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1
Rovinskaya, T. "Greens in Europe: Incremental Growth." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 12 (2015): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-12-58-71.
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The article deals with the environmental ideology evolution and the Green Movement political development – from groups of activists and ecological non-governmental organizations to influential political parties, at both national and international level (mainly in the Western Europe). The overlook covers the period from early 1970s to present. The mass political Green Movement arose in early 1970s in the Western Europe, USA and Australia in response to vivid ecological threats and the inability of national and international authorities to offer effective solutions. From the very beginning, the Greens declared their commitment to the principles of environmental responsibility, global sustainable development, inclusive democracy, consideration for diversity, personal freedom, gender equality and non-violence. In the political field, the Greens meet two main challenges: formation of political agenda with regard to environmental issues; promotion of effective political decisions and economic mechanisms to protect the environment from an anthropogenic impact. Ecological NGOs, especially large international organizations (like Greenpeace) perform public protest actions against the transnational and state corporations’ economic activities violating the environment (f.e. Arctic oil extraction, radioactive waste storage, gene engineering in agriculture etc.). But beyond the active political lobbying and drawing of wide public support to acute environmental issues, NGOs are not able to involve into political process directly. Within 1970s–1980s (and also later on) ecological political parties were formed in most Western European countries, with a target to participate in official parliamentary elections at local, regional, national and supra-national level. Many of them succeeded and became influencing in their countries. Political methods used by the Greens are thoroughly analyzed in the paper. Special attention is paid to political strategy and tactics of the German ecological party Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, as well as to participation of the European Union Green parties in work of the European Parliament. German Greens count for the most successful ecological party not only in Europe, but also worldwide. Using flexible tactics of parliamentary coalitions, they managed to facilitate a general turn of the German policy toward ecologization (renunciation of the atomic energy development in Germany, conservation of energy and renewable energy sources programs, ecological taxes implementation, prohibition on gene engineering in agriculture etc.). Being a part of the governing coalition, the “Bündnis 90/Die Grünen” were also involved in many other sociopolitical and international issues. Since 1984, many European ecological parties are present in the European Parliament. In 2004, the European Green Party was created to consolidate electoral efforts of the Greens at the European level. Almost all EU ecological parties are also members of the international Global Greens organization. Owing to activities of the Green Movement as a whole, state authorities of many countries (primarily in the Western Europe) adopted environment friendly legislation and state programs. Despite short periods of reverse, the general development of Greens is progressive and prospective.
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Frankland, E. Gene. "Parliamentary Politics and the Development of the Green Party in West Germany." Review of Politics 51, no. 3 (1989): 386–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500049743.
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This study deals with the experiences of the Greens (Die Griinen) during the 1980's as a “new” party in West German state and federal parliaments and specifically with the Green parliamentary groups' relationships with the movement-party. The founders of the Greens sought to organize as a decentralized, participatory democracy. Accordingly, they developed rules to hinder the emergence of a professionalized leadership and to restrict the autonomy of parliamentary groups. Utilizing a comparative approach, the author investigates the extent to which the Greens have become “parliamentarized” by the normalizing forces of the established system at state and federal levels. This study relates the Greens' developmental experiences to the “classic” observations of Duverger, Michels, and others about modern party development. Finally, it reviews the recent perspectives of various intraparty groups about the future of the Greens.
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Berezina, Irina Sergeyevna, Geht Anton Borisovich, Tsverianashvili Ivan Alekseyevich, and Shutman Denis Valeryevich. "The Process of Institutionalization of the Green Party in the Federal Republic of Germany in 1979–2019." Общество: философия, история, культура, no. 12 (December 11, 2020): 94–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/fik.2020.12.15.
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The present research considers the problem of insti-tutionalization of the Green Party in Germany for the period of 40 years, which was determined by a multi-stage process of the party formation, as well as the innovative approach of “The Greens” in the devel-opment of the party's political course. “The Greens” began their activities by creating small local envi-ronmental groups, which by the 1980s had formed a single political party and began to actively partici-pate in the political life of the country, which had marked the beginning of “The Greens” institutional-ization process. Initially, the party positioned itself as an “alternative” to existing traditional political forces, which was clearly reflected in their proposed initiatives. However, over time, during the institu-tionalization process, “The Greens” began to move towards a “systemic” integration into the political life of the Federal Republic of Germany, and the status of “marginal opposition” disappeared. During its existence, the party put forward hundreds of var-ious initiatives aimed at improving the environmen-tal situation and the socio-economic system of Germany. These initiatives found receptive audience among the country’s population, which in recent years has had a positive impact on the dynamics of the party's popularity and made it one of the main socio-political forces in the country, finally complet-ing the process of institutionalizing “The Greens”.
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Viatkin, Ilia. "Spatial Realignment of German Voters and Germany’s Regional Cleavage." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 45 (June 29, 2020): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.45.2.
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This article seeks to explain the increase in the German Green party votes in 2019 European elections through the East-West cleavage. Using the 2018 German General Social Survey data, it identifies and compares the Green Party electorate in both regions in terms of conventional and supposed determinants of Green voting. Results of the multivariate analysis equally support both models, indicating left-wing voters as the main source of the Greens’ electoral gains across Germany. However, while in the East the Greens were supported primarily by the electorate of the Social Democratic party dissatisfied with the activity of this party, Western Germans exhibited a trend of left-leaning voters’ backlash against the rise of the radical right party Alternative for Germany through Green voting. This realignment is explicated by the persistent specifics of German regional party politics combined with intrinsic value distinctions of their dwellers, and recent shifts in party-voters ties.
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Poguntke, Thomas. "Unconventional Participation in Party Politics: The Experience of the German Greens." Political Studies 40, no. 2 (June 1992): 239–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1992.tb01382.x.
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The German Green Party, which is one of the most successful Green parties in Western Europe, has not only been efficient in changing the political agenda of the Federal Republic. It has also challenged the conventional way of organizing party politics by institutionalizing a series of organizational principles that are inspired by the ideals of grass-roots democracy. However, despite the ideological appeal of grass-roots democracy to Green sympathizers, the party has failed to attract sufficiently large numbers of active party members. The Greens are caught in a dilemma, because they appeal to those segments of West German society where ‘non-partisans' are most numerous. This undermines the functioning, and hence the credibility, of Green grass-roots democracy.
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Miragliotta, Narelle, and Stewart Jackson. "Green Parties in Federal Systems: Resistant or Compliant to Centralizing Pressures?" Government and Opposition 50, no. 4 (July 17, 2014): 549–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.21.
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Green parties promote decentralization as a functional organizing principle but also a normative goal. This has been most vividly realized through the creation of comparatively devolved party structures. In federations, this can assume a territorial dimension and may lead to the adoption of confederal or federal models of party organization. Surprisingly little work has been undertaken on these arrangements when they have been implemented by green parties. This article explores whether the normative commitment by green parties to decentralized party arrangements is sufficient to preserve the integrity of dispersed party structures. This is done by examining the Australian Greens. We find that there has been gradual growth of the party’s national stratum, even in spite of formal provisions which guarantee the autonomy of the state organizations. It is argued that one of the main agents driving this outcome has been the Greens’ expanding federal parliamentary wing.
