Journal articles: 'Greek polis'

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Romer, F. E., Arthur W. H. Adkins, and Peter White. "The Greek Polis." Classical World 81, no. 1 (1987): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350151.

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Ando, Clifford. "Was Rome a Polis?" Classical Antiquity 18, no. 1 (April 1, 1999): 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011091.

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The absorption of the Greek world into the Roman empire created intellectual problems on several levels. In the first instance, Greek confidence in the superiority of Hellenic culture made explanations for the swiftness of Roman conquest all the more necessary. In accounting for Rome's success, Greeks focused on the structure and character of the Roman state, on Roman attitudes towards citizenship, and on the nature of the Roman constitution. Greeks initially attempted to understand Roman institutions and beliefs by assimilating them to paradigms within Hellenistic political thought. On the one hand, this process tended to obscure substantial differences between Greek and Roman political theory. At the same time, appreciation of Rome's relations with Italy created a means through which Greeks could imagine their own integration into the Roman community. Among the conceptual models available to Greeks of this age, only the polis provided a paradigm for a collectivity in which individuals had equal rights and toward which they directed their patriotic sentiments. That Roman Italy was not a polis did not force the coinage of new terminology: the polis formed a conceptual boundary that Hellenistic political philosophy never truly escaped. Repeated construals of Roman ideas and institutions on analogy with polis-based models ultimately forced a shift in the semantic fields of Greek political terminology and altered Greeks' conceptual archetype of the political collectivity. This process provided a framework within which Greeks could justify their wholesale participation in imperial culture and political life: they could, on these terms, argue that the gradual evolution of the world toward a single, unified empire actualized man's natural tendency to center his life around a single polis.

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DIETZ, MARY G. "Between Polis and Empire: Aristotle's Politics." American Political Science Review 106, no. 2 (May 2012): 275–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000184.

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Aristotle lived during a period of unprecedented imperial expansionism initiated by the kings of Macedon, but most contemporary political theorists confine his political theorizing to the classical Greek city-state. For many, Aristotle's thought exhibits a parochial Hellenocentric “binary logic” that privileges Greeks over non-Greeks and betrays a xenophobic suspicion of aliens and foreigners. In response to these standard “polis-centric” views, I conjure a different perceptual field—“between polis and empire”—within which to interpret Aristotle'sPolitics. Both theorist and text appear deeply attentive to making present immediate things “coming to be and passing away” in the Hellenic world. Moreover, “between polis and empire,” we can see thePoliticsactually disturbing various hegemonic Greek binary oppositions (Greek/barbarian; citizen/alien; center/periphery), not reinforcing them. Understanding thePoliticswithin the context of the transience of the polis invites a new way of reading Aristotle while at the same time providing new possibilities for theorizing problems of postnational citizenship, transnational politics, and empire.

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Anderson, Greg. "The Personality Of The Greek State." Journal of Hellenic Studies 129 (November 2009): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900002925.

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Abstract:Were the poleis of Classical Greece state-based or stateless communities? Do their political structures meet standard criteria for full statehood? Conventional wisdom maintains that they do not. According to a broad consensus, the Classical polis was neither state-based nor stateless as such, but something somewhere in between: a unique, category-defying formation that was somehow both ‘state’ and ‘society’ simultaneously, a kind of inseparable fusion of the two. The current paper offers an alternative perspective on this complex but fundamental issue. It questions prevailing views on theoretical grounds, suggesting that the consensus ‘fusionist’ position rests ultimately upon a misunderstanding of what Thomas Hobbes would call the ‘personality’ of polis political structures. Focusing on the case of Classical Athens, it then proceeds to present a new account of the Greek ‘state’, an account that aims to be both theoretically satisfying and heuristically useful. Even if all those who performed state functions were simultaneously constituents of polis ‘society’, the state was nevertheless perceived to function as an autonomous agency, possessing a corporate personality that was quite distinct from the individual personalities of the living, breathing citizens who happened to instantiate it at any particular time.

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Murphy, Peter. "Romantic Modernism and the Greek Polis." Thesis Eleven 34, no. 1 (February 1993): 42–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/072551369303400104.

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Berent, Moshe. "In Search of the Greek State: A Rejoinder to M.H. Hansen." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 21, no. 1-2 (2004): 107–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000063.

