To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Green political theory.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Green political theory'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 39 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Green political theory.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
LoÌpez, Alejandro MeÌndez. "Green political theory : a Popperian perspective." Thesis, University of Essex, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.410239.
Full text
2
Barry, John. "Green political theory : nature, virtue and progress." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1996. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1523/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis offers an immanent critique and reconstruction of green moral and political theory. In chapter 1, the critical-reconstructive approach and spirit of the thesis is outlined in terms of contributing to the process of developing a green political theory that is different from 'ecologism' or ideological accounts of green politics. In chapter 2, deep ecology is critically interrogated in terms of its metaphysical (2.3) and psychological claims (2.4). Its view of the 'ecological crisis' as a 'crisis' of western culture is criticised as is its a priori defence of environmental preservation over the human productive use of nature. While its ecocentrism is rejected as the normative basis for green politics, its concern with virtue ethics is held to be an important contribution. In chapter 3, a self-reflexive version of anthropocentrism is developed as the most appropriate moral basis for green politics. Some naturalistic arguments are presented in order to support 'speciesism', and defend it from claims of arbitrariness and as being akin to sexism or racism. Arguments centring on demonstrating the tenuous character of the differences between humans and nonhumans are argued to neglect the fundamental moral significance of the difference between 'human' and 'nonhuman'. I argue that an ethic of use, understood as a reflexive mode of interaction with the nonhuman world, is a defensible form of anthropocentrism for green political purposes. The basis of this reflexive anthropocentrism turns on the claim that while human interests are a necessary condition for justifying a particular human use of nature, it is not a satisfactory one. Issues pertaining to the 'seriousness' of the human interest which is fulfilled are held to be important in distinguishing 'use' from 'abuse'.
3
Mantle, Deborah J. "Critical green political theory and international relations theory : compatability or conflict?" Thesis, Keele University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301163.
Full text
4
Cochrane, Regina M. "Feminism, ecology, and negative dialectics, toward a feminist green political theory." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0022/NQ39260.pdf.
Full text
5
Doncaster, Deborah (Deborah Anne) Carleton University Dissertation Law. "Civil society and Green political theory; the potential for radical reform." Ottawa, 1996.
Find full text
6
Nestaiko, Marta. "ECOLOGICAL CRISIS AND HUMAN NATURE: The Green and Liberal Approaches." Thesis, Waterloo, Ont. : University of Waterloo, [Dept. of Polical Science], 2003. http://etd.uwaterloo.ca/etd/mnestaik2003.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Waterloo, 2003."A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfilment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science". Includes bibliographical references.
7
Coates, Ian. "Green ideology in theory and practice : an examination of theories of green politics in relation to a sociological investigation of the worldview of Green Party activists." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/a0660232-c6da-4ef3-b60b-ff5c70155845.
Full text
8
Algazy, Theodore Matthew. "The philosophical foundation of Thomas Hill Green's social and political theory /." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66206.
Full text
9
Liu, Jia-Hau. "The practical philosophy of T.H. Green : an idealistic conception of liberal politics." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2015. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/76111/.
Full textAbstract:
As a critical advocate of the philosophy of Enlightenment, Thomas Hill Green (1836-1882) reconsidered the development of the empiricist and naturalistic philosophies of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and held that their development was connected in intricate ways to various quite specific issues arising in nineteenth-century British society. In order to respond to these issues, he established a comprehensive framework of philosophical thought as the foundation for his practical activities. In this framework, the core argument focuses on the relationship between consciousness and action. However, though Green’s philosophy has been widely investigated, no study has, as yet, focused exclusively on Green’s practical philosophy, and in particular his idea of the ethical citizen. This thesis undertakes this task and argues firstly that viewing the relationship between consciousness and action as the nexus of the human condition, Green’s practical philosophy is a coherent and consistent philosophical system which includes metaphysics; moral and ethical theory; and social and political theory. I then go on to argue that, by virtue of his philosophical system, Green founded political activity on the basis of metaphysical and moral ideas, on the one side, but on the other side, provided politics with a deep raison d’être; that is, to maintain and to provide the equality of opportunity for individuals by means of state power. Finally, I argue that while Green accordingly established a justification for state action, the nature of such state action relates closely to the self-government of individual citizens. Hence, Green’s practical philosophy provides an ethical theory of politics which underpins an important legacy for contemporary liberal political philosophy.
10
Lundmark, Carina. "Eco-democracy : a green challenge to democratic theory and practice." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 1998. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-96659.
Full text
11
Christopher, Michael Edward. "Thinking green and the prescriptive reaction to modernity : a theory of social change and objectivity /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1997. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9808980.
Full text
12
Weber, Martin. "Global solidarity and responsibility : ethical requirements for green political theory in the age of 'globalization'." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.394114.
Full text
13
Mallory, Chaone. ""Subject to the laws of nature" : ecofeminism, representation, and political subjectivity /." view abstract or download file of text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1283960851&sid=2&Fmt=2&clientId=11238&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2006.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 176-185). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
14
Nesbitt, Darin Roy. "A liberal theory of virtue and the good, the moral and political thought of T.G. Green." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq21612.pdf.
Full text
15
Farquhar, Russell Murray. "Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic Institutions." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Sociology and Anthropology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/944.
Full textAbstract:
Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.
16
Choi, Sung-Mo. "A variant theory of policy implementation : policy content, policy context, and implementation style in Korea /." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/31238785.html.
Full text
17
Barrett, Kimberly L. "Assessing the Relationship Between Hotspots of Lead and Hotspots of Crime." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4435.