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Müller-Rommel, Ferdinand. "The German Greens in the 1980s: Short-term Cyclical Protest or Indicator of Transformation?" Political Studies 37, no. 1 (March 1989): 114–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1989.tb00269.x.
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In the West German general election of 1983 the newly formed Green Party received 5.6 per cent of the popular vote and was (at only its second attempt) able to send 27 delegates to the federal Parliament (Bundestag). It was the first time since the 1950s that a new party had joined the three major parties (SPD, CDU-CSU, FDP) in the federal Parliament. In the 1987 federal election the Green Party achieved an even better result: it received 8.3 per cent of the popular vote and 42 seats in the federal Parliament. Because of this remarkable success the analysis of the Green Party in Germany has become a major research object in political science. Several studies have described the development of the Green Party, its social bases, its organizational structure and its ideology.1 However, these findings have not been related to the role as well as the function of the Green Party in the West German party system. This research note represents such an attempt. The debate on ‘realignment’ and ‘dealignment’ of West European party systems is the most useful in this respect.2 Is the Green Party vulnerable and consequently likely to disappear from the political scene or will it become a stable component of the party system? It is hypothesized that the Green Party will consolidate its position as the fourth party in the German party system because it is a ‘new type of party’ that differs significantly from the established parties and hence can mobilize its own voter clientele.
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Cunningham, Christine, and Stewart Jackson. "Leadership and the Australian Greens." Leadership 10, no. 4 (March 13, 2014): 496–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715013498407.
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This paper examines the inherent tension between a Green political party’s genesis and official ideology and the conventional forms and practices of party leadership enacted in the vast bulk of other parties, regardless of their place on the ideological spectrum. A rich picture is painted of this ongoing struggle through a case study of the Australian Greens with vivid descriptions presented on organisational leadership issues by Australian state and federal Green members of parliaments. What emerges from the data is the Australian Green MPs’ conundrum in retaining an egalitarian and participatory democracy ethos while seeking to expand their existing frame of leadership to being both more pragmatic and oriented towards active involvement in government.
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Milder, Stephen, and Konrad H. Jarausch. "Renewing Democracy: The Rise of Green Politics in West Germany." German Politics and Society 33, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330402.
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The September 2013 Bundestag election, which reelected Angela Merkelas chancellor, was a clear defeat for the Green Party. Alliance 90/TheGreens (henceforth the Greens) fared far better than the Free DemocraticParty (FDP), which failed even to score the five percent of the vote requiredfor representation in parliament, but still fell from 10.7 percent to 8.4 percent,losing five of their sixty-eight seats in parliament. Since in March ofthat same year, surveys had shown their support at 17 percent, this disappointingresult forced Jürgen Trittin, the leader of the parliamentary delegationto step down.1 In many ways, this perceived electoral debacle markedthe end of an era. The former Federal Minister of the Envi ron ment, whohad originally joined the party in 1980, told reporters that “a new generation” would have to step forward and lead the party into the 2017campaign. This statement suggested not only that the Greens’ rebelliousfounding impulse was spent, but also that they had become part of theestablishment in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), now requiring areinvigoration of their own. Since the Greens were once expected to be littlemore than a short-lived byproduct of the social conflicts of the 1970s, acloser look at the party’s founding moment at the beginning of the 1980smight shed new light on its current predicament.
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Cooper, Alice. "Difficult Decisions: The GAL and “Schwarz-Grün” in Hamburg." German Politics and Society 32, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2014.320401.
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In 2008 the first state-level CDU-Green coalition was formed in Hamburg. Drawing on the literature on party goals (vote-, office-, policy, internal cohesion- and democracy-seeking), this article examines the GAL's decisions to join and to end the coalition. It examines the trade-offs between party goals as they evolved in different phases of “schwarz-grün,” with particular reference to the Greens' education reform agenda. While policy- and vote-seeking complemented each other during the election campaign, vote-, office- and party unity-seeking conflicted with each other in the Greens' decision to enter a coalition with the CDU. Later, policy- and democracy-seeking conflicted with each other when a referendum organized by a citizens' initiative defeated the Greens' education reform, a defeat that contributed significantly to the premature end of the CDU-Green coalition. New elections led to defeats for vote-, office-, and policy-seeking when the SPD achieved an absolute majority.
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Priewe, Jan, and Thomas H. W. Sauer. "Grüne Wirtschaftspolitik ohne Reformprojekt." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 29, no. 116 (September 1, 1999): 395–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v29i116.805.
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In public opinion the Green Party seems to be left from Social Democrats. But meanwhile the Greens represent in the field of economic policy a variant of neoliberalism, a kind of „green austerity“. Budget consolidation and flexible labour markets are the main aims of economic policy. From an eco-tax the Greens expect ecological improvements and more employment but none of these effects seems to plausible.
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Comyn, Arabella. ""Bound to be responsible": the Tasmanian Greens' and the 1996-1998 Liberal minority government." Open Review 6 (November 26, 2020): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.47967/gvgv8121.
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This paper presents a case study of minority government in the Australian state of Tasmania in 1996-1998. The minority government was led by the conservative Liberal Party of Australia and supported, without a formal agreement or formal arrangements, by the newly formed Tasmanian Green Party. This type of minority government is not very common in Australia and was adopted as a result of the specific context within which the government was formed. Two of the Green members elected to the Tasmanian parliament participated in extensive interviews which provide the primary basis for this case study. The case study will show how the negativity ascribed to the Tasmanian Greens and minority government prevented the possibility of a written agreement for minority government. It will also outline how the unity-distinctiveness dilemma was experienced by the Tasmanian Greens and how it played a role in the government’s early end. The case shows that the Tasmanian Greens displayed a high commitment to stability and cooperative politics, but that this was not enough to prevent the governing Liberal Party from calling an early election and breaking a promise. The participating ex-Greens did however find the experience to be ‘worth it’.
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Summers, Sarah E. "“Thinking Green!” (and Feminist): Female Activism and the Greens from Wyhl to Bonn." German Politics and Society 33, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330404.
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This article explores the connections between West German autonomous women's movement and the green movement from inception of the green movement in the 1970s until its institutionalization with the Green Party in the 1980s. I argue that understanding the role of feminism in the movement and vice versa requires scholars to rethink the autonomous strategies of the New Women's Movement. In doing so, I contend that autonomous feminists understood the wider implications of the green movement beyond ecological preservation, thus aiding in the transition to political party. Entangling the two movements also highlights the limits of gender equality in the Green Party as it implemented the quota system in the 1980s, and offers lessons for the potential future success of gender parity in German politics.
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Probst, Lothar. "Die Bürgerschaftswahl in Bremen vom 26. Mai 2019: CDU gewinnt, aber Rot-Grün-Rot regiert." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 2 (2020): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-2-263.
