flags and in plastic replicas of Alexander the Great's helmet; cars hooted past, horns blowing to that well-known five-and-six-beat rhythm signifying soccer victory, the air thick with the bright fumes of celebratory crackers. In the towns of Thrace, where the majority of Greece's Turkish population lives, the scene was the same: loud, celebratory, and full of nationalist symbols. In Komotini, the capital of Thrace, minority members watched and listened, some with apprehension, others with excitement about the unexpected victory.

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3

Gronsky, Alexander D. "Ideological Pressure on the Orthodox Church in Byelorussia in the Early 21st Century." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 29 (September 19, 2019): 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-3-86-96.

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Byelorussian nationalism seeks to create an alternative spiritual and religious tradition in order to subjugate the activities of the Church organizations to the interests of nationalist ideology. The Byelorussian Autocephalous Orthodox Church and the Greek Catholic (Uniate) Church were elected as “national” Churches. However, they are not national.

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4

Katsourides, Yiannos. "Nationalism, anti-colonialism and the crystallisation of Greek Cypriot nationalist party politics." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 51, no. 4 (November 2013): 503–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2013.838371.

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5

Kalogeropoulou, Sofia. "Greek Dance, Identity, and Difference in a Cosmopolitan Europe." Congress on Research in Dance Conference Proceedings 2016 (2016): 235–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cor.2016.32.

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Greek dance constitutes a lived culture of the masses that affirms the Greek identity and contributes to the diverse dance heritage of the European cultural landscape reflecting the idea of “unity in diversity.” In this paper, I explore the role of dance as a form of everyday nationalism during the current crisis. Does it act as a psychological boost and infuse pride to help overcome the crisis? Or are financial instability and the austerity measures imposed by the Troika provoking fears of loss of cultural identity and sparking a backlash in which dance is used for exclusive nationalist purposes?

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Pophaides, Irene. "Christian Cypriot perceptions of Muslim Cypriots, 1878-1931: an interpretation of the sources." Turkish Historical Review 2, no. 2 (2011): 177–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187754611x603100.

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AbstractChristian Cypriot perceptions of Muslim Cypriots went through several transformations in the period 1878-1931. This procedure, located in the context of the development of the Greek Cypriot nationalist movement, the political activity of the British administrators and the Church of Cyprus, the attempts of the Greek state to communicate the notion of the Megali Idea in the island, the shift in the allegiances of the Muslim Cypriot community as well as of international events the ramifications of which were experienced in Cyprus, can be vividly revealed through the sources. In exposing it, this article will suggest another interpretative tool which can enlighten the complex evolution of Greek Cypriot nationalism in the island.

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7

Chrysoloras, Nikos. "Orthodoxy and the Formation of Greek National Identity." Chronos 27 (March 21, 2019): 7–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v27i0.403.

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The aim of this paper is to describe, analyse and explain the historical emergence of nationalism in Greece. Initially, and in accordance with the modernist approach, we will be arguing that the emergence of the nationalist phenomenon in Greece is inseparably linked with the objective conditions of modernity. The emergence of an educated Greek-speaking middle class, the development of trade and industry, and the diffusion of the liberal, secular and scientific spirit of the Enlightenment in the Greek peninsula, were instrumental factors for the construction of the idea of the nation. In that sense, the Greek nation- like every nation- is an historical and social construction, which emerges as a result of the fundamental split between the pre-modern and the modern.

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8

Mavrogordatos, George. "Orthodoxy and nationalism in the Greek case." West European Politics 26, no. 1 (January 2003): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380412331300227.

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9

Georgiadou, Vassiliki. "Greek Orthodoxy and the politics of nationalism." International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 9, no. 2 (December 1995): 295–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02904337.

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10

Xenitidou, Maria. "National identity and otherness in Greek speakers’ talk about immigration: Methodological and transdisciplinary reflections." MIGRATION LETTERS 8, no. 2 (January 28, 2014): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v8i2.160.