Full textAbstract:
Numerous medical and environmental toxicology studies have established a link between lead (Pb) exposure, crime, and delinquency. In human environments, lead pollution- like crime- is unequally distributed, creating lead hot spots. In spite of this, studies of crime hotspots have routinely focused on traditional sociological predictors of crime, leaving environmental predictors of crime like lead and other neurotoxins relatively unaddressed. This study attends to this gap in the literature by asking a very straightforward research question: Is there a relationship between hotspots of lead and hotspots of crime? Furthermore, what is the nature and extent of this relationship? Lastly, is the distribution of lead across communities relative to race, class, and/or ethnicity?
To explore these issues, a series of thirteen research hypotheses are derived based on findings from previous lead and crime studies. To test these research hypotheses, data was collected from the city of Chicago's Community Areas (n = 77) in Cook County, Illinois. Information from a range of secondary sources including the U.S. Census, Environmental Protection Agency, Chicago Police Department, and City of Chicago are merged and analyzed. Cross sectional and longitudinal assessments are conducted, and results from a series of negative binomial regressions, fixed effects negative binomial regressions, and correlations are presented. Findings suggest the association between lead and crime appeared particularly robust with respect to rates of violent index crime, but less so for rates of property index crime. Contrary to what prior research suggests, the association between lead and crime appears stronger for rates of arrests for adult index crimes than rates of arrests for juvenile index crime arrests. This study concludes by discussing theory and policy implications alongside recommendations for future study.
18
Deisinger-Murray, Alexander. "Whose Right to Urban Nature? A case study of Old Tidemill Wildlife Garden in Deptford, south-east London." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Kulturgeografiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-169427.
Full textAbstract:
This exploratory research project explores the production and use, and subsequent closure and eviction of the community-designed and managed Old Tidemill Wildlife Garden in Deptford – a predominantly working-class area in south-east London. This community garden played a key role in the lives of many local residents and its closure and subsequent demolition to make way for a large housing project drew a significant backlash from local residents which included protests, law-suits, and the occupation of the garden itself. Why this small, half-acre community garden garnered such a notable response is the main focus of and motivation for this research project. Using a combined-methods approach consisting of semi-structured interviews and participant observation, this research investigates what it was about Old Tidemill Wildlife Garden which resulted in this backlash, and why the local council’s decision to close it drew such a militant revolt from local community members. Combining the empirical results of this research with a deep inquiry into the concepts of space and power within urban theory, this thesis seeks to understand the rights working-class communities have to contribute to the production of public green space, and how such community-led contribution can impact on the space produced, both inside and outside the context of Old Tidemill Wildlife Garden and its former users.
19
Thorén, Louise, and Robert Petersen. "Utmaningar för bioregionalism i relation till urbanisering och globalisering." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Miljöförändring, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-156503.
Full textAbstract:
Denna studie syftar till att undersöka bioregionalism i relation till urbanisering och globalisering för att identifiera utmaningar som begreppet och rörelsen möter relaterat till dessa trender. Tidigare studier på forskningsfältet är begränsat och utspritt, vilket skapar ett behov av att samla och vidareutveckla det fragmenterade material som finns på området. Studien har genomförts genom en metodtriangulering av kvalitativa metoder i form av litteraturstudie och enkätstudie. Den första metoden syftar till att redogöra för ett vetenskapligt och akademiskt perspektiv medan den andra metoden redogör för ett gräsrotsperspektiv. De två metoderna integrerades sedan i en gemensam diskussion för att ge en mer representativ och heltäckande bild av vilka utmaningar bioregionalismen möter relaterat till trenderna. Resultatet visar att de största utmaningarna för bioregionalismen är att lyckas åstadkomma en kulturell förändring och att få det bioregionala paradigmet erkänt. De största svårigheterna ligger i den pågående dialektiken mellan urban/rural respektive lokal/global. Avslutningsvis konstateras att bioregionalismen i sin ursprungliga form inte är tillräcklig för att förstoras upp på en urban och global skala. För att omfamna dessa trender skulle bioregionalismen förslagsvis behöva utveckla de bioregionala idealen och synkroniseras med andra närliggande koncept.This thesis aims to investigate bioregionalism in relation to urbanization and globalization to identify challenges that are facing the concept and the social movement related to these trends. Previous studies in this research field is limited and scattered, creating a need to collect and further develop the fragmented material in the area. The study was conducted through a triangulation of qualitative methods in terms of literature study and survey study. The first method aims to describe a scientific and academic perspective, while the second method describes a grassroots perspective. The two methods were then integrated in a joint discussion to provide a further representative and comprehensive picture of the challenges facing bioregionalism regarding the trends. The results show that the greatest challenges for bioregionalism are to succeed in achieving a cultural change and of getting the bioregional paradigm recognized. The greatest difficulty lies with the ongoing dialectic interplay between urban/rural and local/global. Finally the study concludes that bioregionalism in its original form is not sufficient enough to be scaled up to an urban and global level. To embrace urbanization and globalization, bioregionalism would tentatively need to develop its bioregional ideals and be synchronized with other adjacent concepts.
20
Tarvainen, Evelina. "Seeds of sustainability? : A case study on agricultural sustainability perceptions among small-scale farmers in the Manyara region, Tanzania." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-175042.
