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1

Penniman, John David. "Fed to Perfection: Mother's Milk, Roman Family Values, and the Transformation of the Soul in Gregory of Nyssa." Church History 84, no. 3 (September 2015): 495–530. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715000487.

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Prompted by Michel Foucault's observation that “salvation is first of all essentially subsistence,” this essay explores Gregory of Nyssa's discussion of Christian spiritual formation as a kind of salvific and transformative feeding of infants. This article argues that the prominent role of nourishment—and specifically breast milk—in Gregory's theory of progressive Christian perfection reflects broader Roman era family values concerning the power of breast feeding in the proper development of a child. With particular attention to Gregory's Encomium for Saint Basil, the Life of Moses, and his Homilies on the Song of Songs, this article demonstrates that references to the power of nourishment are no “mere metaphor” but rather represent an intensification of the prominent belief in antiquity that human nature can be altered according to the food a person eats. As such, Gregory employs the female body and its putatively maternal function as a regulatory symbol for Christian identity-formation. Mother's milk is thus offered as a mechanism for preserving and transmitting the ideal form of the Christian community that Gregory found embodied in the ambiguously gendered characters of the Song of Songs. True Christians, in Gregory's account, are identified by the milk on which they were fed and, in turn, the nurturing care they offer to others.
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2

Szram, Mariusz. "Terminologia dotycząca pokory i pychy w pismach greckich Ojców Kościoła IV wieku." Vox Patrum 58 (December 15, 2012): 327–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4085.

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The aim of the presented paper is to analize the terminology describing humil­ity and pride that appears in the writings of the Greek Fathers of the Church of the 4th century (Basil the Great, Gregory of Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa, John Chrysostom). To describe a humility they used the traditional terms that derived from ancient philosophy and were also well known in the Septuagint and in the New Testament writings; and used in the letters by Saint Paul and Saint Peter. The ancient Greek thought didn’t know a virtue of humility, so the philosophers didn’t use the last of these terms. However, the first two were used in the ancient Greek literature, but usually in a pejora­tive sense and meant „smallness”, „weakness”, „misery”. In the works of Greek Fathers of the Church the adjective and the substantive had a wider semantic field than the substantive „virtue of humil­ity”. They could have meant the virtue of humility, as well as a natural state of abasement of man as a created being; or a humiliation caused by the sin, and even all lowliness in the world of spirit and matter. The terms associated with the pride, used by the Greek Fathers of the Church, remained unchanged since the time of ancient Greek philosophy and literature, which devoted to this fault not less space than later Christianity.
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3

Petcu, Liviu. "The Doctrine of Epektasis. One of the Major Contributions of Saint Gregory of Nyssa to the History of Thinking." Revista Portuguesa de Filosofia 73, no. 2 (July 24, 2017): 771–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17990/rpf/2017_73_2_0771.

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4

BOERSMA, HANS. "“THIS IS THE DAY WHICH THE LORD HAS MADE”: SCRIPTURE, MANUMISSION, AND THE HEAVENLY FUTURE IN SAINT GREGORY OF NYSSA." Modern Theology 28, no. 4 (September 13, 2012): 657–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0025.2012.01777.x.

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5

Benevich, Grigory. "Presence and absence of προαίρεσις in Christ and saints according to Maximus the Confessor and parallels in Neoplatonism." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 111, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2018-0002.

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Abstract The article shows that prior to the debate with the Monothelites, Maximus the Confessor followed the Christian tradition going back to Gregory of Nyssa in recognizing the presence of προαίρεσις in Christ and the saints. Later during the debate, Maximus declined to apply προαίρεσις to Christ and started to speak about the deactivation of προαίρεσις in the saints in the state of deification. Maximus was the first Orthodox author who distinguished deliberate choice (προαίρεσις) and natural will (θέλημα), and defended the presence of natural will in Christ according to His humanity. At the same time, the opposition of desire (βούλησις) and deliberate choice (προαίρεσις) can be found in some Neoplatonists, such as Iamblichus, Proclus, and Philoponus. Iamblichus and Proclus rejected the presence of προαίρεσις in the gods and god-like humans, admitting only the presence of βούλησις - the desire for the Good. Thus, the evolution of the doctrine of Maximus the Confessor, regarding the application of προαίρε- σις to Christ and the saints, finds a parallel doctrine (and even possibly a source) in Neoplatonism.
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6

Krueger, Derek. "Writing as Devotion: Hagiographical Composition and the Cult of the Saints in Theodoret of Cyrrhus and Cyril of Scythopolis." Church History 66, no. 4 (December 1997): 707–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169209.