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The state election in Bremen in 2019 was marked by a head-to-head race between SPD and CDU and ended up with a considerably increased turnout and a historical result . The Christian Democrats managed to beat the Social Democrats for the first time in Bremen’s postwar history . The Greens achieved their second-best outcome in a Bremen state election and had the choice between a so-called Jamaica coalition or a left coalition . Whereas the pragmatic oriented Left Party succeeded to accomplish a two-digit result of 11 .3 percent, the Liberals and the Alternative of Germany underperformed with an outcome of about six percent of the votes . After a round of exploratory negotiations between Christian Democrats, Greens, and Liberals on the one hand and between Social Democrats, Greens, and The Left on the other hand, the rank and file of the Green Party decided to hold coalition talks with Social Democrats and the Left Party . Once the red-green-red coalition was built, the Senate’s president and SPD front-runner, Carsten Sieling, resigned . Instead, Andreas Bovenschulte became the Senate’s new president . Bovenschulte is a former chairman of Bremen’s Social Democrats and had already been elected to lead the SPD parliamentary party .
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Richter, Saskia. "Petra Kelly, International Green Leader: On Biography and the Peace Movement as Resources of Power in West German Politics, 1979-1983." German Politics and Society 33, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330407.
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This article uses the biography of the activist and Green Party co-founder Petra Kelly in order to rethink the Greens' founding process and to articulate a new conception of charismatic political leadership. It shows how Kelly used her activism in the new social movements as the basis for her leadership role in the Greens, and how her ongoing work in the peace movement provided her a means of maintaining power within the nascent party during the early 1980s. By examining Kelly's contributions to the Greens' approach to politics, the article shows that she was more than just a figurehead for the new party. Most importantly, the article shows that throughout her career as an activist and politician, Kelly used her biography to establish credibility and to support her unique style of charismatic leadership. The German public's response to Kelly reveals the influence of this charismatic leadership and shows how her movement-driven and biographically informed approach, which brought personal experiences and emotions into politics, was part of a larger transformation of the political in West Germany during the 1970s and 1980s.
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Petithomme, Mathieu. "Why Do Green Parties Emerge?" Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 13, no. 1 (April 30, 2007): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.13.1.1.
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The emergence of Green parties has long been explained by the development of post-materialist values in advanced democracies. This article takes a somewhat different perspective, by reassessing the importance of institutional and strategic variables. The comparison between the British and the German cases reinforces the notion that post-materialist values might be considered as characteristics of the Green electorate more than independent variables of the emergence of Green parties. The paper shows that party systems financial and electoral characteristics can strongly influence the emergence of new parties. Similarly, the institutional features of a given system can multiply or reduce the possibilities of entry and of coalition-building of a new party. In the end, from a strategic viewpoint, the internal organisation of a given Green party and its position toward the questions of intra-party democracy, institutionalisation, and incorporation into the parliamentary game are determinant. Therefore, important institutional factors and strategic choices can explain the weaknesses of the Green party as well as the emergence and the conversion of the German Greens to classical political liberalism.
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Brzozowski-Zabost, Grzegorz. "Od ruchu protestu do partii władzy. Rozwój Zielonych w Niemczech." Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae 6, no. 1 (December 31, 2008): 223–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/seb.2008.6.1.16.
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The author presents in this paper the developing process of German Green Party. In the 1970s new social movements like environmentalists, peace organizations and feminist founded political party The Greens (Die Grünen). It was an act of opposition against pollution, use of nuclear power, and some aspects of life in highly developed and industrialized society, the formal inauguration was held 1980 in West Germany. 1990 three civil rights groups in East Germany combined to form Bündnis 90, which merged with Die Grünen after long uniting process in 1993. 18 years after foundation they built together with social democrats from SPD government which lasted for two term of office between 1998 and 2005. So day there are a lot of green parties all over the world, but and the German greens are the most successful, they are an example for other green parties.
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Mende, Silke. "“Enemies at the Gate:” The West German Greens and Their Arrival at the Bundestag—Between Old Ideals and New Challenges." German Politics and Society 33, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330406.
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The West German Green Party's 1983 entrance into the Bundestag marked a major break, both in the history of this young political force and the parliamentary system of the Bonn Republic. The Greens had been founded in opposition to the guiding principles of the West German postwar consensus and conceived of themselves as an “anti-parliamentary party.” Although they had gained parliamentary experience in some regional chambers, their entrance onto the national parliamentary stage juxtaposed old ideals and new challenges—for the Greens themselves as well as for German political culture. Taking this singular historic moment as a starting point, this article summarizes the formation of the Greens in the context of the changing political and ideological landscape of the 1970s. It also contrasts the party's formation with the transformations in terms of program and personnel that it undertook during the 1980s. The focus lies less on the specific activities of the green parliamentary group than on the broader developments in green politics and thinking.
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Blühdorn, Ingolfur. "‘New Green’ Pragmatism in Germany – Green Politics beyond the Social Democratic Embrace?" Government and Opposition 39, no. 4 (2004): 564–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2004.00136.x.
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AbstractCoalitions with left-of-centre parties have traditionally been regarded as the only viable option for Green parties that have shed their stance of radical opposition. The German Greens are investigated as a case study putting this assumption into doubt. Historical analysis of their relationship with the Social Democratic Party reveals how they slipped into life-threatening dependency on the latter. A survey of consecutive reinterpretations of the positioning formula ‘Neither right, nor left but ahead’ maps the struggle for an independent Green identity. An appraisal of recent debates about Conservative– Green alliances investigates the basis for Green coalition politics beyond the Social Democratic embrace.
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FELL, DAFYDD, and YEN-WEN PENG. "The Electoral Fortunes of Taiwan's Green Party: 1996–2012." Japanese Journal of Political Science 17, no. 1 (January 29, 2016): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109915000390.
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AbstractThe Green Party Taiwan (GPT) represents an important case both for scholars of environmental politics but also Taiwanese politics. Established in 1996, it is the oldest Asian green party and is one of the most active parties in the Asia-Pacific Greens network. The party has enjoyed mixed electoral fortunes. After promising early election results, the GPT virtually ceased contesting elections between 2000 and 2005. However, from 2006 the party began a gradual revival in its vote shares. This process culminated in the January 2012 Legislative Yuan election when the GPT surprised many observers by coming fifth in the proportional party vote. Considering the limited resources at the party's disposal this was quite an achievement. In this study, we examine and explain the changing electoral fortunes of the GPT since its establishment in 1996. We are interested to see whether standard theories for explaining small or ecological party success, that have been developed in western Europe, work well in the Taiwan context. Our research is based on a range of new fieldwork conducted between 2012 and 2014. These include in-depth interviews with campaigners and party leaders, focus group sessions with party leaders and candidates, and interviews with party supporters.
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Blühdorn, Ingolfur. "Option Grün: Alliance 90/The Greens at the Dawn of New Opportunities?" German Politics and Society 27, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2009.270204.
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Following the end of their government coalition with the Social Democratic Party, German Green Party leaders spoke of "a dawn of new opportunities" for Alliance 90/The Greens. They wanted to capitalize on the strategic opportunities afforded by Germany's new five-party system and on the unexpected rise of climate change in public debate. Shortly before the 2009 federal election, however, the party's "new opportunities" seem rather limited. Selectively focusing on one particular explanatory factor, this article contrasts the Green's neo-radical eco-political position as it has emerged since 2005 with the ways in which environmental issues are addressed by the currently popular LOHAS (Life of Health and Sustainability) consumer movement. It suggests that the German Greens may have paid too little attention to the ongoing reframing of the environmental issue in public discourse and that this has impaired their prospects for a swift return to government office.