Full textAbstract:
Agricultural policies worldwide are giving an increased focus to the goal of sustainable agriculture, but there are still uncertainties around how this is performed and achieved. As small-scale farmers are a fundamental part of agricultural production worldwide, earlier scholars request deeper understanding of how these farmers perceive sustainable agriculture and how they perceive the pathway towards sustainability. In Tanzania, many small-scale farmers choose to participate in initiatives and organizations under the Organic Farming Movement. By focusing on small-scale farmers that have joined an organic initiative in the Manyara region in Tanzania, this study aims to interpret how these farmers perceive that joining the Organic initiative of a local seed trading system could contribute to sustainable agriculture for them. The study's theoretical approach was a framework where agricultural sustainability consists of an ecological, economic, and social dimension and that normative assumptions of sustainability can be divided into either an Environmentalist or Ecologist approach. Through an open-ended question survey, ten local farmers' perceptions of agricultural sustainability were collected. The result indicates that the farmers perceive that the local seed trading system to some extent will contribute to parts of all three dimensions of agricultural sustainability, and that normative assumptions in both Environmentalism and Ecologism can be identified within the farmer's answers.
21
Mesic, Selma. "The 'Green' Land Grabs : How the rush for biofuels is impacting land rights in Tanzania." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384254.
Full textAbstract:
The last decade has witnessed an exponential interest in land investments across numerous industries in the developed countries. Africa has been particularly targeted for investments, increasingly for biofuel production. Though land investments can boost local economies when realized in an equitable manner, many reports also point to large-scale displacements and loss of land for local landowners. There remain empirical unclarities on the subject, and theoretical and analytical frameworks are underdeveloped in explaining the conditions and factors that determine outcomes. This thesis is exploring the effects of land investments on land tenure security through the lens of credible commitment and neo-patrimonial theory, with a focus on biofuel production in Tanzania as the chosen qualitative case study. The analysis is based on two specific jatropha investments in Tanzania: Sun Biofuels and Diligent Ltd. The research contribution of the thesis is in merging two theoretical approaches, CCT and Neo-patrimonialism, and applying it to a new research area of land investments in order to establish an understanding of their effects on local land tenure security.
22
Lejeune, Caroline. "En quête de justice écologique : théorie politique environnementale et mobilisations sociales." Thesis, Lille 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LIL20022.
Full textAbstract:
L’étude des mobilisations sociales et institutionnelles nées autour d’un projet d’aménagement urbain – la Zone de l’Union (métropole lilloise, Nord) – permet d’analyser l’évolution théorique de la justice sociale lorsqu’elle se trouve progressivement confrontée aux limites environnementales. Originellement, ces mobilisations sociales étaient éloignées des enjeux spécifiquement écologiques.Mais une lente évolution des revendications s’opère lorsqu’il s’agit de se positionner sur un projet d’ « écoquartier exemplaire » (2006-2022). Nous nous intéresserons au glissement des revendications sociales (fondées sur la justice distributive et la reconnaissance politique) vers des revendications écologiques (élaborées à partir de la confrontation de la justice sociale aux limites environnementales). L’analyse des dispositifs de transformation des discours, des procédures participatives, ainsi que de l’évolution des référentiels théoriques des mobilisations, participe à une réflexion sur les conditions de transformation de la démocratie pluraliste représentative. A travers l’étude de la justice écologique et de ses enjeux, nous proposons de repenser la manière dont les limites environnementales peuvent être intégrées aux pratiques participatives de la démocratie. En nous appuyant sur les travaux de la Green Political Theory, nous montrons également que la justice écologique repose sur une conceptionécocentrée de la justice qui pourrait contribuer à interroger la théorie de la démocratie à partir des interdépendances existentielles entre les sphères sociales et écologiquesThis work aims at analysing the theoretical evolution of social justice when it is progressively confronted to environmental limits. It is based on the study of the social and institutional movements that arose around an urban planning project – the Union Zone – in the metropolis of Lille, Northern France. These social movements were at first concentrating their claims on issues far from ecologicalconcerns. But a slow evolution of their claims took place when they were confronted to a project of “exemplary eco-district” (2006-2022). This work will focus on the shift from social claims (based on distributive justice and political acknowledgement) to ecological claims (where social justice is confronted to environmental limits). Drawing on an analysis of the transformation of discourses, of the participation procedures, and of the evolution of the theoretical frames used by the social movements, we offer an insight on the conditions of transformation of pluralist representative democracy. This analysis of the issues and purposes of ecological justice aims at reconsidering the way environmentallimits could be incorporated into the participative practices of democracies. Drawing on the field of green political theory, this work also aims at showing that ecological justice lays on an ecocentrist view of justice that could contribute to question the theory of democracy in the light of existentialinterdependences connecting the ecological and the social spheres
23
Semal, Luc. "Militer à l’ombre des catastrophes : contribution à une théorie politique environnementale au prisme des mobilisations de la décroissance et de la transition." Thesis, Lille 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LIL20009/document.