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In a collection of articles based on my Cambridge doctoral thesis (1994) I have argued that, contrary to what has been traditionally assumed, the Greek polis was not a State but rather what anthropologists call ‘a stateless society’. The latter is characterized by the absence of ‘government’, that is, an agency which has separated itself out from the rest of social life and which monopolizes the use of violence. In a recent article Mogens Herman Hansen discusses and rejects my notion of the stateless polis. This paper is a rejoinder to Hansen’s criticism and offers critical analysis of the concept of ‘The Greek State’ which has been employed by Hansen and by other ancient historians. Among the questions discussed: To what extent did the polis have amonopoly on violence? To what extent do the relations between the polis and its territory resemble those of (tribal) stateless communities? Could the State/Society distinction be applied to the Greek polis? How is the Greek distinction between the private and the public different from its modern counterpart and how is this difference related to the statelessness of the Greek polis?

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Robinson, Gillian. "The Greek Polis and the Democratic Imaginary." Thesis Eleven 40, no. 1 (February 1995): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/072551369504000103.

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Cobet, Justus. "Vlassopoulos, Kostas: Unthinking the Greek Polis. Ancient Greek History beyond Eurocentrism." Gnomon 82, no. 1 (2010): 34–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2010_1_34.

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Morales, Fábio Augusto. "Resenha de Unthinking the Greek Polis: Ancient Greek History Beyond Eurocentrism." Mare Nostrum (São Paulo) 1, no. 1 (December 28, 2010): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2177-4218.v1i1p129-133.

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Perris, Simon. "Is There a Polis in Euripides’ Medea?" Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 34, no. 2 (November 11, 2017): 318–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340130.

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Abstract The polis is a dominant force in scholarship on Greek tragedy, including Euripides’ Medea. This paper addresses the question of whether there is, in fact, a polis (i.e. a Greek-style city-state) in the play. The polis proper does not often feature in tragedy. Euripides’ Corinth, like many urban centres in tragedy, is a generic palatial settlement ruled by a king. It is not a community of citizens. Creon is a non-constitutional absolute hereditary monarch, and it is a commonplace of tragedy that absolute sole role is antithetical to the idea of the polis. Medea is exiled, not ostracised; she is never a metic. Her relationships and actions are governed by elite xenia, not citizenship. Thus, though ‘political’ interpretations of Medea are all to the good, polis-centric interpretations become much less attractive once one observes the almost complete absence of the polis from the play.

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Lytle, E. "'H θάλασσα ϰoινή: Fishermen, the Sea, and the Limits of Ancient Greek Regulatory Reach." Classical Antiquity 31, no. 1 (April 1, 2012): 1–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2012.31.1.1.

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Although it is frequently asserted that Greek poleis routinely laid legal claim to marine fisheries or even territorial waters, making them subject to special taxes and regulation, these assertions have little or no foundation in the evidence. For Greek fishermen the sea was freely and openly accessible, a fact that reflects the limited regulatory reach of ancient poleis. This evidence for the legal status of the sea and its fisheries is mirrored by our evidence for the status of marine fishermen, conceived of as comprising distinct communities existing largely outside the legal and social structures of the polis.

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Saxonhouse, Arlene W. "The Tyranny of Reason in the World of the Polis." American Political Science Review 82, no. 4 (December 1988): 1261–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961759.

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The modern language of tyranny has distorted the significance of the Greek term tyrannos. In ancient Greek the term was accorded to the new ruler in the city, one whose legitimacy did not reside in his bonds to the ancient rulers and ancient families. Tyranny thus suggested a freedom from the past. Reason, as the Greeks understood it, also entailed a breaking away from the physical world. Reason and tyranny thus work together as expressions of freedom, but it is a freedom that in its transcendence of boundaries leads to tragedy. An examination of Sophocles' Oedipus draws out both the glory and the failure of the individual attempt of the political actor to rise above the historical particular and the mere body to build a world where reason alone is power.

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Obidina, Yuliya S. "Greek Magicians in the Context of Polis Religion." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series "Humanitarian and Social Sciences", no. 1 (February 10, 2019): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17238/issn2227-6564.2019.1.119.

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Harding, Phillip, Pernille Flensted-Jensen, Thomas Heine Nielsen, and Lene Rubinstein. "Polis and Politics: Studies in Ancient Greek History." Phoenix 56, no. 3/4 (2002): 378. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1192615.

