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Journal articles on the topic 'Grenada, politics and government'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 July 2024

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1

Mandle, Jay R. "Reconsidering the Grenada revolution." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 69, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1995): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002648.

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[First paragraph]Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory: An Assessment of Cuba, Nicaragua and Grenada. BRIAN MEEKS. London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1993. ix + 210 pp. (Paper n.p.)The Grenada Invasion: Politics, Law, and Foreign Policy Decisionmaking. ROBERT J. BECK. Boulder: Westview, 1993. xiv + 263 pp. (Cloth US$ 49.95)The Gorrión Tree: Cuba and the Grenada Revolution. JOHN WALTON COTMAN. New York: Peter Lang, 1993. xvi + 272 pp. (Cloth US$ 48.95)These three books might be thought of as a second generation of studies concerned with the rise, rule, and destruction of the People's Revolutionary Government (PRG) in Grenada. The circumstances surrounding the accession to power in 1979 of the government led by Maurice Bishop, the nature of its rule, and its violent demise in 1983 resulted in the appearance during the mid-1980s of an extensive literature on the Grenada Revolution. Some of these works were scholarly, others polemical. But what they all had in common was the desire to examine, either critically or otherwise, something which was unique in the historical experience of the English-speaking Caribbean. Never, before the rule of the New JEWEL Movement (NJM) in Grenada, had a Leninist party come to power; never had a violent coup initiated a new political regime; never had a Caribbean government so explicitly rejected U.S. hegemony in the area; and never, before October 1983, had a government experienced quite so dramatic a crisis as that in Grenada, one which resulted in the killing of the Prime Minister and numerous others of his supporters.

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2

Jules, Didacus. "A British anti-imperialist lion in the Grenada revolution." Race & Class 51, no. 2 (September 24, 2009): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396809345582.

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In 1979, the New Jewel Movement (NJM), under the leadership of Maurice Bishop, took power in Grenada in a bloodless coup. With a political vision conjoining socialism and black power, the revolution in Grenada immediately drew the hostility of the US government, which began a programme of destabilisation. The leadership of the revolution sought to develop a highly participatory approach to political and economic decision-making that would enable the country’s workers and peasants to actively shape Grenada’s development. With popular education a priority, Chris Searle came to Grenada to teach. But he soon was invited to contribute to ministerial discussions, devising national education policy and creating a publishing house. He also helped to write Maurice Bishop’s speeches. In 1983, the US government took advantage of division and conflict in the leadership of the NJM to mount an invasion, ‘Operation Urgent Fury’, which restored to Grenada a regime more favourable to US interests.

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3

Kostiuk, Rouslan. "Features of the activities of the left forces in the English-speaking islands of the Caribbean in the XXI century." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 4 (2023): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0024992-0.

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This scientific article is devoted to the features and main patterns of activity and the political role of the Labor and center-left parties in the English-speaking Island states of the Caribbean. The author shows that countries of the Caribbean zone have many common features of social and political development, which determines the similarities in the functioning of the Labor parties. The presence of British political traditions makes the centre-left parties the most important participants in the political process with broad popular support. The article also notes the connection between the factor of the strong influence of the Labor parties in the Caribbean states with the participation of most of these countries in the Bolivarian Alliance ALBA. Considering in the article the specific cases of Jamaica, Antigua and Barbuda, St. Kitts and Nevis, Dominica, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Barbados, Grenada, Trinidad and Tobago, the author shows that in most English-speaking countries, leftist, Labor parties are in power, responsible for the implementation of domestic and foreign policy; enjoy broad popular and electoral support in their countries; forming governments, they try to implement social reformist initiatives in domestic politics; are at the forefront of the struggle for a republican form of government for their countries. The author comes to the conclusion that the English-speaking states of the Caribbean region in the 21st century are among the strongholds of the left forces in Latin-Caribbean America.

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4

Jicha, Karl, Edward Kick, Gregory Fulkerson, and Gretchen Thompson. "Explaining Social Capital Formation in a Hinterlands Context: The Case of Carriacou, Grenada." Comparative Sociology 18, no. 1 (January 16, 2019): 33–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341487.