Full textAbstract:
Au cours des années 2000, deux mobilisations parallèles ont contribué à renouveler le paysage de l’écologie politique : la décroissance en France, et les Transition Towns au Royaume-Uni. Nous proposons une approche comparative internationale de ces deux mouvements, d’abord distincts, mais qui se sont progressivement imbriqués à mesure qu’ils s’internationalisaient. Nous nous intéresserons particulièrement à la dimension catastrophiste de ces deux mouvements, entendue comme un mode de pensée politique fondé sur l’anticipation de ruptures écologiques majeures (pic pétrolier, mais aussi réchauffement climatique ou effondrement écosystémique) qui mettraient fin à la version moderne du projet démocratique. Loin de n’être qu’une posture intellectuelle, le catastrophisme s’incarne dans ces mouvements en des pratiques délibératives expérimentales qui invitent à questionner la temporalité continuiste dans laquelle se conçoit généralement la théorie démocratique.L’étude de ces deux mobilisations vise à nourrir une réflexion d’ordre plus théorique sur les outils dont dispose la science politique pour penser l’insertion des communautés politiques dans leur environnement. En nous appuyant sur les travaux pionniers de la green political theory, nous montrerons qu’une théorie politique environnementale pourrait contribuer à interroger la théorie démocratique en invitant à la réinsérer dans un contexte de déstabilisation écologique globaleDuring the 2000’s decade, two social movements, the décroissance movement in France and Transition Towns in the United- Kingdom, have contributed, both in parallel, to a renewal of the green political landscape. This thesis is an international comparative analysis of these two movements, which were first distinct, then progressively overlapped as they evolved to become international. This research will focus in particular on the catastrophist dimension of these two movements, understood as a form of political thought based on the anticipation of major ecological shifts (peak oil, climatechange, ecosystems collapse, etc.) that would put an end to the modern version of the democratic project. Far from being an intellectual framework only, catastrophism also gives rise to experimental deliberative practices that put into question the hypothesis of continuity that generally pervades theories of democracy.The analysis of these two movements aims at proposing new material to provide for a theoretical reflection on the intellectual tools that political science uses to investigate the ecological embeddedness of political communities. Dwelling on the pioneer work of green political theory, we will suggest that a théorie politique environnementale could contribute to reconsider theories of democracy, with an invitation for them to fit within the framework of the global ecological disruption
24
Buchanan, Angela S. "The Sophists and The federalist : re-examining the classical roots of American political theory." Virtual Press, 1995. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/941733.
Full textAbstract:
The field of rhetoric has recently begun to position the Sophists as an integral part of the history of the discipline. Sophistic influence has been acknowledged in other fields as well, particularly philosophy and literary theory; however, Sophistic influence on political theory has been virtually ignored. This thesis examines the epistemology of the Sophists within the context of the debates of ancient Greece, and illustrates the connections between Sophistic thought and the ideology behind the structuring of the American federal government. Specific connections are made between the epistemology of the Sophists and that expressed in The Federalist, as well as that of earlier political theorists Thomas Hobbes and John Locke.Department of English
25
Young, Liz. "Green politics in West Germany and Tasmania : a comparative analysis of theory and practice /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ary71.pdf.
Full text
26
Szuba, Mathilde. "Gouverner dans un monde fini : des limites globales au rationnement individuel, sociologie environnementale du projet britannique de politique de Carte carbone (1996-2010)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010540/document.
Full textAbstract:
Au cours des années 2000, les gouvernements britanniques néo-travaillistes de Tony Blair et Gordon Brown ont porté un projet de politique publique appelé «Carte carbone», consistant à instaurer des quotas individuels d’émissions pour les particuliers. Ce projet avait initialement été formulé en 1996 par des chercheurs écologistes qui, en s’inspirant des politiques de rationnement passées, ont contribué à faire émerger un nouveau référentiel d’action publique structuré par l’idée de la finitude du monde. La mise à l’agenda de ce projet par les néo-travaillistes a cependant été suivie d’un travail de réinterprétation des limites environnementales, tendant à mettre à distance l’idée de finitude pour mieux concilier la carte carbone avec le référentiel environnementaliste de la modernisation écologique. Ce travail d’interprétation s’est doublé d’un processus d’aménagement des limites environnementales, encore éloignées par la rencontre du macrosystème énergétique avec les instruments du nouveau management public. Au terme de ce processus, le report sine die de la carte carbone témoigne d’une nouvelle relégation des limites environnementales aux marges de l’action publique. L’étude sociologique de la trajectoire institutionnelle de ce projet d’action publique vise à nourrir une réflexion plus théorique sur les difficultés d’émergence d’un référentiel de la finitude au temps de la crise écologique globale. À la lumière des travaux de la sociologie environnementale, il s’agira de montrer comment les réflexions politiques sur le rationnement participent à la recherche d’autres modalités de gouvernement dans un monde finiDuring the 2000s, the British New Labour governments of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown have contemplated implementing a public policy called “Carbon card”, which consisted of allocating tradable emission rights to individuals. This project had originally been formulated in 1996 by green researchers who, drawing on past rationing policies, have contributed with this Carbon card to the emergence of a new public policy “référentiel” structured by the idea of ecological finiteness. Once agenda status was attained, however, this project was subjected to a reinterpretation of its environmental limits frame, that tended to relegate the idea of finitude, in an attempt to better conciliate the Carbon card with the ecological modernisation référentiel. This interpretation was coupled with a technical softening of environmental limits, still more relativized by the junction operated between the energy macrosystem and New Public Management-inspired policy instruments. At the outcome of this process, the indefinite postponement of the Carbon card reveals a renewed relegation of environmental limits to the margins of public action. The sociological study of the Carbon card’s institutional trajectory aims at feeding into a theoretical analysis of the obstacles to the emergence of a finitude référentiel, in a time of global ecological crisis. Drawing from environmental sociology, this work aims at showing that public policy research on rationing might contribute to investigating different ways of governing for a finite world
27
Fatyi, Khanyisa. "A critical evaluation of the 'greed versus grievance' theory in the analysis of civil wars - - the case of Angola." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3768.
Full text
28
Isik, Ozgur Emre. "Theory And Practice: Socio-political And Philosophical Dynamics In The Evolution Of The Grid-plan In Ancient Greek Cities." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609643/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Social, political and philosophical dynamics which supposedly played an important role in the formation of the grid-plan in ancient Greek cities are explored in this thesis. In this respect, the thesis aims to expose the socio-political and philosophical matrix of Greek society in which the grid was implemented with an emphasis on the concepts of equality, rationality and geometric harmony. Having formulated a theoretical framework, it concentrates on several cases from different regions and contexts in the Mediterranean in order to confirm this framework. The thesis investigates the nature of the Greek grid-plan within three main partsfirst the grid-plans of non-Greek cultures with which ancient Greeks had close contacts
second the relationship between the grid-plan and political power in Greek poleis with special attention to the formation of &
#8216
egalitarian&
#8217
ideals in society
third the physical expressions of the philosophical concepts of perfection, mathematical regularity and geometrical equality in the cosmos on urban pattern.
