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Academic literature on the topic 'Greeks in Cyprus'
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Journal articles on the topic "Greeks in Cyprus"
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Terkourafi, Marina. "Perceptions of difference in the Greek sphereThe case of Cyprus." Journal of Greek Linguistics 8, no. 1 (2007): 60–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jgl.8.06ter.
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AbstractCypriot Greek has been cited as “the last surviving Modern Greek dialect” (Contossopoulos 1969:92, 2000:21), and differences between it and Standard Modern Greek are often seen as seriously disruptive of communication by Mainland and Cypriot Greeks alike. This paper attempts an anatomy of the linguistic ‘difference’ of the Cypriot variety of Greek. By placing this in the wider context of the history of Cypriot Greek, the study and current state of other Modern Greek dialects, and state and national ideology in the two countries, Greece and Cyprus, it is possible to identify both diachronic and synchronic, as well as structural and ideological factors as constitutive of this difference.
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Argyropoulos, K., G. Panteli, G. Charalambous, A. Argyropoulou, P. Gourzis, and E. Jelastopulu. "Depressive Symptoms in Older People in Greece and Cyprus." European Psychiatry 33, S1 (2016): S468. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2016.01.1704.
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IntroductionDepression is fast becoming a major public health problem with a very high prevalence rate in the 65 and over age group.ObjectivesThe aim of the present study was to estimate the prevalence of depression in Greeks and Cypriots older adults.MethodsA cross-sectional study was conducted among the 445 participants, 239 members of three day care centers for older people, in the municipality of Patras, West-Greece and 206 older adults (110 in the community, 65 in outpatient clinics, 31 in nursing homes) in Cyprus, aged > 60 years. A questionnaire was administered including socio-demographic characteristics. Depression was assessed using the Greek version of Geriatric Depression Scale (GDS-15).ResultsThe overall prevalence of depression according to GDS-15 was 33% (28% moderate, 5% severe type). Depressive symptoms were more frequent in women (41,6% vs. 28,3%, P < 0,001), in not married (43,0% vs. 29,3%, P < 0,001), in elderly with chronic diseases (36,8% vs. 25,0%, P = 0,007), in older people dwellers of urban areas compared to rural (36,3% vs. 26,4%, P = 0,028) and in ages between 70 to 80 years old (38,7% vs. 31,6%, P = 0,038). Moreover, higher prevalence of depression was measured in Greeks compared to Cypriots (44,3% vs. 20,6%, P < 0,001). In a univariate analysis, the following variables were significantly associated with depression: female gender (P < 0,001), co-morbidity (P = 0,004), higher age group (P = 0,018), place of living (P = 0,022) and Greek nationality (P < 0,001).ConclusionsHigh prevalence and several risk factors are strongly associated with depression, whereas Greeks are in higher danger of developing depressive symptoms in late life, than Cypriots.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.
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Kovalskyi, S. "The Cyprus Question in the Policy of the Jimmy Carter Administration." Problems of World History, no. 7 (March 14, 2019): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-7-4.
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The article is devoted to the policy of the 39th President of the USА from the Democratic Party, Jimmy Carter, regarding the Cyprus problem. The foreign policy aspects of the Cyprus issue, such as negotiations with Greece, Turkey, Cyprus leaders, the development of peacekeeping projects and diplomatic maneuvers of US officials, are considered. Attention is also paid to less obvious details of the politics of the Democratic Party. The role of the Cyprus issue in the pre-election campaign of 1976 is analyzed, since the Cyprus problem remained unsolved as a result of the activities of the Republican Party. This argument was successfully used in election criticism of the opponents. An important aspect of the activities of the democratic party was the search for support from the ethnic communities of the United States, among which the American Greeks represented one of the most influential lobby. In connection with this, the connection of J. Carter with the American Greeks in the context of his policyaimed at resolving the Cyprus problem is traced. A gradual loss of popularity of the American president is shown, as one of the consequences of the unresolved Cyprus issue.
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Stefanidis, Abraham, Moshe Banai, Ursula Schinzel, and Ahmet Erkuş. "Ethically questionable negotiation tactics: the differential roles of national, societal and individual cultural values." Cross Cultural & Strategic Management 28, no. 3 (2021): 626–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ccsm-11-2019-0213.
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PurposeThe purpose of this study is to refine theory of negotiation by empirically investigating the extent to which national-, societal- and individual-level cultures relate to negotiators' tendency to endorse questionable negotiation tactics.Design/methodology/approachTo assess the hypothesized relationships between culture and ethically questionable negotiation tactics at three cultural levels of analysis, the authors collected data from Turks who reside in Turkey and in Germany and from Greeks who reside in Greece and in Cyprus. Respondents' national-level cultural values were inferred from their nationality, respondents' societal-level cultural values were inferred from their country of residency, and respondents' individual-level cultural values were inferred from their discrete and unique individuality.FindingsAt the national level, the authors found that Turks in Turkey and Germany scored significantly higher than Greeks in Greece and Cyprus on the endorsement of pretending negotiation tactics. At the societal level, the authors found that Turkish negotiators in Germany displayed higher levels of lying negotiation tactics and lower levels of pretending negotiation tactics than Turkish negotiators in Turkey. Greek negotiators in Greece endorsed deceiving and lying tactics more than Greek negotiators in Cyprus. At the individual level, the authors found that negotiators who score high on vertical individualism and collectivism endorse questionable negotiation tactics significantly more than negotiators who score high on horizontal individualism and collectivism.Originality/valueThe authors empirically demonstrate how national-, societal- and individual-level cultures differentially influence negotiators' tendency to endorse questionable negotiation tactics. The study's trilevel analysis allows for integrating the societal-level theories of negotiators' acculturation and cultural adjustment to a host culture, highlighting the importance of bicultural identity.