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Abstract Strong supportive organizations and interpersonal networks are taken to be instrumental for increasing social groups’ ability to actuate collective interests and build problem-solving capacity. Primary survey data from the island hinterlands area of Carriacou, Grenada, are used to test how key determinants of social capital in developed nations – supportive organizational efficacy, civic organization participation, social interaction, and socio-demographic characteristics – influence the normative dimension of social capital in a developing setting. Results indicate that perceptions of government efficacy and education enhance both measures of social capital in this island hinterland, while different indicators of social interaction display independent influences on each. This study concludes that hinterland settings such as Carriacou exhibit significantly different causes of social capital formation than found in other sectors of the world system.

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5

Glennon, Michael J. "The Executive’s Misplaced Reliance on War Powers “Custom”." American Journal of International Law 109, no. 3 (July 2015): 551–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.3.0551.

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Historical practice, or custom, has long been seen as a source of authority in the resolution of separation-of-powers disputes. In two recent cases assessing the limits to the president’s power regarding the recognition of foreign nations and the making of recess appointments, the Supreme Court heavily emphasized past practice. Historical practice, the Court said, reflects “the compromises and working arrangementsth at the elected branches of Government themselves have reached.” in the realm of war powers, the executive branch has long relied on custom to justify military initiatives that were carried out without congressional approval. In essence, the executive has argued that because force has been used in the past without congressional approval, the same is permissible in various other situations (for example, in the Dominican Republic, Grenada, Haiti, Kosovo, and Panama).

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6

Brana-Shute, Gary. "Back to the Barracks? Five Years ‘Revo’ in Suriname." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 1 (1986): 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165737.

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On 25 November 1985 the Republic of Suriname celebrated ten years of independent statehood. That decade witnessed a number of unexpected and quite extraordinary events in the former Dutch colony. Since the last free parliamentary elections in 1977, the country has endured: a military coup d'etat (1980) the arbitrary arrest and detainment of leaders of the “old” political parties (1980); the nullification of its constitution and civil rights (1980) and the imposition of a “state of emergency” (1982); the appointment by the military high command of five civilian cabinets (1981,1982,1983,1984, and 1985); a foreign and domestic policy that has swung erratically between far left and center; a cordial relationship with Cuba unceremoniously broken by Suriname following the US-led invasion of Grenada; the tragic and colossally stupid murder of 15 (possibly more) prominent Surinamers opposed to the revolution (1982); the suspension of more than US$1.5 billion dollars of Dutch foreign aid (1982); seven alleged counter-coups, one of which supposedly enjoyed the support of the CIA and several American mercenaries (1980-1984); deteriorating relations with the Netherlands, to the point where there is no ambassador in the Hague; a rather visionary attempt to dismantle the ethnic structure of pre-revo party politics by creating “one national party;” a cozy relationship with Libya under the guise of “cultural exchange;” and the rapid deterioration of a once booming economy. Now in 1986, in the midst of a dialogue with the “old” political parties, there is robust talk of a return to civilian government.

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7

Muhammad Khalid Rashid, Abdul Basit, Tehmina Fiaz Qazi, and Abdul Aziz Khan Niazi. "Comprehensive Analysis of Tariff Barriers Worldwide: A Composite Assessment Approach." Journal of Accounting and Finance in Emerging Economies 7, no. 1 (January 26, 2021): 205–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/jafee.v7i1.1583.

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International trade has fundamental importance for all the countries and the analysis concerning international trade particularly concerning tariff barriers is high on the agenda of researchers in the field of economics, business and politics. Aim of the study is to assess the world tariff barriers of 158 countries. Overall design of the study comprises of a crisp literature review, data extraction and analysis. It is a study of one hundred fifty-eight countries that uses secondary data taken from World Development Indicators (WDI) 2020. It uses Grey Relational Analysis (GRA) as research methodology. Results of GRA show that Macao SAR, China, Hong Kong, Singapore, Montenegro, Mauritius, Brunei Darussalam, Myanmar, Chile, Peru and Australia have relatively highest grey relational grades meaning thereby, low tariff trade barriers whereas Grenada, Antigua and Barbuda, Belize, Central African Republic, Nepal, Guinea-Bissau, Fiji, Gabon, Barbados, Djibouti, St. Kitts and Nevis have lowest grey relational grade meaning thereby, these countries have high level of tariff based barriers of international trade. Interestingly, all the member countries of European Union occupy the rank of 27 (i.e. all countries have the same rank) which can be explained in the perspective of their union of tariff. Since, they have uniformed tariff policy as against rest of the world, therefore, have same rank. It is a study based on reliable real time data set. The study has value for all stakeholders i.e. international community, local governments, society at large, policy makers, researchers and international institutions.