29
Andersson, Rickard. "The politics of resilience : A qualitative analysis of resilience theory as an environmental discourse." Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Sociology, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-8427.
Full textAbstract:
During recent years, resilience theory – originally developed in systems ecology – has advanced as a new approach to sustainable development. However, it is still more of an academic theory than a discourse informing environmental politics. The aim of this essay is to study resilience theory as a potential environmental discourse in the making and to outline the political implications it might induce. To gain a more comprehensive knowledge of resilience theory, I study it in relation to already existing environmental discourses. Following earlier research on environmental discourses I define the discourses of ecological modernization, green governmentality and civic environmentalism as occupying the discursive space of environmental politics. Further, I define six central components as characteristics for all environmental discourses. Outlining how both the existing environmental discourses and resilience theory relates to these components enables an understanding of both the political implications of resilience theory and of resilience theory as an environmental discourse in relation to existing environmental discourses. The six central discourse components I define are 1) the view on the nation-state; 2) the view on capitalism; 3) the view on civil society; 4) the view on political order; 5) the view on knowledge; 6) the view on human-nature relations. By doing an empirical textual analysis of academic texts on resilience theory I show that resilience theory assigns a limited role for the nation-state and a very important role for civil society and local actors when it comes to environmental politics. Its view on local actors and civil society is closely related to its relativist view on knowledge. Resilience theory views capitalism as a root of many environmental problems but with some political control and with changing perspectives this can be altered. Furthermore, resilience theory seems to advocate a weak bottom-up perspective on political order. Finally, resilience theory views human-nature relations as relations characterized by human adaptation to the prerequisites of nature. In conclusion, I argue that the empirical analysis show that resilience theory, as an environmental discourse, to a great extent resembles a subdivision of civic environmentalism called participatory multilateralism.
30
Seylar, John. "Across Empires: A Comparative Analysis of Roman Emperors and American Presidents." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1714.
Full textAbstract:
The influence of the Roman Republic and Empire is visible everywhere in the contemporary United States government. Some even propose a “democratic legacy” that the United States has inherited from the Roman Republic, a legacy that dooms modern America to a similar “decline and fall.” These arguments reached their apex in journalism surrounding the 2016 presidential election. A comparison between American Presidents and Roman Emperors proves that these assertions are false, employing case studies in each society’s democracy, interactions with deliberative bodies, public image management, and demagoguery. The distinctness of Roman and American social and political culture in each of these areas suggests a fundamental incongruity between the political figures of the two cultures. Even apparent commonalities can be misleading, as there are significant structural or cultural discrepancies that prevent scholars from drawing conclusions about Presidents using the Roman Imperial example. The argument of this thesis is therefore historiographical in nature: The findings this thesis contains suggest that modern scholars should not read history, specifically Roman history, to predict or justify present political circumstances. The comparisons made between Emperors and Presidents instead serve to prove the distinctness of contemporary American political culture as well as ancient Roman political culture. Acknowledgement of the uniqueness of both of these societies allows scholars to better understand both Presidents and Emperors within their own context. This separation will also lead to more directed, better informed study in the field of Roman history and in the field of modern American governmental policy.
31
Lanaras, Olivia. "Alcibiades: Unfulfilled Dreams of Unequivocal Power." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1719.
Full textAbstract:
Alcibiades was one of the most dynamic and engaging figures of the Peloponnesian War. Like a chameleon, he managed to change himself to fit almost any occasion and audience; few historical figures can claim to have successfully switched allegiances as many times during a conflict. Starting as a general in Athens, he moved on to side with the Spartans, then the Persians, and then returned to Athens. Some would consider him a young and impulsive egoist, but a closer investigation indicates that he more than likely had a larger, pragmatic goal motivating his actions. This essay will aim first to establish his break from the philosophical status quo of Athens, and then to determine the nature of these larger goals. It will pivot around Alcibiades’ address to the Athenian assembly, using it in a comparative analysis of both Pericles’ Funeral Oration, and briefly supplementing it with Plato’s Alcibiades I.
32
Lehnert, Matthew R. "Ghost Hunting and A Moroccan Forest: a geography of Madness." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1372856199.
Full text
33
Noteboom, Emilie Jeannette. "Critical analysis of Guillaume Groen van Prinsterer's Christian-historical principle, with a comparative critical analysis of his argument of 'history' with that of Edmund Burke's as used in their critique of the French Revolution." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6233d0bf-9fd2-4c4a-ad1c-9becb5cd514c.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis provides an analytical interpretation of the critique Dutch nineteenth-century statesman-cum-historian Guillaume Groen van Prinsterer (1801-1876) articulated of French revolutionary ideology. It achieves an original reading of Groen's thought as Protestant right-order theory. This reading achieves a clarification of the functions that Scripture, 'nature', and 'history' have in his thought, and connects his thinking to that of a small group of contemporary British-based political theologians, notably Oliver and Joan Lockwood O'Donovan, and their minority view on the ontological grounding of justice. Our comparison of Groen's argument of 'history' with that of Edmund Burke achieves original critical leverage on their concepts of 'history', and draws out that Burke's critique of the Revolution purposes to re-affirm English common law, while Groen's is an apologia for Christianity.
34
Hansson, Sanna, and Sonja Lundeberg. "Skolgårdens plats i den föränderliga staden." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för Urbana Studier (US), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-45248.