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Kopeček, Lubomír. "The Slovak Greens: A complex story of a small party." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 115–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.02.006.
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This article is a case study of the Green Party in Slovakia. The line of explanation of the party’s trajectory is chronological, from foundation to its present marginal status. The two main causes of repeated internal party splits identified by the article are the influence of nationalism and the party’s relationship to the most important formation in Slovak politics during the 1990s, Vladimír Mečiar’s Movement for a Democratic Slovakia. It, furthermore, points to the barrier of a relatively high clause in the electoral system to national parliament which determined the Greens’ tendency to enter wider coalition partnerships. These partnerships, however, had a negative impact on the long-term perspective on the distinctiveness of the Greens from the point of view of voters. Other important factors in the party’s lack of political success have been their isolation from the environmental movement and the public’s low level of interest in ecological and other post-material issues.
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Burchell, Jon. "Here come the greens (again): The green party in Britain during the 1990s." Environmental Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2000): 145–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644010008414543.
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Jérôme, Bruno, Véronique Jérôme-Speziari, and Michael S. Lewis-Beck. "A Political-Economy Forecast for the 2013 German Elections: Who to Rule with Angela Merkel?" PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 03 (June 21, 2013): 479–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513000814.
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Our political economy model has correctly forecasted the 1998 and 2005 elections. However, in 2002 we predicted a tight race to the benefit of the Christian Democrats(CDU)/Christian Socialists(CSU)-Free Democratic Party (FDP) opposition, so underestimating the narrow defeat of the FDP by the Green Party. In the German political system, proportional representation makes single-party domination almost impossible. On the contrary, the big parties, Social Democratic Party (SPD) or CDU/CSU, are pushed to build a majority coalition. In this competition, the FDP has been the “pivotal party” in German political life, at least until 2002. Since then, the Greens have challenged the FDP, with the Ecologists allowing the SPD to form a red-green coalition in 1998 and in 2002. Similarly, in 2005 the FDP was not associated with the grand coalition driven by Angela Merkel.
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Debus, Marc, and Thorsten Faas. "Die hessische Landtagswahl vom 28. Oktober 2018: Fortsetzung der schwarz-grünen Wunschehe mit starken Grünen und schwacher CDU." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 50, no. 2 (2019): 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2019-2-245.
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Federal politics has often influenced elections to the Hesse state parliament . This was also true for the election 2018, which was not only decisive for the future of the incumbent black-green coalition government led by Prime Minister Volker Bouffier (CDU), but also for the fate of the federal party chairs of CDU and SPD, Angela Merkel and Andrea Nahles, at the federal level . Compared to previous election campaigns in Hesse, the 2018 campaign was less polarized, visible also in the openness of CDU, SPD, Greens and FDP in terms of forming coalition governments . The election result continued the transformation of the German party system into one with six parliamentary parties . After some vote counting problems, the incumbent coalition, which won a small parliamentary majority, was - in line with established theories of government formation - renewed . As a result of their gains in votes, the Greens’ position was stronger than five years ago, which led to more offices and to a stronger bargaining power in the coalition negotiations .
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Reutter, Werner. "A New Start and “Renewal” for Germany? Policies and Politics of the Red-Green Government, 1998-2002." German Politics and Society 21, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 138–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503003782353556.
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According to Jürgen Habermas, the federal election in 1998 finally“sealed” the democratic foundation of Germany and confirmed thatthis country belonged to the “west.”1 Until then, the day of judgmenthad left the “judges” in Germany—that is, the voters—with only limitedinfluence in coalition building and the formation of each government.2 Between 1949 and 1998 no federal government has totallybeen unsettled by elections. Changes in government were due tochanges in coalitions, thus based on decisions by the parties ratherthan on the electorate. Insofar as the landslide victory of the SocialDemocratic Party and the Alliance ‘90/Greens in the 1998 electionnot only reflected important changes in the party system, but it alsocould mean that the German electorate is going to play a more influentialrole in the future.
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Niessen, Alexandra, and Stefan Ruenzi. "Political Connectedness and Firm Performance: Evidence from Germany." German Economic Review 11, no. 4 (December 1, 2010): 441–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0475.2009.00482.x.
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Abstract This paper investigates politically connected firms in Germany. With the introduction of a new transparency law in 2007, information on additional income sources for all members of the German parliament became publicly available. We find that members of the conservative party (CDU/CSU) and the liberal party (FDP) are more likely to work for firms than members of left-wing parties (SPD and The Left) or the green party (Alliance 90/The Greens). Politically connected firms are larger, less risky and have lower market valuations than unconnected firms. They also have fewer growth opportunities, but slightly better accounting performance. On the stock market, connected firms significantly outperformed unconnected firms in 2006, i.e. before the publication of the data on political connections. Differences in stock market performance were much smaller in 2007.
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Fraeys, William. "Les élections législatives du 18 mai 2003 Analyse des résultats." Res Publica 45, no. 2-3 (September 30, 2003): 379–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v45i2-3.18483.
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After four years of a so called «Rainbow» coalition, which had the support of the Socialists (red), the Liberals (blue) and the Greens, the electorate rewarded the first two political families and inflicted a crushing defeat on the Greens. The latter lost nearly 60 % of their electorate, which had occurred only once before to a political party since the introduction of universal suffrage in Belgium in 1919. The outcome of the elections is fairly similar in the three regions of the country.In Flanders, the Socialists progress by more than 8 %, reaping the benefits of the alliance formed with «Spirit», one of the successor parties of the former Volksunie. Half of the Socialists' progress can be attributed to this effect. Moreover, the Socialist party started off from an absolute low hit in 1999 and has not regained its top scores of the 1960s. The advance of the Liberal VLD is more modest, (some 2.5 %), but it followed upon excellent previous results. With some 25 % of the vote, the VLD, which is the first party in Flanders, has reached an absolute high.Conversely, the Christian Democrats of the CD&V slightly regress, thereby continuing a downward trend. These results take them to their historical low, and make them into Flanders ' third party, with some 21.9 % of the vote. Agalev, the Green party, no langer has any representation in parliarnent and falls back from11 to 3.85 %. The far right, the Vlaams Blok, continues its advance and reaches 17,86 %, an increase of2,5 %.In Wallonia too one observes a significant advance of the Socialists. The PS remains the first party in the South of the country with 36.39 % of the vote, progressing by 7 %. It exceeds all its results of the previous twelve years, without however reaching its earlier highs. The Liberals of the Mouvement Réformateur (MR) gain 3.65 % and are at their historical high with 28.38 % of the vote. The Christian Democrats, under the denomination CDH (Centre democrate humaniste) slip back by some 1.5 %, but this decline is almost equivalent to the result of a dissident list of the CDH, which had wanted to maintain «christian» as a reference. This doesn't alter the fact that the Christian Democrats have also reached their all time low.The Greens, Ecolo, lose some 57 % of their vote and stand at 7.45 %. In contrast with 1999, one observes a slight advance ofthe Front National, a far right party, that only obtained 5.56 % of the vote however. With the exception ofan increase in the French and a decline in the Flemish vote, the Brussels districts show the same characteristics as the two other regions of the country; a very significant advance of the Socialists, a slight increase in the Liberal vote, the collapse of the Greens; the status quo ofthe Christian Democrats and an advance of the far right with almost 2 %.The 2003 election therefore seems to be a correction on the 1999 one, where the advance of the greens had been amplified by the dioxineJood scare. But the width of the swing makes it into one of the elections where the volatility of the vote will have been the highest.
