Academic literature on the topic 'Groupe paramilitaire'
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Journal articles on the topic "Groupe paramilitaire"
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Tribín, Ana María. "Paramilitaries and Electoral Support." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 21, no. 2 (2015): 191–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2014-0050.
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AbstractThis paper examines the tactical redistribution of public resources by an incumbent seeking reelection in a country in the midst of an armed conflict. The illegal armed groups in Colombia are known to have extreme ideological beliefs; the guerrillas lean far to the Left, and the paramilitaries, far to the Right. The model and the empirical results show that regions with powerful groups who have a defined political ideology are less strategically attractive when it comes to the distribution of government resources. Nevertheless, when an illegal group can coerce voters to support a candidate and decide between candidates, as in the case of paramilitaries, redistribution is targeted to the illegal group. As a natural experiment, this paper empirically tests the effect of a policy to demobilize and reintegrate the members of paramilitary groups into society, so as to show the decisions on redistribution change when paramilitary forces do not exercise control in the municipalities.
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Aliyev, Huseyn. "Strong militias, weak states and armed violence: Towards a theory of ‘state-parallel’ paramilitaries." Security Dialogue 47, no. 6 (2016): 498–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010616669900.
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This article challenges the well-established presentation within conflict studies of paramilitary organizations as state-manipulated death squads or self-defence groups, and argues that some present-day militias extend their functions well beyond the role of shadowy pro-regime enforcers. Drawing its empirical insights from Ukrainian pro-government volunteer battalions and supporting its findings with empirical observations from other parts of the world, the article posits that the rise of powerful militia organizations acting in parallel with the state makes it imperative to revisit the theory and typology of paramilitary violence. The key theoretical argument of the article is that ‘state-parallel’ militias differ qualitatively from the ‘state-manipulated’ paramilitaries that are typical of the Cold War period. The article shows that although ‘state-parallel’ paramilitaries are not a new phenomenon, they have thus far remained critically understudied and undertheorized.
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Krakowski, Krzysztof. "Colombian Paramilitaries Since Demobilization: Between State Crackdown and Increased Violence." Latin American Politics and Society 57, no. 4 (2015): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2015.00287.x.
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AbstractThis article addresses the puzzle of heterogeneous trends in paramilitary violence on the Colombian Pacific Coast since the beginning of the disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) process in 2003. The usual explanations derived from political conflict theories are improved with insights from organized crime research. The article argues that the occasional escalation of post-DDR paramilitary violence at the subregional level cannot be explained by the weakness of the state argument. Instead, the article demonstrates the counterintuitive evidence that paramilitary violence correlates positively with the incidence of state repressive intervention against paramilitary groups. More specifically, paramilitaries challenged by the state use more violence, either to replace their nonviolent resources most affected by law enforcement activities or to respond to crackdown-related intensification of predatory tendencies within their respective organizations.
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Forero, Jorge Enrique. "State, Illegality, and Territorial Control." Latin American Perspectives 43, no. 1 (2015): 238–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x15571274.
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The inevitable incursion of Colombian armed groups into Ecuador remained at low levels for decades, but in the late 1990s the United States increased its level of engagement in the conflict and the Colombian government permitted the expansion of paramilitaries into the South of the country. While Rafael Correa’s Plan Ecuador privileged economic development in the border region as a way of promoting peace there, the massacre by the Colombian military in Angostura (Sucumbíos) in March 2008 led to an increase in military spending and increasing violations of the human rights of the region’s people. Socioeconomic conditions remain favorable to the expansion of the paramilitary organizations, linked to drug trafficking, gasoline smuggling, and other illegal activities. Without the resurrection of Plan Ecuador, their presence will continue to threaten the sovereignty of the state and the consolidation of its progressive national project. La incursión inevitable de los grupos armados colombianos en Ecuador se mantuvo en niveles bajos durante décadas, pero a finales de los 90s los Estados Unidos aumentaron su nivel de participación en el conflicto y el gobierno colombiano permitió la expansión de los paramilitares en el sur del país. Si bien el Plan Ecuador de Rafael Correa privilegió el desarrollo económico en la región fronteriza como una forma de promover la paz allí, la masacre por el ejército colombiano en Angostura (Sucumbíos) en marzo de 2008 generó un incremento en el gasto militar y el aumento de violaciones de los derechos humanos de la gente de la región. Las condiciones socioeconómicas siguen siendo favorables a la expansión de las organizaciones paramilitares, vinculadas al tráfico de drogas, contrabando de gasolina, y otras actividades ilegales. Sin la resurrección del Plan Ecuador, su presencia seguirá amenazando la soberanía del Estado y la consolidación de su proyecto nacional progresista.
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Gallego, Jorge. "Civil conflict and voting behavior: Evidence from Colombia." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 6 (2018): 601–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894218788362.
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What are the effects of war on political behavior? Colombia is an interesting case in which conflict and elections coexist, and illegal armed groups intentionally affect electoral outcomes. Nonetheless, groups have used different strategies to alter these results. This paper argues that differential effects of violence on electoral outcomes are the result of deliberate strategies followed by illegal groups, which in turn result from military conditions that differ between them. Using panel data from Senate elections from 1994 to 2006 and an instrumental variables approach to address potential endogeneity concerns, this paper shows that guerrilla violence decreases turnout, while paramilitary violence has no effect on participation, but reduces electoral competition and benefits non-traditional third parties. FARC violence is significantly higher during election years, while paramilitary violence is lower. This is consistent with the hypothesis that the guerrillas’ strategy is to sabotage elections, while paramilitaries establish alliances with certain candidates.
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Kreutz, Joakim, and Enzo Nussio. "Destroying Trust in Government: Effects of a Broken Pact among Colombian Ex-Combatants." International Studies Quarterly 63, no. 4 (2019): 1175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz058.