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The aim of the paper is to present the potential contribution of using Critical Discursive Psychology to study national identity and immigration. It draws upon a study on Greek national identity negotiations in relation to immigration. The study was guided by the perspective of banal nationalism which treats national identity as a form of life in a world divided into nation-states (Billig, 1995). In terms of Greek national identity and immigration, the study drew similarities between the perspective of banal nationalism and the critique of methodological nationalism (Wimmer and Schiller, 2002).

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11

Aydınlık, Sevil, and Hıfsiye Pulhan. "Education in Conflict: Postwar School Buildings of Cyprus." Open House International 44, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 68–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ohi-02-2019-b0009.

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The terms cyprus, conflict, crisis and war have been almost inextricably intertwined throughout the history of this Mediterranean island. The education system played an important role socially and school buildings played an important role visually first in the dissemination of nationalism when the ethno-nationalist movements within the turkish and greek-cypriot communities increased dramatically under British colonial rule (1878-1960), and later in the dissemination of internationalism in the mid-twentieth century. Despite the increased conflict and nationalism, which was reflected by neo-greek architectural elements, the striking impact of the international style turned school buildings into representations of the communities' attitudes towards modernism. By the mid-1940s these attitudes towards modernism also served as a latent way for communities' identity struggles and for the sovereignty of each community to exist. After world war ii the style embodied by many school buildings conveyed science-based modern thought; modernization attempts for political, economic and social reforms; and the strong commitment of the first modernist cypriot architects to the spirit of the time and the philosophy of the modern. Under this scope, postwar school buildings in cyprus are identified as unique artifacts transformed from an ‘ethnicity-based' image into an ‘environment-based' form that is more associated with the modernization, decolonization and nation-building processes from which local nuances of mainstream modernism emerged. At this point the modernization process of the state, identity struggles of the communities and architects' modernist attempts could be interpreted as providing a fertile ground for new social and architectural experiments, and could answer questions about how postwar school architecture managed to avoid reference to historical, ethnic and religious identities when there was an intentional exacerbation of hostility between the two ethnic communities and about school buildings predominantly followed principles of the international style even though both the greek and turkish-cypriot education systems were instrumental in strengthening local nationalisms and even ethnic tensions.

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12

Kalogeropoulou, Sofia. "Greek dance and everyday nationalism in contemporary Greece." Dance Research Aotearoa 1, no. 1 (July 3, 2013): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15663/dra.v1i1.6.

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13

Σαπουντζής, Αντώνης. "Η πολιτειότητα ως ρητορικό εφόδιο κατά της μετανάστευ- σης στο λόγο για την απόδοση ιθαγένειας στους μετανάστες: Η περίπτωση της εφημερίδας Α1." Psychology: the Journal of the Hellenic Psychological Society 20, no. 4 (October 15, 2020): 462. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/psy_hps.23603.

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Often in the social and political sciences a distinction is used between ethnic and civic nationalism, in order to exemplify different types of national belonging. Within social psychology, where this distinction has also been used, it is often argued that people who view their national belonging according to ethnic criteria demonstrate high levels of prejudice against immigrants. This paper drawing from the “turn to language” within social psychology, examines articles from the A1 newspaper, which supports the LAOS party, that refer to the 3838/2010 law that grants Greek citizenship to some immigrants according to certain standards. It has been found that citizenship was used as an argument in order to exclude the immigrants from the Greek citizenship, while the journalists seemed to employ notions of both ethnic and civic nationalism so as to construct the identity of the Greeks and the immigrants as well.

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Alexandri, Alexandra. "Of acts and words." Archaeological Dialogues 6, no. 2 (December 1999): 146–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800001501.