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Migeotte, Leopold, Thomas Heine Nielsen, and Mogens Herman Hansen. "Yet More Studies in the Ancient Greek Polis." Phoenix 52, no. 3/4 (1998): 392. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088686.

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Kelly, Thomas. "Polis and Politics: Studies in Ancient Greek History." History: Reviews of New Books 29, no. 3 (January 2001): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2001.10525899.

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Carugati, Federica, Josiah Ober, and Barry R. Weingast. "Development and Political Theory in Classical Athens." Polis 33, no. 1 (April 15, 2016): 71–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340074.

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The birth of political thought has long been associated with the development of either the polis as a new form of political organization in Greece, or of democracy as a new form of government in Athens. This article suggests that this view ought to be expanded. Between the late 6th and 4th centuries bc, the Greek polis of Athens established large, participatory democratic institutions. But the transformation that the polis underwent did not merely affect political structures: in this period, Athens transitioned from an undeveloped, limited access, ‘natural state’ toward a developed open access society – a society characterized by impersonal, perpetual, and inclusive political, economic, legal and, social institutions. Those who witnessed this transformation first-hand attempted to grapple, often critically, with its implications. We show that Thucydides, Plato, and other Greek political thinkers devoted a considerable part of their work to analyzing the polis’ tendency toward not only political, but also economic, social, and legal inclusion. Without understanding this larger picture, we cannot adequately explain the development of Greek political thought.

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Rubel, Alexander. "Persönliche Frömmigkeit und religiöses Erlebnis Wesenszüge der griechischen Religion am Beispiel von Heilkulten." Numen 60, no. 4 (2013): 447–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341276.

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Abstract Ancient Greek healing cults can be studied in the context of “personal piety.” This article emphasizes personal aspects of the Greek religion. It shows that the concept of “polis religion” does not embrace major aspects of ancient Greek piety. I analyze the direct and personal relation of worshippers in healing cults, especially that of Apollo, with the deity. By doing so, I put forward a new reading of Greek religion in the context of the concept of “personal piety” developed in Egyptology. The well-known “embeddedness” of religion in the structures of the Ancient Greek city-state led to a one-sided view of ancient Greek religion, as well as to aspects of ritual and “cult” predominating in research. Simultaneously, aspects of “belief ” are often labelled as inadequate in describing Greek (and Roman) religion. Religion as ritual and cult is simply one side of the coin. Personal aspects of religion, and direct contact with the deity, based on “belief,” are thus the other side of the coin. It follows that they are also the fundament of ritual. It is necessary to combine “polis religion” with “personal piety” to display a complete picture of Greek religion. The Isyllos inscription from Epidaurus is presented here as a final and striking example for this view. It reports the foundation of a cult of the polis on behalf of a personal religious experience.

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Novakova, Mgr Lucia, and Dr Sc BC Štefan Drabik. "Reading Ancient Reliefs: An Approach to Interperation of Architectural Decoration in Historical and Political Context." ILIRIA International Review 3, no. 2 (December 31, 2013): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v3i2.128.

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Ancient treasuries promoted wealth and prosperity of the donation community. Preserved relief scenes portrayed mythological stories used for expressing certain characteristic reflection of reality (chaos, wilderness, heroism, etc.) By analyzing historical sources is possible to assign events related to the poleis in historical context. This paper shall serve as introduction of hypothetical nature of political program and contribution to the knowledge of political promotion of polis in relief decoration. Figural decoration became a form of political program, or even metaphorical ideology. The main carrier of ideological reference were figure decorated pediments and friezes. Those visualized political agenda of polis even for illiterate observers. In particular mythological stories, those that might have some ideological scheme, were preferred. They can be applied to current events of polis, but only if adequate historical sources or archaeological evidence. Mythological battles were frequent motifs. The story of Gigantomachy allowed various kind of exploitation in political ideology. The main idea was the battle between world full of chaos and world representing stability and certainty. Analogies are identifiable in the whole archaic period. The main inspiration were military confrontations with other Greek or non-Greek cities. From preserved decorative elements is possible to roughly characterize also political significance of mythological heroes. Visual display is closely related to foreign policy and inner political conflict of poleis. It is important that preserved reliefs with motives that do not deal with panhellenic scenes are lessnumerous.

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Seaford, Richard. "ARISTOCRACY AND MONETIZATION: PLATO, PARMENIDES, HERAKLEITOS, AND PINDAR." Greece and Rome 67, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383519000226.