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The period from the fourth through the seventh century witnessed the elaboration of Christian cults of saints with a particular interest in the ascetic labors and miraculous powers of holy men and women. Although much evidence for these cults derives from literary saints' lives, a genre that emerged simultaneously with the cults, scholars have overlooked the role of the hagiographer as devotee. Previous studies have tended to view an author's piety as a barrier to historical inquiry, dismissing miracle accounts (among other hagiographical elements) as pious fictions. Neglect of the religious dimensions of the activity of writing arises in part from the confluence of two trends. First, renewed interest in late antique popular culture highlights the affinities between the religious life of elites and nonelites. Despite the refreshing aspects of this approach, the distinctly literary contributions to the formation of piety have been overlooked. Second, traditional divisions between patristics and social history continue to exclude theology and religious composition from discussions of piety on the assumption that thought and action are separable. Thanks to the work of Catherine Bell and others, students of religion can appreciate that thinking is an activity, something obvious to Christians in late antiquity such as Gregory of Nyssa, for whom contemplation of God was virtuous motion.
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7

WICKHAM, LIONEL. "Gregory of Nyssa." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 60, no. 03 (July 2009): 534. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046908005976.

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8

TOMASIC, T. M. "Just How Cogently Is It Possible to Argue for the Influence of St. Gregory of Nysse on the Thought of William of Saint-Thierry?" Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie Médiévales 55 (January 1, 1988): 72–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/rtpm.55.0.2016335.

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9

Turcescu, Lucien. "Gregory of Nyssa (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 8, no. 3 (2000): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2000.0053.

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10

Harrison, Nonna Verna. "Gregory of Nyssa. Anthony Meredith." Journal of Religion 81, no. 3 (July 2001): 476–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/490900.

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11

Need, Stephen W. "Book Review: Gregory of Nyssa." Theology 102, no. 809 (September 1999): 370. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9910200515.

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12

Cross, Richard. "GREGORY OF NYSSA ON UNIVERSALS." Vigiliae Christianae 56, no. 4 (2002): 372–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007202320809202.

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13

Pettersen, Alvyn. "Book Reviews : Gregory of Nyssa." Expository Times 111, no. 1 (October 1999): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469911100115.

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14

Gould, Graham. "Review: Re-Thinking Gregory of Nyssa." Journal of Theological Studies 56, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fli042.

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15

Biriukov, Dmitry Sergeyevich. "The Aristotelian Paradigm of Participation in Byzantine Theology: Gregory of Nyssa on Human Nature as a Monad and Gregory of Palamas on Impossibility of Participation in the Divine Essence." Philosophy of Religion: Analytic Researches 4, no. 2 (2020): 36–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2587-683x-2020-4-2-36-58.

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The article examines how the Aristotelian paradigm of participation works in Gregory of Nyssa’s and Gregory of Palamas’ teachings. Gregory of Nyssa uses this paradigm while developing his teaching on human nature as a monad in the treatise “To Ablabius” and relies in this regard on the “Isagoga” by Porphyry. This version of the Aristotelian paradigm of participation, which is present in Porphyry and Gregory of Nyssa, includes, first, the discourse of the participation of hypostases in their own essence, and, second, the discourse of divisibility of the participating whereas the participated remains indivisible. Gregory Palamas also uses the Aristotelian paradigm of participation in his argumentation on nonparticibility of the divine essence, and, as I suggest in the article, borrows it from Gregory of Nyssa. At the same time, Palamas transforms this discourse and associates the category of divisibility with the situation of participation as such, so that the participated appears divisible. This allows him to assert that in God the energies are participable and not the Divine essence.
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16

Meredith, Anthony. "Coherence and Discontinuity in Gregory of Nyssa." Vox Patrum 49 (June 15, 2006): 399–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.8223.

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17

Tezuka, N. "Tani: Transcendence and Self -- Gregory of Nyssa--." THEOLOGICAL STUDIES IN JAPAN, no. 40 (2001): 130–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5873/nihonnoshingaku.2001.130.

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18

Hibbs, Darren. "Was Gregory of Nyssa a Berkeleyan Idealist?" British Journal for the History of Philosophy 13, no. 3 (August 2005): 425–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09608780500157155.

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19

Jenson, Robert W. "Gregory of Nyssa: The Life of Moses." Theology Today 62, no. 4 (January 2006): 533–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004057360606200409.

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20

Louth, Andrew. "Book Review: Re-Thinking Gregory of Nyssa." Theology 107, no. 837 (May 2004): 206–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0410700308.

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21

Heath, Malcolm. "Echoes of Longinus in Gregory of Nyssa." Vigiliae Christianae 53, no. 4 (1999): 395–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007299x00253.

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22

Zachhuber, Johannes. "Once Again: Gregory of Nyssa on Universals." Journal of Theological Studies 56, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fli003.