Full textAbstract:
I stadens förändringsprocess, ständigt präglad av nya ideal, ska många intressen förenas och beaktas vid utformningen av skolgårdar. Med utgångspunkt i naturens betydelse för barns hälsa och utveckling undersöker denna studie två skolgårdar i Malmö utifrån tre perspektiv: skolgårdarnas utformning, högstadieelevers användning av och preferenser på skolgården samt planerarens prioriteringar och tillvägagångssätt vid utformningen av skolgårdsmiljöer. Syftet är, genom förståelse för hur dessa tre perspektiv kan förenas, öka kunskapen kring hur skolgårdarna kan planeras mer socialt och ekologiskt hållbart i den föränderliga staden. Detta undersöks med en mixad metod genom platsobservationer, enkätundersökningar och intervjuer. Empirin påvisar en relativt passiv inställning till skolgården bland eleverna, oberoende av skolgårdens storlek och mängd grönska samt att de överlag prioriterar social interaktion och mobilanvändande på rasterna. Tolkningen av det empiriska materialet utifrån teorin tyder på att det är grönskans kvalitet som påverkar elevernas intresse för att ta del av miljön. Genom intervjuerna framkom det att utformningen av ett grönt ramverk som erbjuder olika rumsligheter kan bidra till en mer jämlik, inkluderande och hållbar skolgårdsmiljö. Den ideala skolgårdsmiljön, som kan anses vara en där naturen företräds, speglar dock inte nödvändigtvis elevernas uppfattning av den ideala skolgården. Elevernas preferenser kan däremot få ta plats inom det hållbara ramverket, genom aktiv gestaltning.Within the city's transformative process, constantly tinged by new ideals, different interests must be united and considered in the planning and design of school grounds. Based on the importance of nature for children's health and development, this study examines two school grounds in Malmö from three perspectives: the school grounds design and shape, the use and preferences of the students on the school grounds, and the planner´s priorities and proceedings in planning school ground environments. The purpose is, through an understanding of how these three perspectives can unite, to increase knowledge on how school grounds can be planned more socially and ecologically sustainable in the transformative city. This is investigated with a mixed method through site observations, surveys and interviews. The empirical evidence shows a relatively passive relation to the school ground among the students, regardless of the school grounds size and amount of greenery, and generally they prioritize social interaction and mobile phone use during breaks. The interpretation of the empirical material, based on the theory, indicates that it is the quality of the greenery that affects the student’s interest in using the environment. Through the interviews, it emerged that the design of a green framework that offers different spatialities can contribute to a more equal, inclusive and sustainable school ground. The ideal environment of the school ground, which can be considered one that is characterized by natural environments, does not necessarily reflect the student's ideal of it. The students' preferences can however be accommodated within the sustainable framework through continuous design.
35
Poliseli, Romualdo Vicentin. "Opinião verdadeira e opinião pública no "Mênon" de Platão." Universidade de São Paulo, 2003. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-20052003-141051/.
Full textAbstract:
O tema central, enfocado nesta leitura do Mênon de Platão, é a relação entre dóxa alethés e opinião pública. São temas secundários, o ensino da virtude, o contexto político, as matemáticas e a epistéme aplicada à política. A questão nasce da pergunta inicial do diálogo sobre a maneira de adquirir a virtude. Mênon desejava a virtude tal como era concebida em seu meio: a glória, a fama, a boa reputação e, por conseguinte, o poder, ou seja, ele desejava a virtude política. O conturbado processo político da polis rumo à democratização, aliado à noção de virtude como fama, torna evidente a importância da dinamização da opinião pública na luta entre as facções e no reconhecimento da virtude política. Platão admite essa condição da prática política. Segundo o Timeu, o único conhecimento possível do mundo dos sólidos é o conhecimento opiniático. A prática política se desenrola no mundo dos sólidos, portanto é guiada pela opinião. Porém, há opiniões que são verdadeiras e há opiniões que conduzem à aporia, além de serem fugidias, pois o objeto deste tipo de conhecimento são os sólidos, que estão no mundo do devir. O Timeu ensina que o demiurgo tem sempre opiniões verdadeiras sobre o mundo por ele ordenado, porque também repousa os olhos no que é sempre o mesmo, ou seja, ele tem a episteme do que é sempre. O rei-filósofo da República é o demiurgo da cidade; ele tem sempre opiniões verdadeiras na administração da polis, porque tem a episteme. Porém, Platão reconhece, na República, que a verdade conhecida pelo filósofo não pode se efetivar sem a anuência da opinião pública. Freqüentemente, a opinião pública caminha para a aporia, mas não é impossível que chegue ao acerto. É possível conjugar verdade e política. Se a ciência filosófica estiver ausente, resta contar com a proteção divina, que é casual. Sócrates propôs que seu interlocutor procurasse saber o que é a virtude em si. Em razão da aporia de Mênon, Sócrates ensinou o caminho da ciência pela teoria da reminiscência, que principia justamente pelo reconhecimento das aporias. Mênon, porém, não estava disposto a buscar a episteme do filósofo. O último argumento do diálogo conclui que a virtude é opinião verdadeira, que advém por um favor dos deuses. Trata-se de uma segunda via, mais apropriada a Mênon, para manter alguma articulação entre política e verdade. Antes de se despedir, Sócrates avisa Mênon que a investigação deve ser retomada do início.The central theme which has been put into focus by this reading of Meno is the relation between dóxa alethés and public opinion. The teaching of virtue, the public context, the mathematics and the epistéme applied to politics offer themselves as secondary themes. The question emerges from the initial question of the dialog about how virtue can be acquired. Meno longed for the virtue as it was conceived within its medium: glory, fame, good reputation and, therefore, power; he desired, in other words, the political virtue. The disturbed political process of the polis towards democracy makes clear - together