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If there was an ‘aristocracy’ in the archaic and classical polis, how was it differentiated from the rest of the polis? There are various possible criteria for differentiating a socio-political elite, notably birth, legal status, education, virtue, power, access to deity, wealth, and performance (or display). European history has left us with a strong association between ‘aristocracy’ and the criterion of birth, which produces a relatively closed elite. As for the ancient Greek polis, however, an excellent recent collection of essays entitled ‘Aristocracy’ in Antiquity edited by Nick Fisher and Hans van Wees generally rejects earlier assumptions that a hereditary aristocracy is clearly identifiable, and gives some prominence instead to the criterion of display or performance (such as competing in Panhellenic games or erecting an image of an ancestor). My concern is not directly with this interesting controversy, but rather with a historical process that is almost entirely omitted by ‘Aristocracy’ in Antiquity (and by most other discussions of Greek aristocracy), namely the monetization of the polis that was made pervasive by the invention of coinage and its rapid spread in Greek culture from the early sixth century bce.

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Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 63, no. 1 (March 29, 2016): 129–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383515000303.

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Epigraphic studies are usually addressed to specialists and are often timid in terms of asking big questions about their evidence. This review includes four brilliant recent studies, which use primarily Hellenistic inscriptions in order to discuss some major issues of Greek history from new perspectives. The first two books focus on politics and political institutions, while the other two raise similar issues from the point of view of Greek religion. All of them are fruitful applications of novel approaches to Greek communities which move beyond traditional approaches to the polis as a static and self-enclosed entity in favour of new approaches that stress the variability of Greek politics and the historical processes that involved regions and networks of which they formed part.

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Mackil, Emily. "Wandering Cities: Alternatives to Catastrophe in the Greek Polis." American Journal of Archaeology 108, no. 4 (October 2004): 493–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.108.4.493.

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Zarapin, Roman V. "BETWEEN FREEDOM AND EMPIRE. GREEK POLIS IN HELLENISTIC EGYPT." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series History. Philology. Cultural Studies. Oriental Studies, no. 11 (2016): 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6355-2016-11-28-37.

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Tuplin, C. "News and Society in the Greek Polis. S Lewis." Classical Review 48, no. 2 (February 1, 1998): 393–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/48.2.393.

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Von Reden, Sitta. "Money, law and exchange: coinage in the Greek Polis." Journal of Hellenic Studies 117 (November 1997): 154–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632554.

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It has long been recognised that money is both a reality and an ideology. Yet the interaction between the two, the extent to which all-purpose money, in ancient Greece first realised in the use of coinage, brings about particular ideologies of value and exchange, while at the same time being framed by them, rarely comes into focus. Like literacy, money has frequently been taken as a culturally independent cause for particular effects both at the social and economic as well as the ideological level. In this paper I wish to complicate the story of monetization by relating its ideological superstructure in the Greek polis to the particular institutions in which it circulated.

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CHESSICK, RICHARD D. "Readings in Western Civilization, vol. 1: The Greek Polis." American Journal of Psychiatry 146, no. 12 (December 1989): 1629. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/ajp.146.12.1629.

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Harrison, Thomas. "Review Article: Beyond the polis? New approaches to Greek religion." Journal of Hellenic Studies 135 (2015): 165–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426915000129.

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Abstract:This article reviews a range of important recent work on Greek religion. It looks first at the critique (common to a number of the books under review) of the polis-religion model associated with Christiane Sourvinou-Inwood and then attempts to draw out a number of emerging themes: a comparative approach, a focus on the gods or on individual worshippers and a cognitive perspective. It then examines in more detail the application of the terms ‘belief’ or ‘theology’ to the field of Greek religion and the extent to which any picture of Greek religious experience may be said to be logically coherent, before looking forward to possible future directions of study.

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Aquino, Marcelo F. de. "A IDEIA DE SISTEMA NO PENSAMENTO CLÁSSICO GREGO (I)." Síntese: Revista de Filosofia 39, no. 123 (June 11, 2012): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.20911/21769389v39n123p31-52/2012.