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Abstract Mistrust between conflict parties after civil war is a major hurdle to sustainable peace. However, existing research focuses on elite interactions and has not examined the trust relationship between government and rank-and-file members of armed groups, despite their importance for postconflict stability. We use the unexpected decision of the Colombian government to extradite top-level former paramilitary leaders to the United States in 2008 to identify how a peace deal reversal influences ex-combatants’ trust in government. In theory, they may lose trust for instrumental reasons, if they suffer personal costs, or for normative reasons, if they think the government is failing its commitments. Using quasi-experimental survey evidence, we find that extradition decreases trust substantially among ex-paramilitaries, but not in a comparison group of ex-guerrillas not part of the same peace deal. Even though paramilitaries are seen as particularly opportunistic, our evidence suggests that normative rather than instrumentalist considerations led to trust erosion.
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Tsoutsoumpis, Spyridon. "Paramilitarism, politics and organized crime during the Greek civil war (1945–1949)." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 43, no. 02 (2019): 262–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2019.14.
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The historiography of the Greek civil war has made significant progress during the past decade, but the origins, role and activities of paramilitaries remain under-researched. Most studies have focused on the period of the ‘white terror’ and explored the collusion between the state and the paramilitary groups. Although such studies have advanced our understanding of this turbulent period, they have not discussed important issues such as the motivation of the rank and file members, the sociopolitical networks used to recruit and mobilize support and the diverse conditions under which militias emerge. The article will address this lacuna and provide new insights into the origins, development and legacies of paramilitarism.
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Murillo Delgadillo, María Fernanda. "Algunas consideraciones sobre la independencia de la justicia." Revista Habitus: Semilleros de investigación, no. 3 (September 7, 2012): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.19053/22158391.1791.
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La independencia de la justicia se concibe como un valor inherente a la función del servidor público, representa una cualidad y un derecho que los Estados deben garantizara sus administrados. Colombia es un país generador de agresiones contra la justicia, las que se acrecientan por la presencia de grupos paramilitares que, pese a estardesmovilizados, tienen bajo su control gran parte del territorio patrio. En este informe veremos la concepción, “el deber ser” de la independencia judicial, y después abordaremos la problemática de las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC), algunas manifestaciones de su presión y los tipos de procesos en los cuales interfieren, en cuatro ciudades, Bogotá, Cali, Medellín y Tunja. Palabras claveIndependencia judicial, intromisión,prensa, grupos armados al margen de la ley, paramilitarismo.AbstractThe independence of justice is seen as an inherent value to the role of public servant and represents a quality and right that States must guarantee to their people. Colombia is a country that generates attacks against justice, aggressions that are enhanced by the presence of paramilitary groups which, despite being demobilized, control much of the homeland. In this report we will see the concept, what “should be” judicial independence, then we address the problem of the United Self-defense groups of Colombia (AUC), some demonstrations of their pressure and the type of processes in which they interfere, in four cities:Bogotá, Cali, Medellín andTunja. KeywordsIndependence of justice, meddling, press, armed groups outside the law, paramilitary activity.
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Barbosa Caro, Eduar, and Johanna Ramírez Suavita. "Paramilitarism and music in Colombia." Politics of Sound 18, no. 4 (2019): 541–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.19019.bar.
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Abstract Colombia has experienced violence at the hands of both guerrillas and paramilitaries fighting to control territories, drug trafficking, and gain political influence. Though in recent years armed activities by both groups has subsided, their conflicting ideologies are visible in several contexts in today’s polarized Colombia. We tend to think about conflict in terms of bullets and people in military uniforms, but discourses of conflict are also evident in popular culture, such as music. In this paper, we analyse 19 corridos paracos, videos produced by sympathisers of Right-wing guerrilla groups, to demonstrate how this is done. Here, we find songs present a messianic portrayal of the paramilitary along with sexist ideas as the representation of manliness. Moreover, there is an almost total absence of peaceful actions in the lyrics, and an exaltation of brutality and terrorism. In a political context which cries out for reconciliation, these do little to this end.
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Oppenheim, Ben, Abbey Steele, Juan F. Vargas, and Michael Weintraub. "True Believers, Deserters, and Traitors." Journal of Conflict Resolution 59, no. 5 (2015): 794–823. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715576750.
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Anti-insurgent militias and states attempt to erode insurgent groups’ capacities and co-opt insurgent fighters by promising and providing benefits. They do so to create a perception that the insurgency is unraveling and to harness inside information to prosecute more effective counterinsurgency campaigns. Why do some insurgents defect to a paramilitary group and others exit the war by demobilizing, while still others remain loyal to their group? This article presents the first empirical analysis of these questions, connecting insurgents’ motivations for joining, wartime experiences, and organizational behavior with decisions to defect. A survey of ex-combatants in Colombia shows that individuals who joined for ideological reasons are less likely to defect overall but more likely to side-switch or demobilize when their group deviates from its ideological precepts. Among fighters who joined for economic reasons, political indoctrination works to decrease their chances of demobilization and defection to paramilitaries, while opportunities for looting decrease economically motivated combatants’ odds of defection.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Groupe paramilitaire"
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François, David. "La violence dans le discours et les pratiques du PCF de 1920 à la Seconde guerre mondiale." Thesis, Dijon, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012DIJOL004.