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23

Darovskikh, Andrew. "Morwenna Ludlow: Gregory of Nyssa: Ancient and (Post)modern." Forum Philosophicum 17, no. 2 (December 10, 2012): 278–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/forphil.2012.1702.19.

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24

Biriukov, Dmitry. "Eunomius and Gregory of Nyssa on the Principle of ‘the More and the Less’ and Its Application to the Category of Substance." Scrinium 14, no. 1 (September 20, 2018): 467–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00141p31.

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Abstract Gregory of Nyssa at the outset of his ‘Against Eunomius’ cites Eunomius, where the latter speaks about “greater and lesser” activities. However, discussing this quotation later in the treatise, Gregory misinterprets the words of Eunomius. He reads Eunomius as if he applied the principle of ‘the more and the less’ not to activities but to substances. Such interpretation cannot be proved on the basis of what Eunomius actually wrote. Actually, the two opponents (Gregory of Nyssa and Eunomius) used the same Aris­totelian position, which prohibits the application of the principle of ‘the more and the less’ to the category of substance. This position was used by the two polemists in order to argue against each other. At the same time, Gregory developed his own philosophical system founded on the principle of ‘the more and the less’ in the course of this polemics with Eunomius.
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25

Bradshaw, David. "Gregory of Nyssa and the Grasp of Faith." Ancient Philosophy 27, no. 1 (2007): 212–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil200727142.

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26

Hill, Jonathan. "Gregory of Nyssa, Material Substance and Berkeleyan Idealism." British Journal for the History of Philosophy 17, no. 4 (September 2009): 653–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09608780903135014.

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27

Mosshammer, Alden A. "Non-Being and Evil in Gregory of Nyssa." Vigiliae Christianae 44, no. 2 (1990): 136–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007290x00252.

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28

Slusser, Michael. "Saint Gregory Thaumaturgus." Expository Times 120, no. 12 (August 14, 2009): 573–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524609106982.

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29

Geljon, Albert-Kees. "Divine Infinity in Gregory of Nyssa and Philo of Alexandria." Vigiliae Christianae 59, no. 2 (2005): 152–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570072054068348.

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AbstractThe notion of divine infinity is important in Gregory of Nyssa's theology; it is even argued by Ekkehard Mühlenberg that Gregory was the first to ascribe infinity to God. In this article key texts on divine infinity in Gregory, taken from Contra Eunomiun, De Vita Moysis, and In Canticum Canticorum, are discussed. It appears that Mühlenberg's interpretation has to be nuanced. Furthermore, dealing with divine infinity Gregory was able to link his thought with that of Philo of Alexandria. In the second part of this article, we discuss the question of God's infinity in Philo. Henri Guyot defends the thesis that Philo was the first to put forward the notion of divine infinity. Although Guyot's thesis can be criticised—Philo never calls God infinite—there are starting-points for this view in Philo.
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30

Gray, Allison L. "Catechesis and Episcopal Authority in the Life of Gregory Thaumaturgus." Vigiliae Christianae 74, no. 5 (June 29, 2020): 515–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341450.

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Abstract In a seldom discussed episode from Gregory of Nyssa’s Life of Gregory Thaumaturgus, the wonderworking bishop converts a pagan temple custodian using the written word and a miracle. Physical proofs seem essential for teaching this outsider about divine power. Yet in the very next episode the narrator praises Thaumaturgus for disregarding physical appearances and for keeping silent. A close reading of the Life 34-47 demonstrates that Gregory of Nyssa models, within the narrative, a progression from basic catechesis through signs to the more complex work of interpreting signs, making inferences from what is seen to that which remains unseen. Contextualizing this paradoxical sequence of Thaumaturgus vignettes in Cappadocian discussions of divine condescension and principles of fourth-century Christian paideia, I show that Gregory of Nyssa uses the juxtaposition between Thaumaturgus’ teaching and conduct to model the flexible approach required for bishops to communicate the nature of divine power to varied audiences.
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31

Biriukov, Dmitry. "Porphyry’s Lines in the To Ablabius by Gregory of Nyssa." Scrinium 15, no. 1 (July 16, 2019): 329–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00151p21.

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32

Harkovschenko, Yevgen. "Sofianess and filosofization of Kyivan christianity theology." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 73 (January 13, 2015): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2015.73.463.

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The basis of Kiev Christian theological method is Sophian tradition in European philosophical and religious art. Sophian tradition was elaborated in the pre-Christian period (Plato). It reflected in the works of prominent Christian theoreticians (Athanasius, Gregory of Nyssa, Macarius the Great, Gregory the Theologian) and Old Slavic (Cyril, Methodius) and ancient teachers of Christianity (Hilarion, Klim Smolyatich).
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33

Tollefsen, Torstein Theodor. "The Divine Energeia according to St. Gregory of Nyssa." Philotheos 6 (2006): 165–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philotheos2006613.