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O artigo constitui a primeira parte de um estudo sobre a gênese da ideia de sistema no pensamento de Lima Vaz. Esta parte percorre as primeiras trilhas seguidas por esta ideia no pensamento grego, analisando a sua primeira aparição e a sua germinação no pensamento científico grego e na cultura arcaica da polis grega até sua eclosão na obra de Platão.Abstract: This article presents the first part of a research into the origin of the idea of system in the thought of Lima Vaz, and focuses on the beginnings of that idea in Greek thinking. Its first appearance and germination in Greek scientific thinking and in the culture of the archaic Greek polis will be analysed as well as its emergence in Plato’s work.

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Morgan, Catherine. "Ethnicity and early Greek states: historical and material perspectives." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 37 (1992): 131–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500001565.

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This article is an exploration of two distinct but related aspects of political life in the early Greek world, ethnicity (the conscious expression of group identity), and the existence of ethne, a term used very loosely in antiquity and now applied to most forms of state structure other than the polis. It is a review of a problem, namely a tendency to focus on the polis when studying state formation and a consequent need to re-examine certain assumptions about the relationship between material culture and group identity in order to trace ethnos development in the archaeological record. It is also an examination of current and potential avenues of research, illustrated with reference to one particular region, Achaia.

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Rhodes, P. "Review. The polis II. studies in the ancient Greek polis. M H Hansen, K Raaflaub (eds)." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (February 1, 1996): 309–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.309.

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Whitehead, David. "Two Notes on Greek Suicide." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 2 (December 1993): 501–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800040040.

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Near the end of the fifth book of Nicomachean Ethics Aristotle has a brief discussion (1138a6–14) of suicide, to illustrate the question of whether one can wrong one's self. Suicide, he declares, is not enjoined by law, and what law does not enjoin, it forbids. Thus the suicide does do wrong – but to whom or what? Surely the polis, not himself (for his suffering is voluntary, and no one wrongs himself voluntarily). δι κα πλις ζημιοῖ, κα ις τιμα πρσεστι τῷ αυτν διαφθεραντι ὡς π πλιν δικοντι.

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Ault, Bradley A. "Living in the Classical Polis: The Greek House as Microcosm." Classical World 93, no. 5 (2000): 483. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352441.

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Pangle, Lorraine Smith. "Eros and Polis: Desire and Community in Greek Political Theory." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 3 (September 2004): 777–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904430108.

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Eros and Polis: Desire and Community in Greek Political Theory, Paul W. Ludwig, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002, pp. xiii, 398In Eros and Polis, Paul Ludwig explores a rich array of issues relating to eros, homosexuality, and pederasty and their implications for republican political life. He examines ancient accounts of eros and its relation to other forms of desire, to tyranny and aggression, to spiritedness and the love of one's own, and to bonds of affection between citizens. He discusses ancient attempts to overcome the divisiveness of the private realm by controlling erotic relations between citizens, both in practice (such as at Sparta) and in theory (Plato's Republic). He concludes with a critique of the attempt of Thucydides' Pericles to stir up erotic desire and harness it in the service of the city, and of the erotic passion implicit in the attraction to foreign customs and sights. Ludwig draws upon a wide range of ancient sources including Homer, Sophocles, Aristophanes, Herodotus, Xenophon, Plato, Aristotle, Thucydides, Lucretius, and many others. But he does not limit himself to textual analysis; much of the book is devoted to putting these texts in historical context, and much is also devoted to drawing connections between ancient thoughts and practices and the concerns of contemporary political theory.

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Harris, Edward M. "Military Organization and One-Man Rule in the Greek Polis." Ktèma : civilisations de l'Orient, de la Grèce et de Rome antiques 40, no. 1 (2015): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ktema.2015.1461.

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Gabarashvili, Georgiy D. "Panhellenic Program of Hadrian." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 4 (208) (December 23, 2020): 59–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2020-4-59-63.

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The Panhellenic project of the Roman Emperor Hadrian (117-138 AD) to unite the Greek Polis into a single organization is considered. It is noted that Hadrian's policy was based on the romanticized idea of reviving the classical Greek tradition. In particular, the ideal of the new Union was Athens, Sparta, Corinth, and other cities of mainland Greece, which preserved the foundations of their Polis organization and self-government until the second century. It is assumed that the Union was not all-Greek, since it did not affect the Hellenistic cities founded after the campaigns of Alexander the Great. In addition, the article examines the negative manifestations of Hadrian's Philhellenic policy, which are observed in a major Jewish revolt caused by the forced Hellenization of the Eastern provinces of the Empire. The works of foreign researchers are involved for the full analysis of the issue.