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Meinguer Ledesma, Jorge, and María del Consuelo Pérez Pérez. "Desarrollo y evaluación de elementos de pensamiento crítico sobre la química verde en el bachillerato." Revista Investigación en la Escuela, no. 103 (2021): 106–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/ie.2021.i103.08.
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En este artículo se presentan los resultados encontrados al aplicar una estrategia didáctica que tuvo como finalidad desarrollar elementos de pensamiento crítico sobre la química verde en el bachillerato. La estrategia reportada es el resultado de incorporar y analizar un texto divulgativo sobre esta temática en el ámbito escolar, así como su problematización mediante la realización de actividades de indagación. En la primera parte de este escrito se ofrece una caracterización del pensamiento crítico que resulta compatible con el proceso de enseñanza-aprendizaje de la ciencia, se discute sobre algunas aportaciones que se asocian con el fomento de este tipo de pensamiento en la educación científica y se revisan algunos aspectos que justifican la pertinencia de la temática disciplinar que guió este estudio, la química verde. Posteriormente, se describe con detalle el contexto de aplicación y los logros obtenidos en materia de pensamiento crítico con la estrategia didáctica reportada. Finalmente, se analiza la viabilidad del trabajo metodológico emprendido y sus contribuciones al ámbito de la enseñanza de la química en general.
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Werneck, M. R., G. B. Souza, and B. C. Berger. "Report ofNeospirorchis schistosomatoides Price 1934 (Digenea: Spirorchiidae) infecting a Green Turtle, Chelonia mydas Linnaeus, 1758 (Testudines, Cheloniidae), from Brazil." Helminthologia 53, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 94–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/helmin-2015-0074.
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SummaryWe report the occurrence of Neospirorchis schistosomatoidesPrice 1934 in a juvenile green turtle (Chelonia mydas L.1758) from the Brazilian coast. This species has been reported only in green turtles from the USA, Bermuda and Australia. Only two entire specimens and parts of six worms were found in the host’s heart. The collection, identification and morphometric data of intact specimens of N. schistosomatoides are rare and restricted to the original description. This paper presents the first report of N. schistosomatoides in green turtles from the western South Atlantic Ocean.
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Horst, Patrick. "Die Wahl zur Hamburgischen Bürgerschaft vom 23 . Februar 2020: SPD-Bürgermeister behauptet sich gegen Grünen-Herausforderin und setzt rot-grüne Koalition fort." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 3 (2020): 576–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-3-576.
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The starting position before the elections to the Hamburg parliament was favorable for the governing red-green coalition . The citizens of Hamburg expected an exciting neck-and-neck race between SPD Mayor Peter Tschentscher and his Green challenger Katharina Fegebank, who passionately advocated a turnaround in climate and mobility policies . The duel of the Red-Green top politicians in Hamburg caused the opposition to disappear . The more intensively the issues were discussed during the election campaign, the more the mayor was able to distance himself from his challenger as a guarantor of “basic city functions” . On the election evening, the SPD felt itself as winner - with a score of 39 .2 percent and a 15-point lead over the Greens, and vice-Chancellor Olaf Scholz, Tschentscher’s predecessor in the office of Hamburg’s mayor, re-emerged as the SPD’s candidate for chancellor . But the election’s real winner was the Green party . Compared to the 2015 election, they managed not only to double their vote share, but to also achieve their second-best result in a German state election . In the end, the SPD was nevertheless largely able to prevail over the Greens in the coalition negotiations owed to their campaign finish and the pressure to reach an agreement that ensued from the coronavirus crisis, which set in in mid-March .
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Steltemeier, Rolf. "On the Way Back into Government? The Free Democratic Party Gearing Up for the 2009 Elections." German Politics and Society 27, no. 2 (June 1, 2009): 63–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2009.270205.
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After the first Bundestag elections in 1949, the Free Democratic Party (FDP) established itself as kingmaker either of the Christian Democrats or the Social Democrats. The entrance of the Green Party into the German Bundestag in 1983 brought about a significant change in the German political landscape, which challenged the German Liberals to redefine themselves. At present, it seems that the FDP is on its way back into the federal government after ten years of opposition, although "neoliberal" ideology is currently facing a severe international crisis. This constitutes a puzzling issue for political scientists, which is addressed in this article by analyzing the factors that can explain the German Liberal's latest success. Furthermore, the FDP's chances in comparison to the other two small parties (Left Party and Greens) are discussed. Finally, attention is focused on the characteristics of the FDP's election campaign and its coalition options for 2009 and beyond.
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Afonso, José Roberto R. "FINANÇAS PÚBLICAS VERDE NO BRASIL: UMA REVISÃO BIBLIOGRÁFICA." Direito e Desenvolvimento 8, no. 2 (December 7, 2017): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.25246/direitoedesenvolvimento.v8i2.554.
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O presente estudo tem por intuito complementar a literatura nacional acerca do tema economia verde e desenvolvimento sustentável, a partir de uma abordagem das finanças públicas e visando promover uma reflexão por parte dos analistas, autoridades e os responsáveis por formular e executar a políticas verde. Entende-se, aqui, que a necessidade de proteção ao meio ambiente também compreende o direito tributário e, a partir de normas eficientes às demandas ambientais, é possível promover maior desenvolvimento sustentável. Palavras-chave: Finanças públicas. Economia verde. Direito Tributário. Abstract: The purpose of this study is to complement the national literature on the green economy and sustainable development, based on a public finance approach and to promote reflection on the part of analysts, authorities and those responsible for formulating and implementing green policies. It is understood here that the need to protect the environment also includes tax law and, from efficient norms to environmental demands, it is possible to promote greater sustainable development. Keywords: Public finances. Green economy. Tax law.
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Leonard, Liam. "A Challenging Transformation: The Irish Green Party's Emergence into Power." Irish Journal of Sociology 18, no. 1 (May 2010): 43–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.18.1.3.
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This article will examine a significant area of interest in Irish political sociology: the emergence of a social movement into politics and eventually government. The focus of the article will be on the transitions of the Irish environmental movement and Green Party. It will examine the background to this transformative process from the establishment of Comhaontas Glas from the Ecology Party in 1986 through to the moment when this process culminated in the Green Party taking its place as a junior partner in the Coalition Government in 2007. This process will be shown to represent a success for the politically pragmatic ‘relos’ over the socially emotive ‘fundis’ of the Greens at a time when the wider environmental movement has moved in the opposite direction. One of the key areas of analysis for the paper will be an application of Foucault's concept of political power to the processes which transformed the activist-based green movement into a viable coalition partner within a neo-liberal government. The paper will also examine the consequences of this transition in the context of Foucault's understanding of power as something fluid which emerges from the identity framing of ‘discursive formations’, rather than emanating out of the imposition of institutional hegemony. The paper concludes with an assessment of the impact of the Green Party's participation in government for its leadership and members, in the wake of contentious issues such as the two Lisbon Treaty referendums, and the coalition's bailout of the neo-liberal banking system.