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34

Cross, Richard. "Gregory of Nyssa and the Concept of Divine Persons." Ars Disputandi 5, no. 1 (January 2005): 76–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15665399.2005.10819867.

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35

Mongrain, Kevin. "Book Review: Gregory of Nyssa: Ancient and (Post)Modern." Theological Studies 70, no. 2 (May 2009): 464–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056390907000214.

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36

Casiday, Augustine. "Book Review: Gregory of Nyssa: Ancient and [Post] Modern." Theology 113, no. 871 (January 2010): 63–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x1011300121.

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37

Meredith, Anthony. "Origen and Gregory of Nyssa on The Lord’s Prayer." Heythrop Journal 43, no. 3 (July 2002): 344–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2265.00199.

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38

Radde-Gallwitz, A. "Gregory of Nyssa on the Reciprocity of the Virtues." Journal of Theological Studies 58, no. 2 (October 1, 2007): 537–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flm118.

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39

Radde‐Gallwitz, Andrew. "Gregory of Nyssa and Divine Simplicity: A Conceptualist Reading." Modern Theology 35, no. 3 (March 26, 2019): 452–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/moth.12504.

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40

Meredith, Anthony SJ. "What Does Gregory of Nyssa Mean by πΆϴΟΣ (Pathos)?" Downside Review 126, no. 442 (January 2008): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001258060812644205.

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41

Przyszychowska, Marta. "The commonly accepted statement (το ομολογουμενον) as a starting point for a theological discussion – Eunomius and Gregory of Nyssa." Vox Patrum 68 (December 16, 2018): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3337.

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During the debate between Eunomius and Gregory of Nyssa as a basic and irrefutable argument both parties to the conflict used the statement that the the­ses they promoted were commonly accepted. Both of them defined the commonly accepted statement with the Greek term tÕ ÐmologoÚmenon which in the philo­sophical tradition derived from Aristotle meant true and reliable premiss that led to absolute knowledge. In such a meaning that term – interchangeably with the expression koinaˆ oennoiai – was used not only in philosophy but also in rhetoric. The methods used by Eunomius and Gregory of Nyssa show that their dispute was not what we would today call a religious issue, but a truly scientific/philosophical debate conducted in accordance with the commonly accepted (nomen omen!) rules.
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42

Casey, Damien. "Theosis as the Unity of Life and Death." Scrinium 11, no. 1 (November 16, 2015): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00111p07.

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This paper explores the unity of life and death through the theology of theosis. Drawing on the theologies of Irenaeus and Gregory of Nyssa this paper argues that the doctrine of theosis offers us a holistic theology that is relevant for how we live our lives, restoring a “catholicity” to Latin theology by grounding it within the mystery of the incarnation as a whole. It explores Irenaeus’ understanding of the historical development of humanity as part of the necessary process of growth and maturation in our progress towards God. Gregory of Nyssa then takes Irenaeus’ understanding of theosis further by arguing for a continuity between this life and the next through his endless ‘stretching out’ – epektasis – of a limited being to participation in the infinity of the divine, thereby establishing the unity of ontology and morality.
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43

Moreschini, Claudio. "Gregory of Nyssa, Translation and Commentary by Anna M. Silvas." Augustinianum 50, no. 2 (2010): 591–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201050223.

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44

Darovskikh, Andrey. "Gregory of Nyssa: Ancient and (Post)modern by Morwenna Ludlow." Forum Philosophicum 17, no. 2 (2012): 278–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/forphil201217219.

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45

Laird, Martin. "Gregory of Nyssa and the Mysticism of Darkness: A Reconsideration." Journal of Religion 79, no. 4 (October 1999): 592–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/490502.

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46

Boersma, Hans. "“Numbed with Grief”: Gregory of Nyssa on Bereavement and Hope." Journal of Spiritual Formation and Soul Care 7, no. 1 (May 2014): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/193979091400700106.

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47

Peroli, Enrico. "Gregory of Nyssa and the Neoplatonic Doctrine of the Soul." Vigiliae Christianae 51, no. 2 (1997): 117–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007297x00011.

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48

Laird, Martin. ""By Faith Alone": a Technical Term in Gregory of Nyssa." Vigiliae Christianae 54, no. 1 (2000): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007200x00251.

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49

Meredith, A. "Gregory of Nyssa: The Letters. Translated by ANNA M. SILVAS." Journal of Theological Studies 59, no. 1 (February 6, 2008): 370–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fln009.

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50

Beeley, Christopher A. "Gregory of Nyssa, Ancient and [Post]modern - By Morwenna Ludlow." Conversations in Religion & Theology 7, no. 1 (May 2009): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1479-2214.2009.00152.x.

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