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Coulson, William D. E. "The ‘Protogeometric’ from Polis Reconsidered." Annual of the British School at Athens 86 (November 1991): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006824540001488x.

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Between 1930 and 1932, Sylvia Benton conducted excavations in a cave situated on the northwest side of the Bay of Polis in northern Ithaca. Her work was important because of the finds which indicated an almost continuous history of the Cave's use from the Early Bronze Age to Hellenistic times. Reconsideration and reclassification of that pottery which Benton called Protogeometric does indeed indicate a continuity of use from LH IIIC throughout the Dark Ages to at least MG II, that is from the late Twelfth to early Eighth Centuries B.C. Refinements to the classification and chronology of this unbroken sequence of ceramic material can be made on the basis of comparison with stratified deposits from other sites, especially in Messenia. In sum, comparative material from surrounding regions, especially Achaea, Aetolia, and elsewhere on Ithaca, suggests that the island in the Dark Ages belonged to a west Greek koiné with a shared ceramic tradition.

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Kindt, Julia. "Personal religion: a productive category for the study of ancient Greek religion?" Journal of Hellenic Studies 135 (2015): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426915000051.

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Abstract:This article investigates the scope and meaning of ancient Greek personal religion as an additional dimension - besides official (polis) religion - in which the ancient Greek religious experience articulates itself. I show how ‘personal religion’ is a rather broad and amorphous scholarly category for a number of religious beliefs and practices that, in reflecting individual engagement with the supernatural, do not fit into our conception of polis religion. At the same time, I argue that personal religion should not be seen simply as that which is not official Greek religion. Nor is personal religion simply ‘private’ religion, oikos religion or the religion of those who had no voice in the sphere of politics (metics, women). Rather, ‘personal religion’ combines aspects of public and private. It is a productive category of scholarly research insofar as it helps us to appreciate the whole spectrum of ways individuals in the ancient Greek city received and (if necessary) altered culturally given religious beliefs and practices. Indeed, the examples discussed in this paper reveal a very Greek conversation about the question of what should count as a religious sign and who was to determine its meaning.

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Lechte, John. "Rethinking Arendt’s Theory of Necessity: Humanness as ‘Way of Life’, or: the Ordinary as Extraordinary." Theory, Culture & Society 35, no. 1 (October 31, 2016): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276416674538.

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If genuine political activity can only be undertaken by citizens in the public sphere in a nation-state, what of stateless people today – asylum seekers and refugees cut adrift on the high seas? This is what is at stake in Hannah Arendt’s political theory of necessity. This article reconsiders Arendt’s notion of the Greek oikos (household) as the sphere of necessity with the aim of challenging the idea that there is a condition of necessity or mere subsistence, where life is reduced to satisfying basic biological needs. For Arendt, the Greek oikos is the model that provides the inspiration for her theory because necessity activities were kept quite separate from action in the polis. The ordinary and the undistinguished happen in the oikos and its equivalent, with the polis being reserved for extraordinary acts done for glory without any regard for life. The exclusionary nature of this theory of the polis as action has, at best, been treated with kid gloves by Arendt’s commentators. With reference to Heidegger on the polis and Agamben’s notion of oikonomia, I endeavour to show that the so-called ordinary is embedded in a way of life that is extraordinary and the key to grasping humanness.

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Sánchez González, Víctor. "Rosalind Thomas, Polis Histories, Collective Memories and the Greek World, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2019, 490 pp. [ISBN: 978-1-107-19358-1]." Gerión. Revista de Historia Antigua 39, no. 1 (March 23, 2021): 340–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/geri.74796.

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Rhodes, P. J. "Nothing to do with democracy: Athenian drama and the polis." Journal of Hellenic Studies 123 (November 2003): 104–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246262.

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AbstractA fashionable approach to the interpretation of Athenian drama concentrates on its context in performance at Athenian festivals, and sees both the festivals and the plays as products of the Athenian democracy. In this paper it is argued that, whereas the institutional setting inevitably took a particular form in democratic Athens, that was an Athenian version of institutions found more generally in the Greek world, and even in the Athenian version many features do not seem distinctively democratic. Similarly in the interpretation of particular plays themes have often been said to be democratic which are better seen as concerns of polis-dwelling Greeks in general, and the notion that plays questioned Athens' democratic values because the democratic ethos of Athens consciously encouraged the questioning of Athens' democratic values is far from certain.