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Constantinou, Costas M. "Why Greeks and Turks Fight." Current History 120, no. 824 (2021): 105–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.824.105.
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The bicentennial of the Greek Revolution against Ottoman rule is an opportune time to ask why conflict between Greeks and Turks has continued for over two hundred years. Greek and Turkish national narratives reveal deeper reasons for the persistence of mutual belligerence, including common emphasis on national emancipation through violence, perceptions of iniquitous treatment in previous political settlements, and the influence of “banal imperialism” embedded in everyday national symbols. These mindsets continue to fuel disputes over Cyprus and maritime rights.
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Bennett, James P. "BRENDAN O'MALLEYAND IAN CRAIG, The Cyprus Conspiracy: America, Espionage and the Turkish Invasion (London: I. B. Taurus, 1999). Pp. 283. $29.95." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 4 (2001): 656–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801444072.
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“We Greeks invented tragedy. So we are fated to act it out. But why it should be only the Greeks of Cyprus, I don't know” (Greek Cypriot student, Limassol, 1993). “When bad things happen to us we think someone else intended them. When it's good things, we think we did them. That's what we learned [in an intercommunal conflict-resolution exercise]. But it's true!” (Turkish Cypriot student, Nicosia/Lefkoşe, 1997). Brendan O'Malley and Ian Craig ably relate a well-researched account of the division of Cyprus, focusing on the deliberations and political events that presaged partition in 1974. Their purpose is not to draw lessons for policy today, but to explain and to fix blame—and, at times, credit—for the division of the island.
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CHRISTODOULOU, CHRISTINA, MARIOS POULLIKAS, AVIDAN U. NEUMANN та LEONDIOS G. KOSTRIKIS. "Low Frequency of CCR5Δ32 Allele among Greeks in Cyprus". AIDS Research and Human Retroviruses 13, № 16 (1997): 1373–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/aid.1997.13.1373.
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Cassia, Paul Sant. "Religion, politics and ethnicity in Cyprus during the Turkocratia (1571–1878)." European Journal of Sociology 27, no. 1 (1986): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600004501.
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This paper examines the relationship between religion, ethnicity and politics in Cyprus during the Turkocratia (1571–1878), the period of Ottoman rule. Its major thesis is that in the pre-industrial framework of Ottoman rule in Cyprus neither religion nor ethnicity were major sources of conflict in a society composed of two ethnic groups (Greeks and Turks) and following two monotheistic faiths(Christianity and Islam) in marked contrast to the recent history of Cyprus. In broad outline it closely parallels Gellner's thesis (1983) that nationalism is a by-product of industrialization, extensive education literacy and geographical and social mobility, and it seeks to show that the major cleavages in Cyprus were mainly intraethnic rather than interethnic.
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Arvaniti, Amalia. "Cypriot Greek." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 29, no. 2 (1999): 173–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002510030000654x.
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Cypriot Greek is the dialect of Modern Greek spoken on the island of Cyprus by approximately 650,000 people and also by the substantial immigrant communities of Cypriots in the UK, North America, Australia, South Africa and elsewhere. Due to lengthy isolation, Cypriot Greek is so distinct from Standard Greek as to be often unintelligible to speakers of the Standard. Greek Cypriot speakers, on the other hand, have considerably less difficulty understanding Greeks, since Standard Greek is the official language of Cyprus, and as such it is the medium of education and the language of the Cypriot media. However, in every day situations Cypriot Greek is the only variety used among Cypriots. Cypriot Greek is not homogeneous but exhibits considerable geographical variation (Newton 1972). The variety described here is that used by educated speakers, particularly the inhabitants of the capital, Nicosia. Although influenced by increasing contact with Standard Greek, Cypriot Greek retains most of its phonological and phonetic characteristics virtually intact. There is no established orthography for Cypriot Greek; however, certain, rather variable, conventions have emerged, based on Greek historical orthography but also including novel combinations of letters in order to represent sounds that do not exist in the Standard (e.g. σι for [∫]); a version of these conventions has been adopted here for the sample text. The transcription is based on the speech of an educated male speaker from Nicosia in his mid-thirties, who read the text twice at normal speed and in an informal manner, he also assisted in rendering the text from Standard to Cypriot Greek.
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Andrews, Justine. "Conveyance and Convergence: Visual Culture in Medieval Cyprus." Medieval Encounters 18, no. 4-5 (2012): 413–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342114.
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Abstract While the trajectory of transmission of art in the Mediterranean has often been understood as West to East, here I will consider the transmission of artistic sources to Cyprus from both the West and East. These trajectories open a dialogue regarding the question of how the many sources that underpin Cypriot medieval art converged on the island. Focusing on commissions of the Lusignan dynasty, as well as other powerful communities such as the Orthodox Greeks and the Genoese, this paper shows that the social and political identity of these groups was constantly in flux; the artistic styles they used to express themselves changed according to their shifts in status. Thus, their use of artistic and architectural styles was strategic and both reflected and shaped the family’s changing political and economic position in the Mediterranean.