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Raisch, Judith, and Reimut Zohlnhöfer. "Beeinflussen Klima-Schulstreiks die politische Agenda? Eine Analyse der Twitterkommunikation von Bundestagsabgeordneten." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 3 (2020): 667–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-3-667.
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Have the school strikes for the climate (Fridays for Future (FFF) movement) affected political agenda setting in Germany? And does a MP’s party affiliation matter for how often and in what ways he or she mentions the FFF movement? These questions are answered by analyzing 78,000 Twitter tweets of 89 Members of the German Bundestag from all seven parties represented in parliament between November 2017 und April 2019 . MPs of all parties paid more attention to climate issues after the school strikes began . Moreover, and in line with the expectations of the issue ownership literature, it turns out that MPs for the Greens and the Left Party referred more often to the FFF movement in their tweets than members of the AfD, FDP, CDU, and CSU . Similarly, Green and Left MPs’ tweets about the FFF movement were more positive, encouraged followers to support the movement more often, and linked comments on the FFF movement that critiqued the government’s climate policy more frequently than members of the latter parties . The tweets of SPD MPs resembled those of Green and Left MPs .
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Pollex, Jan, Sebastian Block, Martin Gross, Dominic Nyhuis, and Jan A. Velimsky. "Ein zunehmend bunter Freistaat: Die Analyse der bayerischen Kommunalwahlen im März 2020 unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der kreisfreien Städte." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 52, no. 1 (2021): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2021-1-78.
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Despite their crucial role for democratic decision-making, local elections receive little attention from political science research . To overcome this shortcoming, the article analyses the Bavarian local elections of 2020 . Although the CSU remains the strongest party in the Free State, the Green Party was able to make considerable gains, especially in larger cities . However, the Greens could not gain any grounds in mayoral elections, whereas CSU and SPD competed for the win . In most of the cases, the Social Democrats won the posts in city halls . In addition to detailing election results, this article addresses the ballot lists, the composition of local councils, and coalition building at the local level . Overall, this contribution provides a comprehensive account of the elections, which are characterized by their unique ballot system and, thus, have a special role in the political system of Germany .
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Korhola, Eija-Ritta. "The joys and frustrations of an environmental law-maker." European View 18, no. 2 (October 2019): 178–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685819888139.
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For many years, environmental politics was seen as a relatively light policy area. In many European countries environmental issues were usually delegated to the Greens. As a result, until recently, climate and environmental policy has been dominated by the political approach and emphasis of the green movement. Today, however, political leaders across Europe are finally seeing how political environmental politics actually is. There is also a growing understanding that the green approach may not be the only possible way forward. Due to its top-down, bureaucratic and inflexible approach to the policy area, the green agenda may in fact sometimes even be dangerous. Thus, this article argues that the time has come to shift the paradigms of environmental politics and climate politics from the politics of limitation to the politics of possibilities. The European People’s Party family could offer a real alternative to the green agenda and show the merits of environmental subsidiarity.
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Crowley, Kate, and Sharon Moore. "Stepping Stone, Halfway House or Road to Nowhere? Green Support of Minority Government in Sweden, New Zealand and Australia." Government and Opposition 55, no. 4 (February 7, 2019): 669–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.55.
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AbstractWhilst much has been written about the opportunities and perils of Green participation in national coalition governments, analysis of Greens supporting minority governments is less common and has not focused on comparative-historical trends as this article does. We look beyond single case studies of Green-supported minority governments in order to establish historical party trajectories and policy impact over time in three countries with different political systems. The extent of the comparative work here has never previously been undertaken and establishes that repeat instances of such support can provide the basis for more stable and effective future interparty governing relationships. However, we argue that, whilst trust can build between parties to minority government arrangements over decades, it is not assured, and, whilst Green parties may achieve ministerial control after repeat instances of supporting minority governments, the benefits of doing so are not guaranteed.
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Collins, Dave, Antje Junghans, and Tore Haugen. "Green leasing in commercial real estate." Journal of Corporate Real Estate 20, no. 4 (November 12, 2018): 244–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcre-01-2017-0003.
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Purpose This paper aims to investigate the drivers and barriers for green leases and tenancies in sustainable “Building Research Establishment Environmental Assessment Method” (BREEAM) and “Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design” (LEED) certified office and office buildings in Norway, the UK and the USA. This study focuses on the differing perspectives between owners and tenants. It is then considered as to how these issues are dealt with during different phases of a buildings life cycle. This research is based on existing literature and semi-structured interviews that studied qualitative and quantitative elements in the context of ownership and tenancy of single and multi-tenanted sustainable office buildings. Design/methodology/approach Using a mixed-method approach involving semi-structured interviews with both qualitative and quantitative elements along with desk research, this paper evaluates how green leases and tenancies in offices and office buildings that are BREEAM and LEED certified require a reconsideration and re-evaluation of the acquisition, operation and disposal of office buildings by building owners and their tenants. These stakeholder relationships are supported theoretically using a theoretical model that outlines the interrelation between the sustainable building and the relationships of the building owner, the user and the FM service provider. Findings The data gathered from the interviews justify and partly contradict some of the statements within existing literature, diminishing the importance of cost and the barrier of split incentive but instead illuminate the importance of less tangible considerations such as company policy or a sustainability strategy. The results also note the realisation of a changing market for commercial real estate driven by the sustainable business needs of tenants for the occupation of workspaces. Research limitations/implications These findings have the potential to further develop theories and provide an insight into how the relationships between actors from a business, procurement and contractual perspective need to be developed to ensure more proactive development of green leasing of new and existing sustainable office buildings, along with where strategic attention is required during the building design, construction, operational and use phases. Originality/value This paper is based on original research through interviews and literature studies supported by an existing theoretical model. The results have been partly presented and initially discussed at the WBC World Congress 2016 in Tampere, Finland.
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Schmitt, Hermann, and Andreas M. Wüst. "The Extraordinary Bundestag Election of 2005: The Interplay of Long-term Trends and Short-term Factors." German Politics and Society 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780935324.
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When Chancellor Gerhard Schr?der went public and announced his plan for early elections on the evening of 22 May 2005, the SPD and the Green Party had just lost the state election in North-Rhine West-phalia. It was the last German state ruled by a Red-Green government, which left the federal government without any stable support in the Bundesrat. The chancellor's radical move resulted in early elections that neither the left (SPD and Greens) nor the conservative political camp (CDU/CSU and FDP) was able to win. While the citizens considered the CDU/CSU to be more competent to solve the country's most important problems, unemployment and the economy, the SPD once again presented the preferred chancellor. The new govrnment, build on a grand coalition of CDU/CSU and SPD, might be able to solve some of the structural problems of the country. While this will be beneficial for Germany as a whole, it will at the same time weaken the major German parties, which are running the risk of becoming politically indistinguishable.
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Chataignier, Gustavo. "Relações de/no cinema: os filmes de Eugène Green como fonte do invisível." Viso: Cadernos de estética aplicada 7, no. 13 (October 11, 2013): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/1981-4062/v13i/150.