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8

Fraser, Peter D. "Grenada: politics, economics and society." International Affairs 62, no. 3 (1986): 558–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2617964.

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9

Smyth, Dion. "Politics and palliative care: Grenada." International Journal of Palliative Nursing 21, no. 12 (December 2, 2015): 622. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2015.21.12.622.

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10

Kirton, Claremont D., and Tony Thorndike. "Grenada: Politics, Economics and Society." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 1 (February 1988): 166. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516271.

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11

Kirton, Claremont D. "Grenada: Politics, Economics and Society." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 1 (February 1, 1988): 166–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-68.1.166.

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12

WILLIAMS, GARY. "Prelude to an Intervention: Grenada 1983." Journal of Latin American Studies 29, no. 1 (February 1997): 131–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x9600466x.

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This article examines the demise of the Grenadian People's Revolutionary Government (PRG) in the summer of 1983 and the internal power struggle that destroyed the PRG in October that year, culminating in the execution of Prime Minister Maurice Bishop. A detailed analysis of events and interactions between Grenada, Barbados and the United States in the week prior to the crisis period of 19–25 October is provided. I conclude that this pre-crisis period established the foundations for, and direction of, subsequent decision-making and explains why a military intervention solution was chosen and subsequently occurred only five days after Bishop's death.

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13

Wall, Benjamin, and Manning Marable. "African and Caribbean Politics: From Kwame Nkrumah to the Grenada Revolution." British Journal of Sociology 39, no. 2 (June 1988): 286. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590785.

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14

Calvert, Peter. "Grenada: a study in politics and the limits of international law." International Affairs 63, no. 4 (1987): 720–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2619760.

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15

McDonald, Michelle L., and Royston O. Hopkin. "The future of hospitality education in Grenada." International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management 15, no. 3 (June 1, 2003): 156–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09596110310470185.

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The quality of hospitality education is a topical issue. It is being increasingly realised that the education level of tourism employees impacts on the quality of a country’s tourism industry. As the most tourism‐oriented region globally, the Caribbean is slowly awakening to the realisation that, unless its tourism employees are highly educated and skilled, the region will continue to account for an insignificant percentage of world tourism arrivals. In Grenada, hospitality education courses are limited, given the small tourism plant and comparatively low visitor arrivals. Research was undertaken by one of the authors, to explore the opinions of the accommodation sector about current education provisions and the future direction that courses should take. Integration of all stakeholders in the implementation of the broad education policy outlined by the government is crucial to improving hospitality education in Grenada to ensure a competitive tourism industry.

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16

Griffith, Ivelaw L. "Caribbean Security: Retrospect and Prospect." Latin American Research Review 30, no. 2 (1995): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100017362.

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During the 1980s, the major security themes that Caribbean scholars studied were geopolitics, militarization, intervention, and instability. The interface between domestic and international politics led to linkages among some of these themes and their domestic, regional, and international dimensions. For example, the militarization of Grenada in the 1980s was predicated on the need to defend the Grenadian revolution against foreign intervention and local counterrevolution. Ironically, the same buildup created the climate that led to the self-destruction of the revolution and presented the United States with a golden opportunity to intervene. In doing so, the United States succeeded in fulfilling a preexisting geopolitical aim of its own. Elsewhere in the region, militarization and concerns about stability in Dominica, Barbados, and St. Vincent and the Grenadines raised security concerns within the Eastern Caribbean, where several countries created the Regional Security System (RSS) in 1982 to bolster subregional security and became willing accomplices of intervention when the United States intervened in Grenada a year later.