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‘Sacralising the past: cults of archaeology in modern Greece’ appears within the framework of recent discussions on archaeology and nationalism and attempts to produce a reflexive and sophisticated analysis of the construction of nationalist discourses, both at the level of state and on an individual basis. Along these lines, Hamilakis and Yalouri argue that attitudes toward classical antiquity in modern Greece constitute what they term a form of ‘secular religion’ which presents distinct affinities with Orthodoxy. In constructing their argument the authors combine a number of analytical domains and touch upon a multitude of issues, all of which merit extensive discussion. However, the main point of their thesis concerns the relationship between the classical past and Greek Orthodox religion, a link forged during the creation of the modern Greek state. According to the authors, apart from being at the roots of nationalist state discourse, this link has also been a persistent, even dominant, feature in the popular perception of classical heritage.

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15

Korkut, Umut. "Nationalism versus Internationalism: The Roles of Political and Cultural Elites in Interwar and Communist Romania." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 2 (May 2006): 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600617698.

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This paper has two main goals. First, it illuminates continuities between the ideas of “true Romanian-ness” as held by both the Romanian cultural elite and the Romanian political regimes in the interwar and communist periods. A manufactured definition of a “true” Romanian—as a Romanian Orthodox Christian, natively Romanian-speaking, and ethnically Romanian—formed the core of Romanian nationalism, regardless of the ruling ideology. This definition did not include the Roman and Greek Catholics of Romanian ethnicity on the grounds that they were not Orthodox Christians. It goes without saying that these criteria also excluded Hungarians, Germans and other ethnic minorities on the basis of ethnicity, language and religion. Second, the paper demonstrates that the principal ideas of Romanian nationalism developed in overt contrast to the internationalist ideological movements of both periods. Both the liberals and the Marxists misunderstood nationalism, claimed Ernest Gellner in 1964: liberals assumed that nationalism was a doomed legacy of outmoded irrationalism, superstition and savagery, and Marxists considered it a necessary but temporary stage in the path to global socialism. Gellner's comments are evidently appropriate to Romania, where nationalist responses developed first to the Westernization of the interwar period and second to communist internationalism after 1948.

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16

Joseph, Brian. "European Hellenism and Greek Nationalism: Some Effects of Ethnocentrism on Greek Linguistic Scholarship." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 3, no. 1 (1985): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2010.0057.

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17

Gkintidis, Dimitrios. "Rephrasing nationalism: elite representations of Greek–Turkish relations in a Greek border region." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 13, no. 3 (September 2013): 455–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2013.824665.

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18

Bosch, David J. "The Afrikaner and South Africa." Theology Today 43, no. 2 (July 1986): 203–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057368604300206.

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“The religious roots of Afrikaner nationalism … can be traced back … to the influences of Reformed evangelicalism, Kuyperian Calvinism, and Romantic nationalism… As of last year, however, the entire scene has changed fundamentally and permanently… What we see unfolding has the makings of a classical Greek tragedy.”

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19

Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 64, no. 1 (March 14, 2017): 78–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383516000267.

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Mediterranean islands and their adjacent coastlands have long been the subject of a wide range of disciplines and discourses; from prehistory to late antiquity and beyond, the processes of imperial expansion, economic interconnectedness and cultural change have had a deep impact on their history. In recent decades the conceptual apparatus through which we study those processes has started to shift significantly. Earlier approaches influenced by nationalism and colonialism tended to adopt totalizing, top-down, and centre–periphery perspectives. The three volumes examined in this review are evidence that things are changing radically; but they also demonstrate the need for particular disciplines and subdisciplines to pay attention to each other. Though all three volumes focus on, or give major attention to, archaeological evidence, it is quite evident that prehistoric, classical, and late antique scholars follow distinctive scholarly traditions that could all benefit from more cross-fertilization.

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20

Sabri, Reyhan. "Greek nationalism, architectural narratives, and a gymnasium that wasn’t." International Journal of Heritage Studies 25, no. 2 (February 6, 2018): 178–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13527258.2018.1431302.