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La place de la violence dans l'histoire du XX° siècle est l'objet de nombreuses études depuis la publication des ouvrages de l'historien américain George L. Mosse. Si cet intérêt s'est longtemps concentré sur l'étude des mouvements d'extrême-droite, depuis une décennie la recherche historique se penche sur l'étude des relations qu'entretient le communisme, avec la violence. C'est dans cet environnement historiographique que notre étude vise à éclairer la place tenue par la violence dans la vie du PCF de sa naissance, en 1920, à son interdiction en septembre 1939. Dans un premier temps, après avoir analysé la place de la violence dans le mouvement socialiste et ouvrier avant 1914, il s'agit de percevoir la nouveauté introduite par l'idéologie bolchevique dans cette relation au moment où la société française est confrontée à la Grande Guerre et ses séquelles et de déterminer le rôle de la violence dans la naissance du PCF et dans son développement jusqu'à la fin des années 1920. Nous analysons ensuite la période « classe contre classe » où le PC développe pleinement les potentialités contenues dans la culture de guerre civile qu'il cultive depuis sa naissance. Il essaye alors d'inscrire cette guerre civile dans la réalité française. Le discours qui s'appuie sur la simplification de la perception des réalités politiques, économiques et sociales, décryptée au prisme de la culture de la guerre civile se durcit pour marquer l'imminence de la parousie révolutionnaire. Le PCF prône alors la confrontation directe avec les forces de l'ordre dans le but de conquérir la rue tout en essayant de mettre sur pied une force paramilitaire. L'abandon de l'activisme violent à la fin de 1931 entraîne une période d'hésitation sur la place de la violence dans la stratégie communiste, hésitation qui prend fin à partir de 1934 avec le tournant vers le Front populaire qui fait l'objet de notre troisième et dernière partie. La culture de guerre civile, que porte en lui le communisme, s'intègre alors à la culture républicaine sous le signe de l'antifascisme. Ce processus, qui participe aux succès que connaissent alors les communistes, entraîne une atténuation de la place de la violence dans la politique du PCF, mais non sa disparition. Sa trace se retrouve dans la politique interne de vigilance révolutionnaire, l'usage de la force contre les fascistes et les renégats et le rôle des communistes français sur le front espagnol durant la guerre civile<br>The place of violence in history of XX ° century is the object of many studies since the studies of the American historian George L. Mosse. If this interest has concentrated for a long time on the study of the far-right movements, for decade historical research leans over the study of relations communism, with violence. It's in this historiographic environment that our study aims at lighting the place held by violence in the life of PCF since its birth, in 1920 to its ban in September, 1939. At first, having analysed the place of violence in socialist and working movement before 1914 and the novelty introduced by the bolchevik ideology in this relation at the time when the French society is confronted with First World War and its consequences to determine the role of violence in the birth of PCF and in its development during 1920s. We analyse the period «class against class» where the PC develops entirely potentialities contained in the culture of civil war which it cultivates since its birth. He tries to register this civil war in French reality. The speech which leans on the simplification of the perception of political, economic and social realities, having read in prism of the culture of civil war to mark the imminence of the revolutionary parousie. PCF search direct confrontation with police force in the intention of winning the street, while trying to set up a paramilitary force. The end of violent activism at the end of 1931 draws away a period of hesitancy on the place of violence in communist strategy, hesitancy which comes to end from 1934 with turn towards the Popular Front which makes the object of our third and last part. The culture of civil war, that hits in him communism, integrates then with republican culture under the sign of antifascism. This process, which participates in the successes which know then the communists, draws away an alleviation of the place of violence in the policy of PCF, but not its disappearance. Its trace is in the internal policy of revolutionary alertness, the usage of force against the fascists and the renegades and the role of the French communists on the Spanish front during civil war
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GARCíA, RUIZ María Andrea. "La transformación del paramilitarismo en Guatemala, Perú y Colombia : una perspectiva comparada." Thesis, Paris Est, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PESC0017.
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Dans les conflits armés du Guatemala, du Pérou et de Colombie, des groupes paramilitaires ont été créés afin de lutter contre les guérillas et aussi d’empêcher la mobilisation des secteurs sociaux intéressés à transformer l’ordre social établi. Dans ces pays, différentes circonstances ont mené à la désactivation officielle des structures paramilitaires.Les groupes paramilitaires du Guatemala (PAC) ont été créés par l’État au début des années 80 et ont été officiellement démobilisés en 1996, après la signature des accords de paix entre le gouvernement et la guérilla URNG. Au Pérou, les rondes paysannes ont été créées dans la cordillère sud-centrale au cours des années 1980. En 2003, après la chute du Fujimori, l’État péruvien cesse de motiver l’organisation de ces groupes. En Colombie, les groupes paramilitaires ont été promus pendant les années 80 par différents acteurs, parmi lesquels figuraient les élites régionales, l’armée et les narcotrafiquants. En 2003, ces groupes armés ont signé un accord de paix avec le gouvernement du président Uribe, dans lequel ils s’engagent à remettre les armes et à commencer un processus progressif de démobilisation.Même si au Guatemala, au Pérou et en Colombie, des processus pour désactiver les groupes paramilitaires ont été mis en place, ceux-ci continuent d’exister. Ainsi, il est pertinent de se demander si ces structures sont encore une forme de paramilitarisme et d’identifier les raisons pour lesquelles elles sont toujours présentes. En vue de répondre à cette question, l’objectif principal de recherche est d’analyser depuis une perspective comparative les processus de transformation des PAC, des rondes paysannes et des paramilitaires colombiens à partir du moment où les États respectifs prennent la décision officielle de désactiver ces groupes. Ce travail est développé en trois chapitres.Le premier chapitre compare l’émergence des groupes paramilitaires étudiés. A partir de cette perspective comparative et en utilisant certains éléments des approches systémique et structurelle fonctionnaliste, nous élaborons une conceptualisation théorique du phénomène paramilitaire. Selon cette conceptualisation, la fonction principale du paramilitarisme dans les trois cas d’étude est la protection de l’ordre social menacé.Le deuxième chapitre étudie les processus qui ont conduit à la désactivation officielle du paramilitarisme dans les trois pays analysés. À cette fin, nous comparons les conditions dans lesquelles se sont terminés les conflits armés respectifs, le contexte où chaque État a pris la décision de désactiver le paramilitarisme et les processus de Désarmement, de Démobilisation et de Réintégration (DDR).Le troisième chapitre compare la transformation des PAC, des rondes paysannes et des paramilitaires colombiens après leur désactivation officielle.La recherche se base sur la méthode comparative. Pour chaque chapitre, des variables de comparaison sont construites. Les sources d’information principales sont, premièrement, une révision bibliographique sur la conceptualisation théorique du paramilitarisme, les conflits armés et l’origine et l’évolution des PAC, des rondes paysannes et des paramilitaires colombiens. Deuxièmement, l’analyse des caractéristiques actuelles des groupes étudiés se base