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17

Rosenberg, J., and F. L. Korsmo. "Local participation, international politics, and the environment: The World Bank and the Grenada Dove." Journal of Environmental Management 62, no. 3 (July 2001): 283–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jema.2001.0432.

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18

Haile, Shenhat. "Grenada Revolution: Investigating the Ambitions and Shortcomings of a Radical Caribbean Political Experiment." Caribbean Quilt 6, no. 2 (February 4, 2022): 92–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/cq.v6i2.36634.

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In March 1979, the New Jewel Movement (NJM) transitioned into the People’s Revolu- tionary Government (PRG) through a bloodless coup that for a time revolutionized the structure of governments in the Com- mon-law Caribbean. This policy review seeks to consider the success of the revolution based on: its aim of developing and sustaining a grassroots democracy, emphasis on mass education and its expansion of agribusiness initiatives as a part of broader industrialization efforts. Through an investigation of some of the critical events, ideological frameworks and ambitious political objectives that briefly transformed Grenadian society from 1979 to 1983 this review illustrates the complexity of the political experiment undertaken by the People’s Revolutionary Government and argues that despite its short time span, the Grenada Revolution remains one of the most critical examples of revolutionary potential and radical self-rule in the twentieth-century Caribbean.

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19

Brown, William H., Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." New England Quarterly 66, no. 2 (June 1993): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/365854.

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20

Billings, Charles E., James D. Thomas, and William H. Stewart. "Alabama Government and Politics." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 19, no. 4 (1989): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330427.

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21

Patton, Janet W., and Penny M. Miller. "Kentucky Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330747.

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22

Thomas, Clive S., Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330749.

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23

Barringer, Richard, Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 23, no. 2 (1993): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330863.

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24

Shrewsbury, Carolyn M., Daniel J. Elazar, Virginia Gray, and Wyman Spano. "Minnesota Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 30, no. 3 (2000): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3331101.

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25

Haycox, Stephen, Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." Western Historical Quarterly 26, no. 2 (1995): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970241.

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26

Dougan, Michael B., Diane D. Blair, and Jay Barth. "Arkansas Politics and Government." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (2006): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40028075.

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27

Kirmanj, Sherko. "Islam, Politics and Government." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 9, no. 1 (March 2008): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14690760701856382.

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28

Dempsey, D. J. "Distinguishing "Government" and "Politics"." Social Work 56, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/56.2.191-a.

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29

Dollinger, Marc J. "Politics, government, and business." Business Horizons 55, no. 5 (September 2012): 399–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bushor.2012.03.005.

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30

Grenade, Wendy C. "Party Politics and Governance in Grenada: An Analysis of the New National Party (1984–2012)." Round Table 102, no. 2 (April 2013): 167–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2013.764102.

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31

U, Karuppathevan. "Politics of Valluvam." International Research Journal of Tamil 2, no. 3 (June 29, 2020): 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt20318.

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The state that Valluvam insists depends on the rights of the people. To abolish slavery, demand good government otherwise to exclude. Valluvam adores good government and good king at the same time abhor the bad king, and throw such a tyrannical king away. Valluvam, which claims to be a superpower, says it will protect it from enemies. The Government and Government rule that Valluvam insists are not in the category of Monarchy, Force and republic Government. Whatever the type, the scepter government is the government that Valluvam insists. The essay for this study is in the context of Valluvam politics.

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32

Ika, Syahrir, Hadi Setiawan, and Sofia Arie Damayanty. "Evaluation of Indonesian Food Politics and Fiscal Politics Support." Kajian Ekonomi dan Keuangan 19, no. 1 (November 1, 2016): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31685/kek.v19i1.15.

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The Indonesian Constitution mandates the government to keep the food sovereignty in terms of availability, affordability, and the fulfillment of adequate food consumption with safety, quality, and nutritionally balanced. In food politics, the government has a number of policies and programs to achieve food self-sufficiency such as the provision of agricultural land, fertilizer, pesticides, seeds, irrigation, farmers' education, and financing supports. In terms of fiscal policy, the government annually allocates funds to support food self-sufficiency programs. Unfortunetaly, Indonesia still in the stage of below achieving a food self-sufficiency; the government still imports some strategic foodstuffs such as rice, corn, soybeans, sugar, and meat. Low production of foodstuffs bring about a decrease in agricultural sector contribution to GDP. This article aims to evaluate the effectiveness of government policy on food and fiscal policy support. Using secondary data, the study tries to describe using the approach of 'The Context, Links, and Evidence Framework". The study concludes that although the government has a strong commitment to have food sovereignty, but still difficult to achieve food selfsufficiency and food security. Therefore the authors recommend a policy package which includes nine priority programs to be considered by the government.