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Parte-se de uma caracterização do cinema como uma “arte das relações”. Isso é conseguido graças a uma leitura heterodoxa da historicidade em Hegel. Depois, passa-se à historicidade específica da obra fílmica, para em seguida uma análise de caso, a saber, A Porte das Artes (2004), de Eugène Green. Buscam-se elementos cênicos que apontem a relação entre o visível (a presença da obra) e o invisível (conceitos/valores). Para tanto, se traça um paralelo com um de seus antecessores, Robert Bresson.
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Víquez Jiménez, Alí. "Los misántropos de Camus y Greene: Calígula y el Dr. Fischer." Revista Comunicación 25, no. 2-16 (August 1, 2017): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18845/rc.v25i2-16.3179.
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Este artículo compara los personajes de Calígula y el Dr. Fischer, que aparecen respectivamente en las obra Calígula, de Albert Camus y la novela Dr. Fischer of Geneva or the Bomb Party, de Graham Greene. Sobre la base del concepto platónico de misantropía y la relación de esta con la megalomanía, se comentan una serie de paralelismos y se establecen algunas diferencias, para llegar a conclusiones de orden filosófico.
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Berges, Ángel, and Emilio Ontiveros. "El Green New Deal y las finanzas sostenibles en Europa." Revista Diecisiete: Investigación Interdisciplinar para los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible. 05, JULIO 2021 (August 2, 2021): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.36852/2695-4427_2021_05.00.
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El artículo pretende aportar una visión general de la adaptación de la actividad financiera a la necesidad de un modelo de crecimiento más sostenible. Aunque la sostenibilidad incorpora también aspectos sociales y de gobernanza, el artículo se centra Fundamentalmente en los relacionados con el cambio climático, sin duda el que con mayor urgencia ha demandado la adaptación por parte del sistema financiero. Sobre tales bases, el trabajo presta una atención diferencial a la modalidad de financiación sostenible más extendida, los denominados “bonos verdes”, así como a las alteraciones en la actitud de los principales bloques políticos y económicos. Desde el muy relevante relevo en la presidencia estadounidense hasta el liderazgo claro de las instituciones europeas, primero con el Green New Deal, y más recientemente con el plan de recuperación verde en respuesta a la COVID-19
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Amundsen, Michael. "Green Jack: Naïveté, Frontier and Ecotopia in On the Road." Humanities 10, no. 1 (February 26, 2021): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h10010037.
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Jack Kerouac’s On the Road is among the seminal texts of the Beat Generation canon, and the author himself is renowned as a hero of American letters and freedom. Kerouac’s book is clearly one of the most inspirational of the last century and helped to spur the culture of mobility, spiritual yearning and adventure in the decades following its release not only in the USA but in many other parts of the world. A close reading of On the Road reveals other realities about the author, through his character Sal Paradise, and the America he discovers in his travels. This article looks at the files from Kerouac’s aborted stay in the US navy, letters, journal entries and the text of On the Road itself to demonstrate that the author’s Whitmanesque longings and ennui are very much rooted in a romantic vision challenged by the realities of mid-20th-century American life. However, Kerouac’s “ecotopia of the West” also suggests other ways of living which would influence America’s counterculture and environmental movements.
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Ares, Cristina, and Andrea Volkens. "'Business as usual': The Treaty of Lisbon and transnational party manifestos." Política y Sociedad 58, no. 1 (May 7, 2021): e74092. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/poso.74092.
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The Treaty of Lisbon was a milestone in the enduring process of empowerment of the European Parliament and its connections to the European Commission. This latest reform of the Treaties, in force since December 2009, placed the only supranational institution whose members are directly elected by all citizens of the EU (since 1979) on an equal footing with the Council as a co-legislator in around thirty additional policy areas. The Treaty of Lisbon also strengthened the European Parliament in terms of the annual and multiannual budgetary decisions, and it granted it the right to elect the President of the European Commission according to the results of the European elections. This article examines various possible effects of this major boost of the European Parliament, along with links to the European Commission in the manifestos issued by five European parties: the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE), European Free Alliance (EFA), European Green Party (European Greens or EGP), European People’s Party (EPP), and Party of European Socialists (PES). It studies variations from 2004 onwards in the scope of the programmatic proposals regarding EU domains of power, the footprint in the manifestos of the transnational party organisations themselves, and eventually also of their candidates for the presidency of the European Commission. To do so, the twenty manifestos issued by the abovementioned parties for the 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019 European elections were content analysed. The results point to the lasting distance between these transnational parties and the European elections, despite the reinforcement of the role of the European Parliament over time.
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Junqueira, Camila, and Nelson Ernesto Coelho Junior. "Acerca da metapsicologia dos limites." Ágora: Estudos em Teoria Psicanalítica 20, no. 1 (March 2017): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1516-14982017001005.
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Resumo: A "metapsicologia dos limites" pode ser definida como a parte da teoria psicanalítica que visa compreender a estruturação e o funcionamento dos limites do psiquismo; bem como, a parte da teoria psicanalítica que se destina a compreender a etiologia, o funcionamento e o tratamento dessas patologias-limite. O objetivo deste texto é apresentar uma articulação entre ideias de Freud, Winnicott, Green e Brusset que nos permitiram organizar uma hipótese etiológica para esses quadros que os situa dentro das neuroses narcísicas, mas os diferencia das melancolias, e examinar as consequências tópicas dessa hipótese, procurando contribuir com o campo da metapsicologia dos limites.
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Oskolkov, Petr. "Ethnoregionalist Parties in the EU: The European Free Alliance Phenomenon." Contemporary Europe 101, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope12021141150.
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The article is focused on the structure and ideology of the European Free Alliance. The research aims at identifying resources and possibilities of the institutionalized transregional and supraregional cooperation of ethnoregionalist parties at the European level. The research was conducted predominantly in the paradigm of structural functionalism, while employing the methods of institutional analysis, QDA (exemplified by program documents and key actors’ rhetoric), network analysis (based on the data of the EU databases). The research resulted in the following conclusions. The EFA has not succeeded in becoming an entirely representative europarty for the respective party family, due to deep discrepancies between ethnoregionalist parties in the domain of ideology, goals, attitude towards European integration, and domestic political opportunities. The attempts to create an integrative ideological platform based on “creative eurofederalism” and “progressive nationalism” may hardly be called successful. Besides, big ethnoregionalist parties prefer to cooperate with bigger and more influential europarties and political groups of the European Parliament. However, in the EP-2019, “Greens-EFA” political group improved its position, even in spite of Brexit. This happened not because of the EFA achievements, but because of the growth in representation of the European Green Party. Though influence and capacities of the European Free Alliance are lower than those of other europarties, it has a significant symbolic meaning as a structure unifying different ethnoregionalist actors.
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Tolentino, Michell Leonard Duarte de Lima. "DA REVOLUÇÃO VERDE AO DISCURSO DO PRONAF: a representação do desenvolvimento nas políticas públicas de desenvolvimento rural no Brasil." Revista Cerrados 14, no. 02 (March 18, 2020): 93–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.22238/rc24482692v14n22016p93a124.