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21

Chrysoloras, Nikos. "Why Orthodoxy? Religion and Nationalism in Greek Political Culture." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 4, no. 1 (March 18, 2008): 40–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-9469.2004.tb00057.x.

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22

Lekas, Padelis E. "The Greek War of Independence from the Perspective of Historical Sociology." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 2 (January 20, 2006): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.188.

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<p>This is an attempt to place the Greek War of Independence in the wider context of the clash between Tradition and Modernity in the European periphery. It focuses on the ideology and the movement of nationalism - a phenomenon springing up in modernity and bringing forward the concept of the nation as the proper unit of state organisation. Being the undisputed offspring of nationalism (which is viewed here as both the product and the vehicle of modernisation), the Greek War of Independence is discussed not solely in its political dimensions but also in terms of its contribution to a much broader societal change. It is in this sense that the Greek struggle for independence may be interpreted as the specifically "Greek exit" from tradition - as an undoubtedly unique event of momentous importance per se, yet, on the other hand, as one more instance in a prolonged and very intricate process of societal transformations.</p>

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23

Majewski, Piotr. "Nationalism, Cyberspace and Convergence Culture." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 1 (July 22, 2015): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2012.005.

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Nationalism, Cyberspace and Convergence CultureThe article analyses the discourse of the Greek-Macedonian dispute as it unfolded in the Internet, including especially the social networking website YouTube. The discourse is based on a mythologized concept of history, in which the national community is perceived as an eternal chain of generations, while the national identity is a stable, static and “natural” foundation of narrations.Nacjonalizm, cyberprzestrzeń i konwergencja kulturowaW swoim artykule analizuję dyskurs odnoszący się do sporu grecko-macedońskiego toczącego się w przestrzeni Internetu, w tym zwłaszcza na portalu społecznościowym YouTube. Dyskurs ten opiera się na zmitologizowanej wizji historii, gdzie wspólnota narodowa postrzegana jest jako odwieczny łańcuch pokoleń, a tożsamość narodowa jest stałym – nie podlegającym zmianom – i „naturalnym” fundamentem nacji.

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Iliadou-Tachou, Sofia. "Educational-Welfare Policies «in the Name of the Nation»: A Comparative Study in the Greek-Orthodox Communities of Macedonia and Black Sea Region (1860-1923)." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 3, no. 2 (July 18, 2016): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.2016.003.002.016.

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This comparative study attempts to describe and interpret the contribution of education and welfare policies to Modern Greek nationalism, focusing on two different contexts: Macedonia and the Ottoman Black Sea region. These two regions were chosen as the main research field for the following reasons: (i) both Macedonia and the Black Sea region were inhabited by a mixed group of Christian, Muslim, Jewish, etc. populations, (ii) the Orthodox populations of both areas fell under the intellectual auspices of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, (iii) the Ottoman reforms were implemented in both areas, and (iv) both regions were influenced by the penetration and dissemination of Modern Greek Nationalism. The main goals of this research were (i) to investigate whether there were any differences between the two contexts during the period mentioned above (1860–1923), (ii) to identify the reasons behind education and welfare policies in Macedonia and the Black Sea region, (iii) to identify the different types of education and welfare policies adopted in Macedonia and the Black Sea region, (iv) to determine the effects of implementation of these policies in each of the two reference frameworks, and (v) to examine whether and how this application of welfare and education policies in each framework was associated with the spread of Modern Greek Nationalism.

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Katsambekis, Giorgos, and Yannis Stavrakakis. "Revisiting the Nationalism/Populism Nexus: Lessons from the Greek Case." Javnost - The Public 24, no. 4 (July 5, 2017): 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2017.1330087.

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Gintidis, Dimitris. "‘That's the way they do it in Europe’: Redefining Culture in a Greek Border Region." European Review 20, no. 1 (January 4, 2012): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000299.