with virtue as fame the importance of the dynamism of public opinion in the struggle between factions and within the acknowledgment of political virtue. Plato acknowledges these conditions amongst practical politics. According to Timaeus, the only possible knowledge of the world of solids is the opinionated knowledge. The political practice develops itself within the world of solids, and is therefore guided by opinion. However, there are true opinions and opinions which take us to aporia and which are, moreover, quite fleeting because their object are the solids, which found themselves within the world of becoming. Timaeus also teaches us that the demiurge has always true opinions about the world he has arranged - because he looks at that which never changes, i. e., he holds the epistéme of that which always is. The king-philosopher of the Republic is, so to say, the citys demiurge; he always has true opinions about the management of the polis - because he holds the epistéme. Nevertheless, Plato acknowledges in the Republic that the truth granted by the philosopher cannot accomplish itself without the consent of public opinion. Frequently, the public opinion leads to aporia but, on the other hand, is not impossible to it to succeed. It is possible to coordinate truth and politics. Without philosophical science, we can only rely on the divine protection, which happens to be fortuitous. Socrates has put forth that his interlocutor should try to learn what virtue in itself is. Due to Meno's aporia, Socrates has taught the way to science through the theory of reminiscence, which sets off precisely from the recognition of the aporia. Meno, however, was not willing to search the philosophical epistéme. The last argument of the dialog ends up saying that virtue is the true opinion which is granted by a favor of gods. It happens to be a second road - much more appropriated to Meno in order to keep politics and truth well-connected. Before signing off, Socrates tells Meno that the search must be considered from the start.
36
Stray, Liselott. "Islamist, Antisemit eller Humanist? : En kvalitativ textanalys av två kvällstidningars gestaltning av Mehmet Kaplan mellan den 14-18 april 2016." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Media- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-22337.
Full textAbstract:
Studiens syfte är att utforska hur Aftonbladet och Expressen gestaltade bostadsministern Mehmet Kaplan från den 14 april 2016 fram till 18 april 2016 då han avgick som minister. Syftet är också att se hur förändring av gestaltningen under dessa dagar ter sig. Slutligen kommer studien att jämföra de två tidningarna för att se om och hur de skiljer sig åt i sin gestaltning. De frågeställningar som studien utifrån detta syfte ämnar behandla är följande. - Hur gestaltas Mehmet Kaplan mellan den 14- 18 april? - Hur förändras gestaltningen under dessa dagar? - Hur skiljer sig de olika tidningarnas gestaltning åt? Metoden som tillämpas är en kvalitativ textanalys, som i praktiken innebär att ställa frågor till texten. Frågorna har byggts upp utifrån Strömbäcks och Entmans teori och definition av gestaltningens fyra grundläggande egenskaper. Vidare har resonemanget om den journalistiska dramaturgins grundläggande element och språkliga redskap inom sensationsjournalistik, använts som stöd i utformandet av analysfrågorna. Analysmaterialet är hämtat från Retriever, begränsat på redaktionellt digitalt publicerade artiklar mellan datumen 14 - 18 april. Urvalet resulterade i 23 aktiva analysenheter för studien varav är 11 från Aftonbladet och 12 från Expressen. Studiens resultat är att Mehmet Kaplan gestaltades från Aftonbladet och Expressens håll som otillgänglig, antisemitisk och islamistisk. Samtidigt vidhöll hans politiska kollegor utåt att Kaplan var humanist, demokrat och antirasist. Rapporteringen under de fyra aktuella dagarna var i olika skeenden. En upptrappning, följas av tystnad och sedan explodera i en enorm rapportering, fram tills att Kaplan avgått. Rapporteringen mellan de tidningarna skiljde sig åt, det förklaras i studien på grund av dess olika politiska ideologier.The study aims to explore how Aftonbladet and Expressen portrayed Housing Minister Mehmet Kaplan from April 142016 until April 18, 2016 when he resigned as minister. The aim is also to see how the change in depiction during these days seems. Finally, the study will compare the two newspapers to see if and how they differ in their interpretation. The issues that the study on the basis that purpose intend to treat is the following. -How portrayed Mehmet Kaplan from 14-18 April? -How to change the design on these days? -How do the various newspaper design at? The method used is a qualitative text analysis, whichin practice means to put questions to the text. The questions have been built up on the basis Strömbäcks and Entmans theory and definition of Gestalt Association four basic characteristics. Furthermore, the reasoning of the journalistic dramaturgy basic elements and linguistic tools in sensational journalism, used to support the design of analytical questions. The analysis material is taken from the Retriever, bounded on digital editorial articles published between the dates of April 14 to 18. The selection resulted in 23 active units of analysis for the study of which 11 are from Aftonbladet and 12 from Expressen. The study's resultis that Mehmet Kaplan figure was from Aftonbladet and Expressen hold as unavailable, anti-Semitic and Islamist. At the sametime maintained his political colleagues out that Kaplan was a humanist, democrat and anti-racist. Reporting during the four days in question were in various stages. An escalation,followed by silence and then explode in a huge reporting, until the Kaplanresigned. The reporting of the newspapers differed, it is explained in the study because of its different political ideologies.
37
Cochrane, Regina M. "Feminism, ecology, and negative dialectics toward a feminist green political theory /." 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ39260.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 1998. Graduate Programme in Political Science.Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 496-521). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ39260.
38
Pinto, Eduardo Jorge Costa. "Green republicanism: non-domination for an ecologically sustainable planet." Doctoral thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/76484.