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Este trabalho procura refletir acerca das várias representações de desenvolvimento que embasam algumas das políticas públicas de desenvolvimento rural no Brasil, partindo das representações de desenvolvimento subjacentes à Revolução Verde e focando, posteriormente, no discurso do Programa Nacional de Fortalecimento da Agricultura Familiar (PRONAF). O trabalho se embasa em uma ampla pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. De início abordamos o discurso do desenvolvimento de forma crítica, para logo depois atentarmos para a maneira como este coloca o espaço rural. Para tanto utilizamos autores como Esteva (2000), Escobar (2000), Santos (1979) e Montenegro Gómez (2006). Posteriormente analisamos a Revolução Verde “brasileira” compreendendo o fordismo enquanto seu principal modelo de desenvolvimento. Em seguida, partimos para uma reflexão mais profunda sobre o PRONAF. O PRONAF assume fundamental importância nesse trabalho, pois o entendemos enquanto uma política de extrema relevância para se ler esse momento de inflexão das políticas públicas para o campo, de mudança nas representações sobre o espaço rural e o desenvolvimento rural brasileiro. Ao nos determos no PRONAF, discutimos a mudança de um modelo de desenvolvimento fordista para um modelo de desenvolvimento flexível.
Palavras-Chave: Desenvolvimento; Políticas públicas; PRONAF; Revolução Verde.
FROM GREEN REVOLUTION TO THE SPEECH OF PRONAF: the representation of development in public policies for rural development in Brazil
Abstract
This article seeks to reflect on the various representations of development that underlie some of the public policies for rural development in Brazil, based on the development of representations underlying to Green Revolution and focusing later in the speech of the Programa Nacional de Fortalecimento da Agricultura Familiar (PRONAF). The study was grounded in an extensive bibliographic and documentary research. At first we approached the discourse of development in a critical way, for after we pay attention to the countryside’s analysis. For this purpose we study authors as Esteva (2000), Escobar (2000), Santos (1979) and Montenegro Gómez (2006). Subsequently analyzed the Green Revolution "Brazilian" comprising Fordism as its main development model. Then, we set out to a deeper review on the PRONAF. The PRONAF is of fundamental importance in this article, as we understand it as an extremely important policy to read this turning point of public policy for the field of change in representations of the countryside and the Brazilian rural development. As we focused in PRONAF, we discussed the shift from a Fordist model of development for a flexible development model.
Keywords: Development; Public policies; PRONAF; Green Revolution.
DE LA REVOLUCIÓN VERDE AL DISCURSO DEL PRONAF: la representación de desarollo en las políticas públicas de desarrollo rural en Brasil
Resumen
Este trabajo busca reflexionar acerca de las varias representaciones de desarrollo que son la base de algunas de las políticas públicas de desarrollo rural en Brasil, desde las representaciones de desarrollo subyacentes a la Revolución Verde, focalizando posteriormente en el discurso del Programa Nacional de Fortalecimiento de la Agricultura Familiar (PRONAF). Los resultados aquí presentados son el resultado de un análisis profundo de bibliografía y de documentos. En la primera parte de esta investigación abordamos el discurso del desarrollo de forma crítica para luego analizar de qué manera en este es colocado el espacio rural, apoyándonos en autores como Esteva (2000), Escobar (2000), Santos (1979) y Montenegro Gómez (2006). En una segunda parte, analizamos la Revolución Verde “brasileña” entendiendo el fordismo como su principal modelo de desarrollo, y una tercera parte, hacemos una reflexión más profunda sobre el PRONAF, siendo este un programa que toma fundamental importancia en nuestra investigación, ya que es una política de extrema relevancia para hacer una lectura del momento de inflexión entre las políticas públicas para el campo, de cambio en las representaciones sobre el espacio rural y el desarrollo rural brasilero. Al centrar nuestro interés en el PRONAF, estamos discutiendo el cambio de modelo de desarrollo fordista para un modelo de desarrollo flexible.
Palabras Clave: Desarrollo; Políticas públicas; PRONAF; Revolución Verde.
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A. Salazar, Gerardo, Alfonsina Hernández-Cardona, and Rolando Jiménez-Machorro. "Una nueva especie de Deiregyne (Orchidaceae: Spiranthinae) de Hidalgo, México." Botanical Sciences 91, no. 2 (June 15, 2013): 129–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17129/botsci.409.
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Se describe e ilustra a Deiregyne callifera Salazar & Hernández-Cardona, nueva especie de orquídea de las estribaciones de la Sierra Madre Oriental en el estado de Hidalgo, México. La nueva especie es similar a D. eriophora (B.L.Rob. & Greenm.) Garay, con la que es simpátrica, distinguiéndose por la inflorescencia glabra, flores más numerosas, de menor tamaño y dispuestas densamente en varias espirales entrelazadas, la parte proximal del labelo más ancha que larga y provista de un callo lunado prominentemente papiloso y la columna más corta y con ápice inflexo.
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Lidström, Susanna. "Different Shades of Green: A Dark Green Counterculture in Ted Hughes's Crow // Diferentes tonos de verde: la contracultura verde oscuro de Crow, de Ted Hughes." Ecozon@: European Journal of Literature, Culture and Environment 4, no. 1 (April 25, 2013): 12–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/ecozona.2013.4.1.497.
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Abstract This essay argues that Crow, a collection of poems by Ted Hughes published in 1970, forms part of a countercultural movement that began to emerge in the 1960s and that continues to find new forms in the current century. In the form it takes in Crow, this movement protests against a relationship between humans and nature based on a primarily Christian world view combined with what it considers an exaggerated belief in science and technology. This combination and its relation to environmental crisis was first addressed by Lynn White in his classical article from 1967, “The Historical Roots of our Ecologic Crisis”. This analysis attempts to demonstrate that the Crow poems, written in the years immediately following the publication of White’s article, express a similar set of ideas in poetic form. Hughes goes a step further than White, and envisions an alternative, spiritual rather than religious, framework for the nature-human relationship. This alternative is characterised as part of a counterculture described by Bron Taylor in Dark Green Religion. According to Taylor, dark green religion defines a variant of environmentalism based on a spiritual view of nature (similar but not identical to deep ecology). This essay suggests that Hughes’s Crow is a version of this counterculture. Resumen Este ensayo argumenta que Crow, una colección de poemas de Ted Hughes publicada en 1970, forma parte del movimiento contracultural que comenzó a surgir en la década de los 60 y que sigue encontrando nuevas formas en el siglo actual. En la forma que adopta en Crow, este movimiento protesta contra una relación entre hombre y naturaleza basada en una visión del mundo fundamentalmente Cristiana combinada con lo que considera una creencia exagerada en la ciencia y la tecnología. Fue Lynn White quien en su artículo de 1967, "Las raíces históricas de nuestra crisis ecológica", abordó por primera vez esta combinación y su relación con la crisis medioambiental. Este análisis intenta demostrar que los poemas de Crow, escritos en los años inmediatamente siguientes a la publicación del artículo de White, expresan ideas similares pero de forma poética. Hughes va más allá que White y concive un marco alternativo, más espiritual que religioso, para la relación ser humano-naturaleza. Esta alternativa se caracteriza por ser parte de la contracultura descrita por Bron Taylor en Dark Green Religion. Según Taylor, “la religión de color verde oscuro” define una variante del ecologismo basada en una visión espiritual de la naturaleza (similar pero no idéntica a la ecología profunda). Este ensayo sugiere que los poemas de Crow de Hughes son una versión de esta contracultura.