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This article aims at portraying the symbolic and material impact of cross-border and entrepreneurial EU-funded projects on the local public sphere of Evros, a Greek region bordering with Turkey. Often construed as ‘European policies’ at the local level, such projects reflect a complex interaction between the ‘European’, the ‘national’ and the ‘local’. In order to unravel the dynamics of such interaction, I focus on the case of local cultural associations. These associations stood as typical bearers of a romantic nationalist discourse; this local enactment of Greek nationalism was also related with specific forms of symbolic capital, through ostensibly ‘disinterested patriotic action’. The introduction of EU-funded projects in the local public sphere challenged such historically constructed practices. At the same time, these projects were mediated by the representatives of the Greek State and were locally appropriated as a reformulation of older national policies and funding channels. The article argues that the implementation of those projects brought about two significant changes in the local public sphere: the dissemination of cross-border policies throughout the 1990s and 2000s, and the growing importance of a new, market-oriented perception of public action, in local cultural associations.

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Mazower, Mark. "The Messiah and the bourgeoisie: Venizelos and politics in Greece, 1909–1912." Historical Journal 35, no. 4 (December 1992): 885–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026200.

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AbstractThe mercurial rise of Venizelos, the most prominent Greek statesman of this century, has been a hotly debated issue of modern Greek history. The tendency until recently has been to explain his success in terms of social changes, and to see the rise of the Liberal party as the triumph of modernizing bourgeois forces in early twentieth-century Greece. This article, however, compares Venizelos both with the generation of politicians which preceded him, and with his leading contemporary, Gounaris. It argues that Venizelos's enormous popularity hinged upon his response to the nationalist, quasi-messianicfervour which gripped Greece after its humiliating defeat by Turkey in 1897. Parliamentary government came to be seen as passive and elitist, political parties as causes of national decline. Using his rhetorical skills and the press, Venizelos presented himself as the agent of national regeneration. His attitude towards class politics, and to the very idea of political parties, was complex and ambivalent. Hence, his rise should be interpreted, not in terms of a simple Marxist or whiggish schema, as the product of Greece's bourgeois revolution, but as the expression of a new more confident nationalism, which reinforced the personality-centred quality of Greek politics.

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HALL, JONATHAN M. "ANCIENT GREEK ETHNICITIES: TOWARDS A REASSESSMENT." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 58, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2015.12009.x.

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Abstract This paper offers a response to Kostas Vlassopoulos' ‘Ethnicity and Greek History: Re-examiningour Assumptions’, especially his comments about the unit of analysis that we should adopt in studying ancient ethnicity, the relationship between ethnicity and nationalism, and the limitations of testing evidence against definitional models. It also considers the role that religious ritual played in professions of ethnicity as well as the heuristic utility in distinguishing between ‘aggregative’ and ‘oppositional’ identities or between ‘ethnic’ or ‘cultural’ definitions of Hellenic identity. Finally, it questions prevailing opinions about the relationship between ethnicity and the ethnic group.

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Gumpert, Gary, and Susan J. Drucker. "The Question of Identity in a Divided Media Landscape : The Case of Cyprus." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (June 30, 1997): 281–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18593.

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The military operations of 1974 in Cyprus led to the formation of two autonomous areas houding Turkish Cypriots in the north and the Greek Cypriots in the south. The island is divided by the "Green Line", patrolled by U.N. peace keeping forces.Movement is blocked and communication severed. There are multiple and conflicting Cypriot identities and feelings of nationalism ranging from pride in being Cypriots, to feelings of connection to Hellenic heritage, and cultural along with political and economic ties to Greece. A Turkish Cypriot identity linked to a distinct religious and linguistic background co-exists with Turkish settlers living in the independent north yet tied to Turkey. This article examines the division from a communication perspective taking into account language, religion, the visual landscape and the media landscape on each side ofthe "Green Line" along with interlocking media landscapes with Greece or Turkey in order to explore influences shaping collective identity and nationalism.