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Novakova, Mgr Lucia, and Dr Sc Lukas Gucik. "Powerful figures and images: Contribution to Personification of Polis in Hellenistic Art." ILIRIA International Review 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2014): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i2.49.

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Anthropomorphic symbol in the visual art was an integral part of ancient Greek culture since beginning. Personification of Hellenistic polis, understood as broad and diverse social, geographic and political phenomenon, can be approached by an analysis of archaeological and written sources. Define polis in miscellaneous Hellenistic society is a complex task, especially when socio-historical context is not directly reflected by individual archaeological finds and detailed historical data. Certain changes within political sphere appeared and status of city-states varied. An effort to restore political sovereignty did not expire entirely, therefore personification of poleis from previous period remained in some cases almost unchanged. Personification of political units in Classical art might be similar, distinct or completely different from Hellenistic depictions. Personification of polis in Classical period reflected not only patriotic stance and civil affiliation, but also the legitimacy of state independence. In this aspect, a connection with art of following period may be seen: reshaping of political propaganda was performed during Hellenistic age. Legitimity of state power and expressive means of fine arts were closely related since Archaic period, which occured later in various forms.

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Kukoba, Liena. "THE PERIOD OF PORTO FRANCO AT DELOS." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 59 (2019): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2019.59.02.

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The article deals with the features and changes in the development of Delian polis during the free port period. The economic development was analized, it has experienced the highest prosperity due to duty-free trade and the slave market on the island. The political evolution of Delos from the classical polis to the Hellenistic city is characterized. The peculiarities of religious life on the island, which combined both Greek and Eastern cults, were identified.

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Thompson, Patricia J. "Dismantling the Master's House: A Hestian/Hermean Deconstruction of Classic Texts." Hypatia 9, no. 4 (1994): 38–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1994.tb00648.x.

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Classical philosophy adopts the standpoint of males in the Greek polis. The consequent adumbration of the standpoint of women and noncitizen men in the oikos, the household, has implications for feminist philosophy. Two systems of action are differentiated: the domestic economy protected by the goddess Hestia, and the political economy protected by Hermes. Shifting one's standpoint to include both the oikos and the polis offers an alternative to gender as the defining issue in feminist theory.

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Atack, Carol. "Aristotle’s Pambasileia and the Metaphysics of Monarchy." Polis, The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 32, no. 2 (October 1, 2015): 297–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340054.

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Aristotle’s account of kingship in Politics 3 responds to the rich discourse on kingship that permeates Greek political thought (notably in the works of Herodotus, Xenophon and Isocrates), in which the king is the paradigm of virtue, and also the instantiator and guarantor of order, linking the political microcosm to the macrocosm of the universe. Both models, in separating the individual king from the collective citizenry, invite further, more abstract thought on the importance of the king in the foundation of the polity, whether the king can be considered part of, or separate from, the polis, and the relationship between polis and universe. In addressing these aspects of kingship theories, Aristotle explores a ‘metaphysics of monarchy’, part of the long-running mereological problem of parts and wholes in the construction of the polis, and connecting his account of kingship to his thought on citizenship and distributive justice within the polis.

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Dillery, John. "Polis Histories, Collective Memories and the Greek World by Rosalind Thomas." Classical World 113, no. 2 (2020): 232–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2020.0014.

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Cartledge, Paul. "Eros and Polis: Desire and Community in Greek Political Theory (review)." American Journal of Philology 125, no. 1 (2004): 148–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2004.0002.

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Hall, Jonathan M. "The Role of Religion in the Early Greek Polis. Robin Hägg." Classical Philology 93, no. 3 (July 1998): 271–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449397.

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Konijnendijk, Roel. "Playing Dice for the Polis: Pitched Battle in Greek Military Thought." TAPA 151, no. 1 (2021): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apa.2021.0000.

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Ma, John. "Elites, Elitism, and Community in the Archaic Polis." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 71, no. 03 (September 2016): 395–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568218000079.