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33

Pastor, Robert A. "Does the United States Push Revolutions to Cuba? The Case of Grenada." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 1 (1986): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165734.

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One of the most difficult and frustrating challenges to US foreign policy in the post-World War II period has been coping with third world revolutions, particularly those in the Caribbean Basin. Whether the revolution has been in Cuba, Nicaragua, or Grenada, relations with the US have always deteriorated, and the revolutionary governments have moved closer to the Soviet bloc and toward a Communist political model. Both the deteriorating relationship and the increasingly belligerent posture of the US have conformed to a regular pattern; so too have the interpretations of the causes and consequences of the confrontation.US government officials and a few policy analysts tend to view the hostile attitudes and policies of the revolutionary governments as the cause of the problem.

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34

Denny, L. M. "Government and politics in Africa." International Affairs 61, no. 3 (1985): 546. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618749.

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35

McTernan, Lucy. "Review: Scottish Government and Politics." Scottish Affairs 38 (First Serie, no. 1 (February 2002): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2002.0014.

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36

Christoph, James B., Andrew Gray, and William I. Jenkins. "Administrative Politics in British Government." American Political Science Review 80, no. 4 (December 1986): 1370. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960909.

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37

Hopkins, Raymond F., and William Tordoff. "Government and Politics in Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 27, no. 2 (1994): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221048.

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38

Osaghae, Eghosa E., and William Tordoff. "Government and Politics in Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 31, no. 2 (1998): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221101.

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39

"The Grenada invasion: politics, law, and foreign policy decisionmaking." Choice Reviews Online 31, no. 11 (July 1, 1994): 31–6286. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.31-6286.

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40

TSIKLAURI, Gigi. "Operation Urgent Fury: The Role of American Diplomacy in the U.S. Invasion of Grenada." Journal in Humanities, August 22, 2016, 59–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31578/hum.v5i1.339.

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This article explores the role of American diplomacy during the Grenada crisis in October1983. Although the invasion is usually viewed as a military operation, American diplomatsspearheaded the decision. George Shultz, Secretary of State at the time, argued in his memoirthat the entire Grenada operation was driven by the State Department. Following a coupon the island staged by an extreme Marxist group and subsequent murder of Prime MinsterBishop and some of his government members, a shoot-on-site curfew was declared and thesituation was becoming chaotic; endangering hundreds of American medical students in Grenada.The U.S. request to facilitate the students’ evacuation was not met by the Grenadianauthorities. The Organization of East Caribbean States members, fearing that the Grenadianscenario could affect their countries, formally requested the United States to intervene militarily.In response, President Reagan authorized military intervention. The American diplomatswere assigned a role of civilian control on the island during and after the invasion and facilitatedthe peaceful evacuation of the American students. The U.S. military left the island shortlythereafter, and the Governor General appointed the Provisional Government. In one year theGrenadians held the Parliamentary elections and elected a new government

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41

Morgan, Samuel T. "Using Process Tracing to Investigate Elite Experience Accrual: Explaining Margaret Thatcher’s Support for US Air Strikes Against Libya." Political Research Quarterly, September 29, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10659129231182404.

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The United States’ invasion of Grenada in 1983 represented the lowest point in Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan’s relationship, with Thatcher incensed at what she perceived to be her ally’s misuse of military force. However, in April 1986, Thatcher gave permission for the United States to use British-based aircraft for air strikes against the Gaddafi regime in Libya, a mission as tenuously grounded in international law as Grenada. How do we explain Thatcher’s apparent change in approach to foreign policy, now placing strategic interests above her previous deference to international law, and what does this tell us about the role experience plays in a leader’s foreign policy decisions? Drawing on insights from the ongoing behavioural revolution in International Relations, this paper argues that the experience Thatcher gained during the Grenada episode led to her support for US strikes against Libya. A process tracing approach using documents from the UK National Archives, as well as biographies and memoirs, tests this individual-level hypothesis against a rival structuralist explanation. This research shows how experience gained in office can influence a leader’s future foreign policy decision-making and demonstrates the utility of process tracing methods for investigations into the role of experience in international politics.