principalement sur une étude de presse on line.L’analyse comparative de l’émergence du paramilitarisme au Guatemala, au Pérou et en Colombie permet de conclure que l’existence d’un ordre social perçu comme menacé est à l’origine de la création de structures armées dont la fonction principale n’est pas de lutter contre la guérilla, mais la protection de cet ordre social. En conséquence, la persistance d’un contexte dans lequel l’ordre social ou le statu quo sont toujours considérés en danger est l’élément qui explique la poursuite du paramilitarisme. Ainsi, les structures qui existent actuellement au Guatemala et en Colombie sont, en effet, une forme de paramilitarisme, à la différence du Pérou<br>In the armed conflicts of Guatemala, Peru and Colombia, paramilitary groups were created to fight the guerrillas and also to prevent the mobilization of the social sectors interested in transforming the established social order. In these countries, different circumstances led to the official deactivation of paramilitary structures.Guatemala's paramilitary groups (PAC) were established by the state in the early 1980s and were formally demobilized in 1996 after the signing of peace agreements between the government and the guerrilla group URNG. In Peru, the peasant rounds were created in the south-central cordillera during the 1980s. In 2003, after the fall of President Fujimori, the Peruvian state ceases to motivate the organization of these armed groups. In Colombia, paramilitary groups were promoted during the 1980s by various actors, including regional elites, militaries and drug traffickers. In 2003, these armed groups signed a peace agreement with the government of President Uribe, in which they pledge to surrender arms and begin a gradual process of demobilization.Despite the aforementioned processes to disable paramilitaries, those groups continue to exist. Thus, it is relevant to ask whether these structures are still a form of paramilitarism and to identify the reasons why they are still present. In order to answer these questions, the main research objective is to analyze, from a comparative perspective, the transformation processes of PAC, peasant rounds and Colombian paramilitaries from the moment when the respective States took the official decision to disable these groups. This work is developed in three chapters.The first chapter compares the emergence of the paramilitary groups studied. From this comparative perspective and using certain elements of the systemic and the structuralist functionalist approaches, I propose a theoretical conceptualization of the paramilitary phenomenon. According to this conceptualization, the main function of paramilitarism in the three study cases is the protection of the threatened social order.The second chapter examines the processes that led to the official deactivation of paramilitarism in the three countries. To this end, we compare the conditions under which the respective armed conflicts ended, the context in which each State took the decision to disable the paramilitary and the different Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) processes.The third chapter compares the transformation of PACs, peasant rounds and Colombian paramilitaries after their official deactivation.The research is based on the comparative method. For each chapter, comparison variables are constructed. The main sources of information are, first, a bibliographic review on the theoretical conceptualization of paramilitarism, the armed conflicts of the respective countries and the origin and evolution of the studied groups. Secondly, a study of the online press about the recent activities of the PACs, peasant rounds and Colombian paramilitary groups to analyze the current characteristics these groups.Finally, the comparative analysis of the emergence of paramilitarism in Guatemala, Peru and Colombia leads to the conclusion that the existence of a social order perceived as threatened is the core element to explain the creation of those armed structures. The main objective is not to fight guerrilla, but to protect the social order. As a result, the persistence of a situation in which the social order or the status quo is still considered “in danger” explains the persistence of paramilitarism. Thus, the structures that currently exist in Guatemala and Colombia are, indeed, a form of paramilitarism, unlike Peru
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Grajales, Lopez Jacobo. "Le pouvoir des armes, le pouvoir de la loi : groupes paramilitaires et formation de l'Etat en Colombie." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0025.
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La relation des groupes armés non étatiques à l’Etat ne relève pas nécessairement d’une alternative exclusive entre l’affaiblissement étatique ou la délégation de la violence. Cette thèse prend comme objet la relation entre l’Etat et les groupes paramilitaires en Colombie afin d’étudier le lien entre la violence privée et la formation de l’Etat. L’histoire de ces groupes se caractérise à la fois par des alliances collusives avec des secteurs des élites politiques et administratives et par des processus de dénonciation qui rendent ces relations inavouables. Il s’agit donc d’une situation dans laquelle le pouvoir des armes échoue à se transformer en pouvoir légal. Une double perspective est mobilisée. Une première approche analyse le traitement des groupes paramilitaires par les institutions étatiques centrales, dans les termes d la politique de sécurité, de l’action judiciaire ou encore des politiques de sortie de conflit. Elle montre que ces groupes font l’objet d’une multiplicité de formes d’intervention étatique. Celles- ci ne peuvent se comprendre comme une forme univoque d’action publique, mais plutôt comme le signe de conflits intra-étatiques portant sur le contrôle et la régulation de la violence. Une seconde approche analyse l’action locale des groupes paramilitaires, à la fois dans leur intervention dans le jeu électoral, leur rôle d’entrepreneurs de violence, leur positionnement face aux guérillas et leur relation au marché. Elle montre que les groupes paramilitaires constituent des formes d’autorité locale. Loin de s’opposer à l’Etat, ils cherchent à tirer des bénéfices de leur position dans le maintien de l’ordre et l’exploitation des ressources<br>The relation between non-state armed groups and the state should not be necessarily interpreted as a mutually exclusive alternative between state weakness and violence sub- contracting. This thesis mobilizes a research on the relations between the state and paramilitary groups in Colombia in order to analyse the link between private violence and state formation. The history of these groups is characterized by the existence of collusive alliances with sectors of the political and administrative elites, but also by forms of denunciation and disclosure that delegitimize these relations. This thesis examines a situation in which the power of weapons fails to turn into legal power. From a double perspective, it mobilizes the conceptual tools of the historical sociology of the state. A first approach analyses the treatment of paramilitary groups by central state institutions, in terms of security policies, judicial action or peace-building policies. It shows that these groups are subject to multiple modalities of state intervention. These cannot be understood as a univocal form of public action, but rather as a sign of intra- state disputes over the control and regulation of private violence. A second approach analyses the local action of paramilitary groups: their intervention in the electoral process, their role as violent entrepreneurs, their positioning relative to the guerrillas and their relation to the market It shows that paramilitary groups are forms of local authority; far from being opposed to the state, they seek instead to benefit from their position as key actors for resource extraction, as well as in the construction and maintenance of local orders
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Berg, Dietrolf. "Der Wehrwolf 1923-1933 : vom Wehrverband zur nationalpolitischen Bewegung /." Toppenstedt : Berg, 2008. http://d-nb.info/989261131/04.