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This article explores the famously diverse and expressive political cultures of the “Archaic” Greek communities (650 – 450 BCE) in the light of recent work on public goods and publicness, to which the present essay partly responds. This contribution may also be considered as a fragment of the long history of the Greekpolis. The distinction between “elitist” or “aristocratic” styles and “middling” or “popular” styles, upon closer examination, turns out to be a set of political play-acting gestures, predicated on different political institutions and notably on access to public goods. The “middling” styles paradoxically reflect restricted political access, while “aristocratic” competition in fact responds to the stress and uncertainties of broad enfranchisement. The whole nexus of issues and gestures surrounding distinction is hence not socially autonomous, but immediately linked to political requirements and institutional pressures. This article thus argues not just for the centrality of public goods topolisformation in early Greece, but also for the centrality of formal access and entitlements to the “public thing”—in other words, for the centrality of the state and its potential development. Putting the “state” back in the early history of the Greek city-state: the exercise has its own risks (notably that of teleology), but it attempts to avoid problems arising in recent histories of thepolis, where the state is downplayed or indeed dismissed altogether, and thepolisitself reduced to a pure phenomenon of elite capture or elite constitution.

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Heath, Malcolm. "Greek Literature." Greece and Rome 60, no. 2 (September 16, 2013): 313–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383513000120.

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In Cosmology and the Polis Richard Seaford carries forward the trajectory of Reciprocity and Ritual (1994) and Money and the Early Greek Mind (2004), extending his analytical resources with (not exactly Bakhtinian) chronotopes – socially constructed cognitive models, in which space and time are congruently conceived (i.e. as ‘the same’ in certain respects: 22, 39). He distinguishes three chronotopes: reciprocal, as found in Homer; aetiological, related to ritual and the emergent polis (and containing an ‘antideterminate’ sub-chronotope, which expresses the space–time from which the aetiological transition is made); and monetized (4–5). ‘In the genesis of drama at the City Dionysia the reciprocal chronotope has been replaced by the aetiological’ (75). Monetization then contributes to tragedy's content by isolating powerful individuals from the collective: ‘tragedy frequently ends with the demise of the powerful individual(s)’ (113), and ‘tragic isolation derives in part from the self-sufficiency imposed on the individual by the new phenomenon of monetisation’ (169). Monetization ‘contributes also to its form’, since ‘the establishment of the second actor…may have arisen out of tension – between Dionysos and autocrat at Athens’ (111). The slide from indicative (‘contributes’) to hypothetical (‘may have’), with its long train of speculative attendants (‘it is tempting…hypothesise…seems likely…it is possible…may well have…’, 111) is, despite the desperately optimistic adverb, an index of the fragility of the construction. What is the exegetical pay-off? Seaford is capable, it must be said, of pure fantasy. He detects an allusion to incest in Aristotle's use of the phrase ‘currency from currency’ in Pol. 1258b1–8 (333). Aristotle objects to profit from purely financial transactions, not because it resembles incest (which would be silly), but because it has become disconnected from the real economy. In any case, ‘X from X’ has nothing to do with incest. The formula sums up an obvious feature of the natural course of reproduction (horses come from horses, and so on: Ph. 191b20–21, 193b8, 12; Gen. Corr. 333b7–8; Metaph. 1034b2, 1049b25–6; Pol. 1255b1–2; Pr. 878a27), and is applied to currency in a parenthetic explanation of the metaphorical use of tokos for interest. Aristotle is not the only victim of exegetical extravagance. The gold-changer to whom Aeschylus compares Ares (Ag. 438–9) exchanges gold dust for goods; Seaford knows this (200 n. 43, 247) but still assimilates the passage to currency exchange and monetized commercial transactions (200). Though his claims for the unique powers of monetization ought to make the importance of the distinction salient to him, mentions of silver are treated indiscriminately as references to money (201, on Aesch. Ag. 949, 959). Similarly, it is Seaford who associates insatiable prosperity with monetization (201), not Aeschylus’ text (Ag. 1331–42); and when Antigone speaks of death as kerdos (Soph. Ant. 461–4), it is Seaford who insists that Creon's single mention of coined silver (296) makes ‘the association of kerdos with monetary gain…inevitable’ (328). Why should our understanding of Antigone's patently non-monetized gain be determined by Creon's ‘obsession’? If it is an obsession, what marks it as such is its irrelevance: his grounds for complaint would be just as strong if a guard were suborned by non-monetary incentives. No other character has reason to share Creon's irrationality; nor has the audience; nor have we. This is a dazzlingly clever book; but its foundations are unstable, and its superstructure fragile.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Greek polis'

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