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42

Stevens, Michael J., Justina E. Aire, and Beverly E. Stevens. "National Emotional Climate and Personal Political Views in Grenada, with Regional Comparisons." Journal of Tropical Psychology 3 (2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jtp.2013.1.

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We examined the association of national emotional climate to personal political views in 159 Grenadian citizens. Grenadians completed five national emotional climate scales: Anger at Government, Fear, Hopeless-Insecurity, Security and Social Trust. We also measured the following personal political views: desire to emigrate, confidence in nonviolent protest and willingness to surrender freedom. Anger at Government and Security predicted desire to emigrate and Security predicted confidence in non-violent protest; national emotional climate scores and willingness to surrender freedom were unrelated. Grenadians were less angry at government, less fearful, and less hopeless-insecure as well as more secure and more socially trusting than Colombians and Costa Ricans, but less secure and more hopeless-insecure than US respondents. Grenadians expressed a relatively positive national emotional climate with few signs of collectively held emotions that might precipitate further emigration and renewed civil unrest. We offer suggestions for future research on national emotional climate in Grenada and the Caribbean generally.

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Roberts, Eric T., Leigh Quarles, Valentin Fuster, and Bernadette Boden-Albala. "Abstract 18949: Socioeconomic Patterning of Hypertension in Grenada." Circulation 126, suppl_21 (November 20, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.1161/circ.126.suppl_21.a18949.

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Over 80% of cardiovascular disease deaths occur in low and middle income countries with approximately two-thirds of stoke and one-half of ischemic heart disease estimated to be due to non-optimal blood pressure. Much is known about the social epidemiology of hypertension in “Western” contexts but less is known about these associations in developing or “non-Western” contexts. The island nation of Grenada, located off the Northeast coast of Venezuela with a population of approximately 110,000 persons, presents an instructive case study. This study describes the socioeconomic patterning of hypertension in a population of Grenadians. The Grenada Heart Project surveyed 2827 persons regarding the clinical, biological and psychosocial determinants of cardiovascular health between 2008 and 2010. We explored the association between education, income, occupation, nativity, residing in either the United States or Europe at one point in time, and parish of residence with definitive hypertension (≥140/90 mmHg) in separate logistic regression models adjusting for age and sex. The sample was 57.5% female with a mean age of 44.8 (sd = 17.1)., Participants that did not complete primary school [OR=2.04, 95%CI 1.37, 3.02)], participants that only completed primary school [OR=1.82, 95%CI 1.29, 2.58)], and participants that attended or completed secondary school [OR=1.48, 95%CI 0.99, 2.21)] had increased odds of having hypertension compared to those with more than a secondary education. Compared to government employees, homemakers [OR=2.45, 95%CI 1.52, 3.95)], retired persons [OR=2.40, 95%CI 1.69, 3.42)], and unemployed persons that are unable to work [OR=2.85, 95%CI 1.59, 5.11)] had increased odds of having hypertension whereas non-government employees [OR=1.09, 95%CI 0.79, 1.50)], self-employed persons [OR=1.09, 95%CI 0.96, 1.85)], and unemployed persons that are able to work [OR=1.09, 95%CI 0.68, 1.69)] did have significantly different odds of hypertension. We found significant differences in the prevalence of hypertension by parish. Income, nativity, and history of residing in western countries was not associated with hypertension. This work documents the importance of social variables in low and middle income countries in predicting hypertension.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 2 (June 1996): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693564.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693595.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 1 (March 1996): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693626.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 3 (September 1996): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693671.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 29, no. 3-4 (September 2000): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-000-1008-1.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 29, no. 1-2 (March 2000): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-000-1039-7.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 30, no. 1 (March 2001): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-001-1008-9.

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