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Barria, Issa Cesar A. "The use of terrorism by drug trafficking organizations' paramilitary groups in Mexico." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5048.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited<br>In the early 1990s, Drug Trafficking Organizations (DTOs) created their own military arms that later evolved into sophisticated paramilitary groups, now engaged in an all-out war against the state and/or anyone who represents an obstacle for their criminal activities. Furthermore, they are not hesitating to use tactics of extreme violence as terrorism to psychologically impact their enemies and those civilians not supporting them. Historically, terrorism related to drugs is new in Mexico but not in Latin America. The illegal drug trade has funded terrorist groups in Peru and Colombia, empowered criminal organizations and caused them to challenge the state's authority. An objective comparison of these cases can teach important lessons and show new paths to follow in the solution of Mexico's costly conflict. This thesis will define: How, where and why are DTO's paramilitary groups opting for terrorism in Mexico. It will outline the proper mechanisms to counter that terrorism. There is a long way to go to win the war on drugs in Mexico, but in order to apply new long term, less direct, and more social-based strategies, it is urgent for the state to set the proper security conditions in the short term.
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Newman, Sean S. "Braving the swarm : lowering anticipated group bias in integrated fire/police units facing paramilitary terrorism." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5803.
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CHDS State/Local<br>Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited<br>The Fire the City of New York (FDNY) has responded to the consequences of terrorist incidents for decades, but global trends in active-shooter terrorism may force firefighters to operate in an active, hostile environment, and not just in the aftermath of attacks. In assault-style terrorism, a swift-moving, networked enemy combines small-arms with explosives or accelerants, causing extensive fires and smoke conditions, further endangering victims or hostages. To continue its position as a lead innovator in the national fire service, the FDNY must create new strategies and collaborations to frame its participation in swarm-like terrorist attacks, requiring a plurality of expertise from the across the emergency-responder spectrum. In light of this emerging threat, the all-hazards approach is no longer adequate. The answer to Mumbaistyle attacks may require combined fire/police units. The units can only succeed with an understanding of group bias, which must be attenuated or managed for the integrated unit to function effectively.
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Baird, Adam D. S. "Negotiating pathways to manhood: Violence reproduction in Medellin's periphery. Exploring habitus and masculinity to explain young men's decisions to join armed groups in poor urban neighbourhoods of Colombia." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5246.
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In recent years urban violence has become understood as a
'reproduced', multi-causal and socially generated phenomenon. Less is
understood about why young men reproduce the majority of this violence.
This thesis uses original empirical data based on thirty-two life-histories of
youths living in two poor and violent neighbourhoods in Medellín, Colombia. It
argues that urban violence is reproduced by male youths because it is linked
to 'masculinity'; that is, the process of 'becoming men' where youths strive to
fulfil productive or 'successful' models of masculinity. These processes are
related to contexts of poverty, inequality and exclusion, so this thesis does not
reduce the generation of urban violence to masculinity alone. Rather,
understanding masculinity provides us with further insight into the
reproduction of violence. This thesis further argues that male youths are
disposed by their habitus - after Pierre Bourdieu - to negotiate a pathway to
manhood that largely reflects traditional masculine values in their context.
Striving to achieve prevailing versions of manhood contributed to some of
these youths joining armed groups, such as gangs. The gang acted as a
mechanism to fulfil their dispositions to become men, by providing them with a
way to perform a version of 'successful' masculinity. This is prevalent in urban
contexts of exclusion and high levels of social violence, because there are
limited opportunities to achieve legal and dignified versions of manhood,
whilst there are significant opportunities to join the local gang. The youths
interviewed that did not join gangs tended to come from families that taught
them to reject violence at a young age, whilst supporting them in pursuing
alternative pathways to manhood. Youths that joined gangs tended to have
more problems at home and often had family members already in gangs.<br>ESRC, and University of Bradford
8
Micolta, Patricia. "Illicit Interest Groups: The Political Impact of The Medellin Drug Trafficking Organizations in Colombia." FIU Digital Commons, 2012. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/625.
Full textAbstract:
Although drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) exist and have an effect on health, crime, economies, and politics, little research has explored these entities as political organizations. Legal interest groups and movements have been found to influence domestic and international politics because they operate within legal parameters. Illicit groups, such as DTOs, have rarely been accounted for—especially in the literature on interest groups—though they play a measurable role in affecting domestic and international politics in similar ways.
Using an interest group model, this dissertation analyzed DTOs as illicit interest groups (IIGs) to explain their political influence. The analysis included a study of group formation, development, and demise that examined IIG motivation, organization, and policy impact. The data for the study drew from primary and secondary sources, which include interviews with former DTO members and government officials, government documents, journalistic accounts, memoirs, and academic research.
To illustrate the interest group model, the study examined Medellin-based DTO leaders, popularly known as the “Medellin Cartel.” In particular, the study focused on the external factors that gave rise to DTOs in Colombia and how Medellin DTOs reacted to the implementation of counternarcotics efforts. The discussion was framed by the implementation of the 1979 Extradition Treaty negotiated between Colombia and the United States. The treaty was significant because as drug trafficking became the principal bilateral issue in the 1980s; extradition became a major method of combating the illicit drug business.