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Hamilakis, Yannis. "Archaeology in Greek higher education." Antiquity 74, no. 283 (March 2000): 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00066321.

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The teaching of archaeology in higher education in Greece cannot be viewed in isolation from the broader realms of antiquity, archaeology and the past in modern Greek society and the context of Greek higher education. A growing body of literature has shown that archaeological antiquities have contributed substantially to the generation and perpetuation of a genealogical national myth upon which the modern nation- state of Greece was founded (e.g. Gourgouris 1996; Herzfeld 1982, 1987; Kitromilides 1989; Morris 1994; Skopetea 1988). This ideology of nationalism not only presented the nation-state as the ideal form of political organization for 19th-century Greece, but also presented the inhabitants of Greece as direct descendants of Socrates and Plato. Intellectuals and the emerging middle class merchants imported this western romantic ideology (so popular amongst the European middle-class of the time) into Greece.

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Tsagarousianou, Roza. "Mass Communications and Nationalism : The Polities of Belonging and Exclusion in Contemporary Greece." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (June 30, 1997): 271–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18592.

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This article focuses on the ways in which the prevalence of nationalist discourse in the communication process has affected political and cultural life in Greece after the end of the Cold War. It is argued that through the emergence of scientific nationalism, the enactment of public rituals, and the creation of moral panics based on media representations of ethnic/religious difference, the 'political' is simplified allowing no room for diversity and difference within the framework of national politics. The Greek mass media have been sustaining 'official' representations of 'Greece' as a nation under threat which have been crucial in the formation and maintenance of public attitudes regarding both ethno-religious minorities within Greece, and ethnic and religious groups in neighbouring countries and have undermined the formation and maintenance of public spaces (including the mass media) for representation and identity negotiation, independent from state institutions or the party system.

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Tekerek, Hüseyin. "Nationalism and Reconciliation in Cypriot Documentary Film, 1976–1987." SAGE Open 11, no. 3 (July 2021): 215824402110338. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440211033832.

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This article examines the production of documentary films about the Cyprus conflict produced between the late 1970 and late 1980s. Two films have been selected for analysis: Cyprus: The Other Reality (1976, dir. Lambros Papadimitrakis and Thekla Kittou), an anti-nationalist documentary produced in the immediate aftermath of the Turkish incursion of the island, and A Detail in Cyprus (1987, dir. Panicos Chrysanthou), which looks back at the social effects of the incursion and the estrangement of the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities. Based on original interviews with their directors, this article gives an account of the production histories of the two documentaries and looks at their means through which they were distributed to the public. The article also examines the ways in which these two films represent the Cyprus conflict, in particular their engagement with the prevailing nationalist ideologies at work in both Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities and the alternate concept of Cypriocentrism. Finally, this article examines the ways in which both films were politically suppressed following their release within the Republic of Cyprus.

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Morack, Ellinor. "FEAR AND LOATHING IN “GAVUR” IZMIR: EMOTIONS IN EARLY REPUBLICAN MEMORIES OF THE GREEK OCCUPATION (1919–22)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 49, no. 1 (January 20, 2017): 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816001148.

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AbstractBased on a series of recollections published between January and April 1926 in the Izmir-based daily newspaperAhenk(Harmony), this article explores how individual Muslim Turks remembered their emotional responses to the Greek occupation of that city (May 1919–September 1922). Analyzing these recollections, it considers why certain events were remembered while others were almost completely left out. By studying how Muslim Turks described their feelings towards the occupying forces, local non-Muslims, and the eventually victorious Turkish army, the article makes an initial contribution to the history of emotions in early republican Turkey. I argue that the composition and consumption of memories were avenues for connecting emotionally to the Turkish nationalist project. This finding challenges the widespread notion that the early republican period was characterized by collective amnesia of the immediate past, and contributes to the growing body of scholarship on popular participation in early republican nationalism.