Full textAbstract:
Tese de doutoramento em Philosophy (especialidade em Social and Political Phiosophy)O republicanismo recebeu um interesse renovado nas duas últimas décadas. No centro da sua definição estão as noções de liberdade como não-dominação, contestação, virtudes cívicas, participação cívica, interesse público sobre privado, combate à corrupção e também a defesa do Estado de direito. Apesar desse interesse, o republicanismo não deu ainda atenção suficiente aos desafios ecológicos do presente. A intenção dos cinco artigos que, juntos, constituem esta tese é ajudar a preencher essa lacuna na teoria política republicana. A tese compara diferentes conceções de liberdade e como estas respondem à implementação de limites ecológicos que, na minha opinião, são necessários para nos afastarmos da in sustentabilidade ecológica atual. A conclusão é que a conceção republicana de liberdade como não dominação está melhor posicionada para justificar a implementação de limites ecológicos. Esta é uma discussão importante, uma vez que muitas vezes os limites ecológicos são recusados com argumento de que estes representam um ataque inaceitável à liberdade. O conceito de republicanismo verde é discutido e apresentado como a interceção da teoria política republicana e da teoria política verde. O republicanismo verde é não-neutro e está interessado em promover a convivialidade, tendo como aspeto fundamental a promoção do pós-produtivismo. Um rendimento básico incondicional (RBI) é assim um elemento importante da teoria republicana verde. Para que isso seja verdade, no entanto, algumas condições na definição do RBI devem ser observadas. Assim, são comparadas duas justificações verdes de um RBI, argumentando que a situação atual de múltiplas crises ecológicas exigirá a mais radical delas e que outras medidas paralelas ao RBI são necessárias. Em relação ao objetivo do republicanismo verde de promover o pós-produtivismo, um RBI é comparado com os sistemas de segurança social existentes e com um rendimento participativo verde. Conclui-se que, dependendo de como é definido, um RBI poderia contribuir para o pós-produtivismo e, ao mesmo tempo, ser não-arbitrário, obedecendo às condições republicanas.
Republican political theory has received renewed interest in recent decades. Central to the definition of republicanism are the notions of freedom as non-domination, contestation, civic virtues, participation in the political life of the community, public over private interest, combatting all forms of corruption, and also the defence of a state based on the rule of law. Despite this renewed interest, republicanism has so far not given enough attention to the ecological challenges of the present. The intention of the five articles that, together, constitute this dissertation is to help fill that gap in republican political theory. The dissertation compares different conceptions of freedom and how they allow room for the implementation of ecological limits that, as I argue, are required to move away from ecological unsustainability. The conclusion is that the republican conception of freedom as non-domination is better positioned to justify the implementation of ecological limits. This is an important analysis as ecological limits are often refused on the grounds that they are limiting freedom in an unacceptable way. The concept of green republicanism is discussed and presented as the subset of republican political theory that overlaps with green political theory. Green republicanism is non-neutral and interested in promoting conviviality, having as a key feature the promotion of post-productivism. An unconditional basic income (BI) is an important element of green republican theory. For this to be true, however, some conditions in the design of the BI need to be true. I thus confront two green cases of a BI, arguing that the current situation of multiple ecological crises will require the more radical of the cases and that parallel measures are required. Regarding the green republican goal of promoting post-productivism, a BI is compared with existing welfare regimes and with a green participation income. The conclusion is that depending on how it is defined, an unconditional basic income could contribute to post-productivism while being non-arbitrary, thereby obeying the green republican conditions.
39
Pickett, Lance. "Robert Goodin’s green theory of value and the politics of fishing and the aquatic environment in New Zealand: an explanation as to how and why fisheries-related policy fails to meet Goodin's public policy and moral criteria for the maintenance of natural resources." 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/742.
Full textAbstract:
The proposition of this thesis is that, policy and legislation pertaining to natural resources, specifically the fisheries and the aquatic environment of New Zealand, do not meet Robert Goodin’s public policy and moral criteria for successful maintenance of such resources in accordance with his green theory of value. This proposition is derived from an assessment indicating a policy tradition in New Zealand resulting in failure to ensure ecological sustainability in accordance with this country’s international obligations to biodiversity and futurity. This thesis urges change from the prevailing narrowly economistic political agenda to one based upon Robert Goodin’s green theory of value. Such a political agenda would be promoted by a third force over and above the traditional parties of the Left and Right, arguably, The Greens: the Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand. The argument for change is based upon an analysis of fisheries related policy and legislation in New Zealand to April 2000. The analysis is organised into successive historical periods, beginning with the arrival of the first Polynesians and ending with the outcome of the 1999 general election. These periods include the development of the common property subsistence fishery of the Maori and its commercial open access Pakeha successors, the institution of an export industry involving in turn delicensing, rationalization, privatization, corporatization, and the process of devolution of fisheries management to industry. It is argued the cumulative outcome is impoverishment of natural resources, the capitalization of Nature and the theft of the “people’s right of fishery”. Goodin’s green theory of value is carefully stated, developed, analyzed, and compared and contrasted with the prevailing economistic argument. The validity and desirability of the green theory of value and the political agenda to which it gives rise is established. This political agenda is found similar to that of green parties. The political and social milieu in which The Greens must presently operate is analysed. Current environmental policy in general, and fisheries related policies in particular are analysed and found incompatible with Goodin’s criteria. The outcome of policies and legislation affecting aquatic ecosystems-maintenance is examined in case studies covering major fisheries and the aquatic environment, and found to be generally disastrous. Alternative policies are proffered, based upon a green political agenda arising from a philosophy similar to that explicated in Goodin’s green theory of value.