The study’s findings suggested that Medellin DTO leaders had a one-issue agenda and used a variety of political strategies to influence public opinion and all three branches of government—the judicial, the legislative, and the executive—in an effort to invalidate the 1979 Extradition Treaty. The changes in the life cycle of the 1979 Extradition Treaty correlated with changes in the political power of Medellin-based DTOs vis-à-vis the Colombian government, and international forces such as the U.S. government’s push for tougher counternarcotics efforts.
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Baird, Adam David Scourfield. "Negotiating pathways to manhood : violence reproduction in Medellin's periphery : exploring habitus and masculinity to explain young men's decisions to join armed groups in poor urban neighbourhoods of Colombia." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5246.
Full textAbstract:
In recent years urban violence has become understood as a 'reproduced', multi-causal and socially generated phenomenon. Less is understood about why young men reproduce the majority of this violence. This thesis uses original empirical data based on thirty-two life-histories of youths living in two poor and violent neighbourhoods in Medellín, Colombia. It argues that urban violence is reproduced by male youths because it is linked to 'masculinity'; that is, the process of 'becoming men' where youths strive to fulfil productive or 'successful' models of masculinity. These processes are related to contexts of poverty, inequality and exclusion, so this thesis does not reduce the generation of urban violence to masculinity alone. Rather, understanding masculinity provides us with further insight into the reproduction of violence. This thesis further argues that male youths are disposed by their habitus - after Pierre Bourdieu - to negotiate a pathway to manhood that largely reflects traditional masculine values in their context. Striving to achieve prevailing versions of manhood contributed to some of these youths joining armed groups, such as gangs. The gang acted as a mechanism to fulfil their dispositions to become men, by providing them with a way to perform a version of 'successful' masculinity. This is prevalent in urban contexts of exclusion and high levels of social violence, because there are limited opportunities to achieve legal and dignified versions of manhood, whilst there are significant opportunities to join the local gang. The youths interviewed that did not join gangs tended to come from families that taught them to reject violence at a young age, whilst supporting them in pursuing alternative pathways to manhood. Youths that joined gangs tended to have more problems at home and often had family members already in gangs.
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Mitchell, William. ""Eighteen and half years old - ordinary young men, extraordinary times" : a biographical study into the temporal life-histories of former Loyalist paramilitaries in the Ulster Volunteer Force and its associated groups." Thesis, Ulster University, 2012. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.551231.
Full textAbstract:
Over the course of Northern Ireland's recent political conflict, categorised as 'The Troubles', a number of research studies into the involvement of former paramilitaries have been conducted. For example, various studies have focused on the reintegration of former paramilitaries back into their communities, while others focused on the involvement of former paramilitaries in conflict resolution and DOW former paramilitaries are dealing with the past. However, to this date, none have explored in any detail the situational forces and systemic influences that contributed to the transformation of ordinary young men into paramilitary killers. This six year, Ph. D. study seeks to fill this void by investigating what led ordinary young men to join paramilitary groups and perpetrate violence. Throughout this thesis, I will persistently repeat that seeking to understand such situational and systemic influences, on the participants in this investigation, is not an attempt to excuse them from, or absolve them of, their actions. This sociological study examines the biographical narratives of former Loyalist paramilitaries from inner city Belfast. The individuals under investigation are former political prisoners who were members of the paramilitary group known as the Ulster Volunteer Force, (UVF) or its associated groups namely the Young Citizen Volunteers, (YCV) and Red Hand Commando (RHC). Fourteen narratives have been captured using the method known as the Biographical Narrative Interpretive Method (BNIM) containing the personal accounts of the respondents. Two of the fourteen narratives are presented as case studies and are the main focus of the thesis. These oral histories offer a perspective on the past now which the narrators did not have at the time but which has emerged in the reflection on and telling of their stories. The additional twelve narratives are considered satellite cases from which material is used in support or otherwise of the two case studies. The retrospective period being investigated is from their earliest memories until their time of arrest. The specific relevance of this study is that it focuses on the situational factors which are influential in seeking to understand why ordinary young men, some of whom were still at school, engaged in the conflict at its most violent period, (1972-1975), and became killers. In addition, it aims to contribute an additional perspective to the body of literature on paramilitarism in Northern Ireland. The study is borne out of the personal experience of being a former political prisoner myself and has emerged out of consistent contact with former political prisoners over the past twenty years, during the course of my community development practice.
Books on the topic "Groupe paramilitaire"
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(Organization), Madagway Babaeyon, ed. Stop the killings of indigenous peoples by paramilitary groups in Mindanao, Philippines. Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development, 2011.
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McAuley, James W. Bury me under the Red Hand: Loyalist paramilitary group politics in contemporary Belfast. North Staffordshire Polytechnic Department of Sociology, 1988.
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3
Der Wehrwolf 1923-1933: Vom Wehrverband zur nationalpolitischen Bewegung. U. Berg, 2008.
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4
Corcoran, James. Bitter harvest: The birth of paramilitary terrorism in the heartland. Penguin Books, 1995.
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5
Death squads or self-defense forces?: How paramilitary groups emerge and threaten democracy in Latin America. University of North Carolina Press, 2009.
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El 10 de junio no se olvida! Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, Dirección General de Fomento Editorial, 2001.
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Concerns regarding possible collusion in Northern Ireland: Police and paramilitary groups : hearing before the Subcommittee on International Organizations, Human Rights, and Oversight of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Eleventh Congress, first session, October 22, 2009. U.S. G.P.O., 2010.
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Poh, Angela. Sanctions with Chinese Characteristics. Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463722353.