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Robson, Laura. "Communalism and Nationalism in the Mandate: The Greek Orthodox Controversy and the National Movement." Journal of Palestine Studies 41, no. 1 (2011): 6–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2011.xli.1.6.

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The Greek Orthodox Church in Palestine, the largest of the Christian denominations, had long been troubled by a conflict ("controversy") between its all-Greek hierarchy and its Arab laity hinging on Arab demands for a larger role in church affairs. At the beginning of the Mandate, community leaders, reacting to British official and Greek ecclesiastical cooperation with Zionism, formally established an Arab Orthodox movement based on the structures and rhetoric of the Palestinian nationalist movement, effectively fusing the two causes. The movement received widespread (though not total) community support, but by the mid-1940s was largely overtaken by events and did not survive the 1948 war. The controversy, however, continues to negatively impact the community to this day.

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Beaton, Roderick. "The Making of a Modern Greek Identity: Education, Nationalism, and the Teaching of a Greek National Past." European Legacy 20, no. 2 (December 11, 2014): 184–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2014.990260.

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Koumaridis, Yorgos. "Urban Transformation and De-Ottomanization in Greece." East Central Europe 33, no. 1-2 (2006): 213–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633006x00114.

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AbstractThis article examines the ways in which nationalism transformed Greek urban space during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Through urban planning, architecture, archaeology, the destruction of Ottoman material remains and the promotion of Ancient Greek and (later) Byzantine heritage, urban space was gradually hellenized and cleansed of its Ottoman past. Specific examples, including the case of Thessaloniki, where the strong Ottoman character of the city was gradually effaced, are examined so as to outline the aims and the patterns of this transformation.

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Adam, Elisenda Casanas, Dimitrios Kagiaros, and Stephen Tierney. "Democracy in Question? Direct Democracy in the European Union." European Constitutional Law Review 14, no. 2 (May 10, 2018): 261–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019618000160.

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Challenges posed to European integration by exercises of direct democracy at the national or sub-state level – EU response to referendums on internal constitutional matters – Greek, Scottish and Catalan referendum processes – Resilience of state nationalism and the complex pluralisation of identities below the level of the state

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Kuruvilla, Samuel J. "Church–State Relations in Palestine: Empires, Arab Nationalism and the Indigenous Greek Orthodox, 1880–1940." Holy Land Studies 10, no. 1 (May 2011): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2011.0003.

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The need to negotiate and resolve ethno-nationalistic aspirations on the part of dependent and subject communities of faith-believers is a complex issue. The Ottoman Empire formed a classic case in this context. This article is a historical-political reflection on a small group of Christians within the broader Arab and ‘Greek’ Christian milieu that once formed the backbone of the earlier Byzantine and later Ottoman empires. The native Arab Orthodox of Palestine in the twilight years of the Ottoman Empire found themselves in a struggle between their religious affiliations with Mediterranean Greek Orthodoxy and Western Christendom as opposed to the then ascendant star of nationalist pan-Arabism in the Middle East. The supersession of the Ottoman Empire by the British colonial Mandatory system in Palestine and the loss of imperial Russian support for the Arab Orthodox in the Holy Land naturally meant that they relied more on social and political cooperation with their fellow Palestinian Muslims. This was to counter the dominance extended by the ethnic Greek ecclesiastical hierarchy in the Holy Land over the historically Arab Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem with support from elements within the Greek Republic and the British Mandatory authorities.

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Katsikas, Stefanos, and Sakis Dimitriadis. "Muslim Converts to Orthodox Christianity during the Greek War of Independence, 1821–1832." European History Quarterly 51, no. 3 (July 2021): 299–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914211025378.