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The view that China has become increasingly assertive under President Xi Jinping is now a common trope in academic and media discourse. However, until the end of Xi Jinping’s first term in March 2018, China had been relatively restrained in its use of coercive economic measures. This is puzzling given the conventional belief among scholars and practitioners that sanctions are a middle ground between diplomatic and military/paramilitary action. Using a wide range of methods and data — including in-depth interviews with 76 current and former politicians, policy-makers, diplomats, and commercial actors across 12 countries and 16 cities — Sanctions with Chinese Characteristics: Rhetoric and Restraint in China’s Diplomacy examines the ways in which China had employed economic sanctions to further its political objectives, and the factors explaining China’s behaviour. This book provides a systematic investigation into the ways in which Chinese decisionmakers approached sanctions both at the United Nations Security Council and unilaterally, and shows how China’s longstanding sanctions rhetoric has had a constraining effect on its behaviour, resulting in its inability to employ sanctions in complete alignment with its immediate interests.
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Üngör, Uğur Ümit. Paramilitarism. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198825241.001.0001.
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From the deserts of Sudan to the jungles of Colombia, and from the streets of Belfast to the mountains of Kurdistan, paramilitaries have appeared in violent conflicts in very different settings. Paramilitaries are generally depicted as irregular armed organizations that carry out acts of violence against civilians on behalf of a state. In doing so, they undermine the state’s monopoly of legitimate violence, while at the same time creating a breeding ground for criminal activities. Why do governments with functioning police forces and armies use paramilitary groups? This book tackles this question through the prism of the interpenetration of paramilitaries and the state. The book interprets paramilitarism as the ability of the state to successfully outsource mass political violence against civilians that transforms and traumatizes societies. It analyzes how paramilitarism can be understood in a global context, and how paramilitarism is connected to transformations of warfare and state–society relations. By comparing a broad range of cases, it looks at how paramilitarism has made a profound impact in a large number of countries that were different, but nevertheless shared a history of pro-government militia activity. A thorough understanding of paramilitarism can clarify the direction and intensity of violence in wartime and peacetime. The book examines the issues of international involvement, institutional support, organized crime, party politics, and personal ties.
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Humanitarian engagement with armed groups: The Colombian paramilitaries. Henry Dunant Centre, 2002.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Groupe paramilitaire"
1
Kan, Paul Rexton. "Group Characteristics of Militias." In The Global Challenge of Militias and Paramilitary Violence. Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-13016-9_2.
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Hamill, Heather. "Loyalists." In The Hoods. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691180687.003.0006.
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This chapter turns to the Protestant community and examines paramilitary punishment attacks (PPAs) perpetrated by Loyalist paramilitaries. Although the violent methods used by Republican and Loyalist armed groups are similar, their motivation is somewhat different. In particular, the supply of PPAs carried out by Loyalist paramilitaries outweighs the demand from the local population. In this case, PPAs are used against delinquent young people, but they are also used to discipline members and settle scores within and between groups to a greater extent than in the Republican case. The chapter also examines antisocial behavior among young people in Protestant areas and finds differences between Protestants and Catholics in the specific types of offending. The explanation for this variation lies in the structure and number of Loyalist armed groups and the different types of opportunities for community recognition, which the respective political and paramilitary organizations offer to them.
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Üngör, Uğur Ümit. "The Organization of Paramilitarism." In Paramilitarism. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198825241.003.0004.
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How is paramilitary violence organized? Many studies of violent conflicts have demonstrated the central role of paramilitaries in the perpetration of violence against civilians. The organization of the violence is a crucial analytical category to be examined. Mass violence is often carried out according to clear divisions of labor: between the civil and military wings of the state, but also crucially between military and paramilitary groups. This chapter examines how states spawn and deploy paramilitary units. It does so by approaching paramilitarism from the perspective of the parastate: the complex interaction between security agencies, political parties, and communities that constitute the sociological infrastructure behind paramilitarism. The chapter analyzes how otherwise neutral and technocratic institutions, organizations, and agencies have collaborated in creating or condoning paramilitary forces. The chapter also discusses the violence that paramilitaries have committed, through a comparison of three massacres: the Bahia Portete massacre in Colombia (2004), the Cizre massacre in Turkey (1992), and the Trnovo massacre in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1995). The chapter closes with a discussion of a key element of paramilitarism: plausible deniability.
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Tasić, Dmitar. "Legacies." In Paramilitarism in the Balkans. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198858324.003.0008.
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Chapter VII as final chapter tells a story of legacies, that is, how it happened that in decade to follow, despite weakening of the paramilitary phenomenon, Balkan witnessed several revivals of the paramilitarism. Although in Yugoslavia it had slowly moved towards the commemorations, in Bulgaria ban of IMRO after the 1934 shattered its structures, and in Albania paramilitarism was neutralized through militarization, already during the Second World War it went through its first resurgence. Many paramilitary groups appeared claiming to rely on rich traditions of paramilitary organizing. After the war rich tradition and experience in guerrilla warfare made it possible for many anti-communist individuals and groups to try to resist rapid sovietisation of their respective countries. Finally, during the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia during 1990’s many paramilitary groups tried to appeal to senses of common people and evoke legacies of paramilitary organization of the past. Although they claimed to be heirs of paramilitaries from the time of Macedonian struggle 1903–1908, Balkan Wars and First World War, their ethos, behavioural patterns, and language made them very different. Their appearance was the only thing they had in common. Needless to say how majority of the perpetrators of war crimes during the Yugoslav wars were actually members of various paramilitary organizations.
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Scull, Margaret M. "‘The Demands of Justice Must be Stated before the Words of Peace Find a Receptive Ground, 1972–1976’." In The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Troubles, 1968-1998. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843214.003.0002.
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These years mark the bloodiest of the conflict with the highest number of deaths. Priests, women religious, and the Irish Catholic hierarchy continued to find their voice in condemning violence and, in private moments, acted as mediators between the British government and republican paramilitary groups. However, ecumenical efforts between Protestant and Catholic Church leaders at this time remained limited. The English Catholic Church hierarchy began to publicly condemn republican paramilitaries as the IRA started to bomb England. The death of IRA member James McDade, after a bomb he planted in Coventry exploded prematurely, marked the first major schism between English and Irish Catholic Church doctrine and practice. This set a course of confusion over the Church stance on issues of suicide and excommunication that continued for the rest of the conflict.
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McEvoy, Sandra M. "Protestant Paramilitary Mothering." In Troubling Motherhood. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190939182.003.0003.
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This chapter explores what often appear to be the irreconcilable differences between embracing and resisting normative tropes of maternity and motherhood that have long preoccupied some feminist scholars of International Relations. Drawing on interview data collected by McEvoy from 2006 to 2017, the chapter interrogates the use of political violence by politically violent mothers who served in Protestant paramilitary organizations (PPOs) in Northern Ireland during the 30-year conflict between 1968 and 1998. The chapter sheds new light on understanding mothers’ roles in political violence in their service to PPOs by exploring motivation for participation and familial opinions of this participation. To further complicate women’s revelations in this regard, the chapter investigates the strategic (gendered) benefits and implications of mothers who embrace political violence. The chapter also reaches beyond scholarly interpretations of motherhood and political violence by including of a coauthor and key informant, “Chloe White.” Chloe is a mother and former member of a PPO in Northern Ireland, and her insights on the relationship between political violence and motherhood complement similar insights from more than a dozen PPO mothers who participated in groups during the conflict.
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Üngör, Uğur Ümit. "Introduction." In Paramilitarism. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198825241.003.0001.
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What is paramilitarism? This introductory chapter engages with the scholarship on paramilitarism, conceptualizes the phenomenon, and clarifies the book’s approach. It opens with a prologue on the Syrian paramilitary criminal Suleiman al-Assad, the president’s nephew, who committed a murder in broad daylight in the city of Latakia and enjoyed impunity by hiding behind his paramilitary group. The chapter identifies areas in the research field that require development and suggests how to bridge the gaps between different literatures. In this book, paramilitarism is defined as clandestine, irregular, pro-state armed groups that carry out acts of violence against clearly defined civilian individuals or groups. The range of state involvement extends on a spectrum from spontaneous vigilantism to fully accountable special operatives. Paramilitarism has great importance for understanding the processes of violence that are played out during civil wars, counter-insurgency operations, and massacres including genocide. The chapter approaches paramilitarism from the perspective of three relevant forces: historical legacies, organized crime, and institutional relationships.
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Mazzei, Julie. "Paramilitary Groups of Chiapas Targets, Triad, Foot Soldiers." In Death Squads or Self-Defense Forces? University of North Carolina Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/9780807898611_mazzei.6.
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Steele, Abbey. "Political Cleansing and Resistance in Apartadó." In Democracy and Displacement in Colombia's Civil War. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501713736.003.0006.
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Chapter five moves to one municipality to test the theory based on detailed information about which civilians and neighborhoods armed groups targeted, and who left the municipality as a result. I show that residents of UP-supporting neighborhoods were much likelier to leave Apartadó between 1991 and 1998, using local electoral returns and voter censuses. To investigate if the variation in displacement across political groups was caused by the conquering paramilitary groups, I draw on archival and interview evidence and show that the displacement of UP supporters was the result of a concerted paramilitary campaign. This chapter also explores how two rural communities were able to withstand collective targeting and thwart political cleansing, against the odds.
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Grubb, Amy E. "The Impact of Civil Action on Levels of Violence." In Civil Action and the Dynamics of Violence. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190056896.003.0005.
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This study explores the impact of civil action in two communities with different levels of violence during the 1971–1976 period in Northern Ireland’s Troubles. This chapter argues that although members of the police, military, Irish Republican Army (IRA), and loyalist paramilitaries perpetrated violence, the degree of civil action in interactions between these groups and civil rights protesters, counterprotesters, politicians, and community members impacted the trajectory and level of violence within communities. In the Dungannon district, uncivil action in the form of the police colluding with loyalist counterprotesters exacerbated local polarization and subsequent republican and loyalist radicalization. A retaliatory cycle of IRA and loyalist violence began that institutionalized a sectarian, community-wide conflict as paramilitaries targeted civilians based on identity and many residents, particularly Catholics, refused to support police and military security efforts given their fear of state collusion, inadvertently benefiting the paramilitaries. Conversely, the Omagh district experienced more civil action on the part of police, protesters, and counterprotesters, which limited polarization and led to more outwardly oriented republican radicalization and minimal loyalist radicalization, containing violence. Overall, these cases suggest that examining on-the-ground interactions during the process of violence is necessary to explain civil action’s impact on the trajectory and intensity of violence within a community and within the larger intrastate conflict.
Conference papers on the topic "Groupe paramilitaire"
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Tominc, Bernarda, and Andrej Sotlar. "Varnostno samoorganiziranje državljanov – med teoretičnim konceptom in slovensko deklarativno prakso." In Varnost v ruralnih in urbanih okoljih: konferenčni zbornik. Univerzitetna založba Univerze v Mariboru, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/978-961-286-404-0.7.
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Security self-organization is a natural right of an individual and a social group. Still, this right is, in conditions of a high degree of institutionalization of security systems, (partially) regulated by the states – both in declarative and legal manners. In Slovenia, this right has been explicitly provided in the resolutions of the national security strategy (1993, 2001, 2010, 2019), as well as in some key legislation from the field of the internal security system, the defence system, and the system of protection against natural and other disasters. Given that there has been no excessive interest in security self-organization in the last three decades in practice, it seems that also the state did not put many interests in the development of this area, neither in terms of support nor in terms of restrictions. However, the sudden appearance of the paramilitary guards (slov. varde) has initiated a vigorous debate in the professional and lay public, showing that a fair share of civil society and security professionals are unwilling to tolerate security self-organization that tries – self-proclaimed and self-assessed – to fill the security deficit of state organizations.