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This article explores the conversion of Muslims to Orthodox Christianity during the Greek War of Independence (1821–1832) and the first post-independence years as a case study which shows that religious boundaries in the Balkans do not seem to have been as insurmountable as one might think. The bonds between people of different religious affiliations, including Christians and Muslims, were not so loose in the chaotic period of the nineteenth century. Even though religious differences have always existed in South-eastern Europe, the inhabitants of that region have not always seen fellow humans with different religious affiliations as estranged others. Muslim converts to Christianity were ready to compromise their Islamic faith in exchange for security, social status, and well-being in the changed political and social environment created by Greek nationalism, with a view to advancing their professional opportunities and material interests in the new state. The Greek case is not unique. Religious conversions from Islam to Christianity occurred elsewhere in the region during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Yet, while Balkan historiographical literature has focused on the Islamization of Christians in the region during the Ottoman period, it has paid little attention to the inverse processes of Christianization of Muslims in the age of nationalism.

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Tzanelli, Rodanthi. "‘Impossible is a fact’: Greek nationalism and international recognition in Euro 2004." Media, Culture & Society 28, no. 4 (July 2006): 483–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443706062913.

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Fleming, K. E. "Athens, Constantinople, “Istambol”: Urban Paradigms and Nineteenth-Century Greek National Identity." New Perspectives on Turkey 22 (2000): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003253.

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Your nostalgia has createdA nonexistent country, with lawsAlien to earth and man.George Seferis,The Return of the Exile(Keeley and Sherrard, 1981, pp. 224-25)The history of Greece's first century as an independent nation-state is in many ways a history of the interplay among urban space, nationalism, and identity. It is also a history of nostalgia: Western European nostalgia for one specific past, Greek nostalgia for another, and the tension between the two.

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Tipei, Alex R. "Formal and Informal Education during the Rise of Greek Nationalism: Learning To Be Greek by Theodore G. Zervas." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 37, no. 1 (2019): 205–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2019.0014.

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Fleming, K. E. "Theodore Zervas, The Making of a Modern Greek Identity: Education, Nationalism, and the Teaching of a Greek National Past." European History Quarterly 47, no. 3 (July 2017): 605–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691417711663aw.

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Ignatidou, Artemis. "Where Music Resides: Educational and Artistic Institutions, Nationalism, and Musical Debates in Nineteenth-Century Athens." European History Quarterly 51, no. 2 (April 2021): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914211006581.

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The article details the institutional, political and cultural conditions in nineteenth-century Athens, in relation to the reception and development of Western opera and Greek ecclesiastical music. Through the examination of important institutions such as the Theatre of Athens and the University of Athens, the article compares the popularity of Italian opera with the underdevelopment of institutions for education in church music, it analyses the impact of limited musical education in the country, and explains how the absence of musical policy –either for Western music or the Greek-Orthodox chant – resulted in music turning into a token of local cultural resistance against Western European influence.

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Lycourinos, Damon Zacharias. "Modern Greek Ethno-Religious Nationalism: An Ideological and Spatio-Temporal Relocation of Selfhood." Implicit Religion 20, no. 1 (June 30, 2017): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/imre.34128.

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Zembylas, Michalinos. "Children’s construction and experience of racism and nationalism in Greek-Cypriot primary schools." Childhood 17, no. 3 (August 2010): 312–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0907568209345613.

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Zahariadis, Nikolaos. "Nationalism and Small-State Foreign Policy: The Greek Response to the Macedonian Issue." Political Science Quarterly 109, no. 4 (1994): 647. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151842.

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Roudometof, Victor. "Transnationalism and Globalization: The Greek Orthodox Diaspora between Orthodox Universalism and Transnational Nationalism." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 9, no. 3 (2000): 361–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dsp.2000.0005.

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Papadakis, Yiannis. "Greek Cypriot Narratives of History and Collective Identity: Nationalism as a Contested Process." American Ethnologist 25, no. 2 (May 1998): 149–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1998.25.2.149.

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Livanios, Dimitris. "‘Conquering the souls’: nationalism and Greek guerrilla warfare in Ottoman Macedonia, 1904–1908." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 23, no. 1 (January 1999): 195–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/byz.1999.23.1.195.

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