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1

(Organization), Madagway Babaeyon, ed. Stop the killings of indigenous peoples by paramilitary groups in Mindanao, Philippines. Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development, 2011.

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2

McAuley, James W. Bury me under the Red Hand: Loyalist paramilitary group politics in contemporary Belfast. North Staffordshire Polytechnic Department of Sociology, 1988.

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3

Der Wehrwolf 1923-1933: Vom Wehrverband zur nationalpolitischen Bewegung. U. Berg, 2008.

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4

Corcoran, James. Bitter harvest: The birth of paramilitary terrorism in the heartland. Penguin Books, 1995.

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5

Death squads or self-defense forces?: How paramilitary groups emerge and threaten democracy in Latin America. University of North Carolina Press, 2009.

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6

El 10 de junio no se olvida! Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, Dirección General de Fomento Editorial, 2001.

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7

Concerns regarding possible collusion in Northern Ireland: Police and paramilitary groups : hearing before the Subcommittee on International Organizations, Human Rights, and Oversight of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Eleventh Congress, first session, October 22, 2009. U.S. G.P.O., 2010.

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8

Poh, Angela. Sanctions with Chinese Characteristics. Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463722353.

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The view that China has become increasingly assertive under President Xi Jinping is now a common trope in academic and media discourse. However, until the end of Xi Jinping’s first term in March 2018, China had been relatively restrained in its use of coercive economic measures. This is puzzling given the conventional belief among scholars and practitioners that sanctions are a middle ground between diplomatic and military/paramilitary action. Using a wide range of methods and data — including in-depth interviews with 76 current and former politicians, policy-makers, diplomats, and commercial actors across 12 countries and 16 cities — Sanctions with Chinese Characteristics: Rhetoric and Restraint in China’s Diplomacy examines the ways in which China had employed economic sanctions to further its political objectives, and the factors explaining China’s behaviour. This book provides a systematic investigation into the ways in which Chinese decisionmakers approached sanctions both at the United Nations Security Council and unilaterally, and shows how China’s longstanding sanctions rhetoric has had a constraining effect on its behaviour, resulting in its inability to employ sanctions in complete alignment with its immediate interests.
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9

Üngör, Uğur Ümit. Paramilitarism. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198825241.001.0001.

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From the deserts of Sudan to the jungles of Colombia, and from the streets of Belfast to the mountains of Kurdistan, paramilitaries have appeared in violent conflicts in very different settings. Paramilitaries are generally depicted as irregular armed organizations that carry out acts of violence against civilians on behalf of a state. In doing so, they undermine the state’s monopoly of legitimate violence, while at the same time creating a breeding ground for criminal activities. Why do governments with functioning police forces and armies use paramilitary groups? This book tackles this question through the prism of the interpenetration of paramilitaries and the state. The book interprets paramilitarism as the ability of the state to successfully outsource mass political violence against civilians that transforms and traumatizes societies. It analyzes how paramilitarism can be understood in a global context, and how paramilitarism is connected to transformations of warfare and state–society relations. By comparing a broad range of cases, it looks at how paramilitarism has made a profound impact in a large number of countries that were different, but nevertheless shared a history of pro-government militia activity. A thorough understanding of paramilitarism can clarify the direction and intensity of violence in wartime and peacetime. The book examines the issues of international involvement, institutional support, organized crime, party politics, and personal ties.
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10

Humanitarian engagement with armed groups: The Colombian paramilitaries. Henry Dunant Centre, 2002.

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11

Henri Dunant Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue., ed. Humanitarianism engagement with armed groups: The Colombian paramilitaries. Henri Dunant Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue, 2003.

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12

Burke, Kyle. Revolutionaries for the Right. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469640730.001.0001.

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Freedom fighters. Guerrilla warriors. Soldiers of fortune. The many civil wars and rebellions against communist governments drew heavily from this cast of characters. Yet from Nicaragua to Afghanistan, Vietnam to Angola, Cuba to the Congo, the connections between these anticommunist groups have remained hazy and their coordination obscure. Yet as Kyle Burke reveals, these conflicts were the product of a rising movement that sought paramilitary action against communism worldwide. Tacking between the United States and many other countries, Burke offers an international history not only of the paramilitaries who started and waged small wars in the second half of the twentieth century but of conservatism in the Cold War era. From the start of the Cold War, Burke shows, leading U.S. conservatives and their allies abroad dreamed of an international anticommunist revolution. They pinned their hopes to armed men, freedom fighters who could unravel communist states from within. And so they fashioned a global network of activists and state officials, guerrillas and mercenaries, ex-spies and ex-soldiers to sponsor paramilitary campaigns in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Blurring the line between state-sanctioned and vigilante violence, this armed crusade helped radicalize right-wing groups in the United States while also generating new forms of privatized warfare abroad.
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13

Ballvé, Teo. The Frontier Effect. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501747533.001.0001.

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This book challenges the notion that in Urabá, Colombia, the cause of the region's violent history and unruly contemporary condition is the absence of the state. Although the book takes this locally oft-repeated claim seriously, it demonstrates that Urabá is more than a case of Hobbesian political disorder. Through this exploration of war, paramilitary organizations, grassroots support and resistance, and drug-related violence, the book argues that Urabá, rather than existing in statelessness, has actually been an intense and persistent site of state-building projects. Indeed, these projects have thrust together an unlikely gathering of guerilla groups, drug-trafficking paramilitaries, military strategists, technocratic planners, local politicians, and development experts each seeking to give concrete coherence to the inherently unwieldy abstraction of “the state” in a space in which it supposedly does not exist. By untangling this odd mix, the book reveals how Colombia's violent conflicts have produced surprisingly coherent and resilient, if not at all benevolent, regimes of rule.
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14

Nelson, Sarah. Ulster's Uncertain Defenders: Protestant Political, Paramilitary and Community Groups and the Northern Ireland Conflict. Syracuse Univ Pr (Sd), 1987.

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15

Mazzei, Julie. Death Squads or Self-Defense Forces?: How Paramilitary Groups Emerge and Challenge Democracy in Latin America. University of North Carolina Press, 2009.

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16

Mazzei, Julie. Death Squads or Self-Defense Forces?: How Paramilitary Groups Emerge and Challenge Democracy in Latin America. University of North Carolina Press, 2009.

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17

Balkelis, Tomas. Home Front. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199668021.003.0007.

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This chapter discusses the militarization of Lithuanian society, most evident in the emergence of a mass paramilitary movement that developed from a small group of the local intelligentsia based in Kaunas. The paramilitary Riflemen Union of Lithuania (šauliai) played a significant military role in helping to contain Lithuania’s foes, providing security inside the country and mobilizing the civilian population for the cause of independence. It also explores several key events that were used as mobilizing moments and helped to create the home front: the putsch of the Polish Military Organization in 1919 and a soldiers’ revolt in 1920 that took place in government-controlled territory.
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18

Balkelis, Tomas. Multidirectional War and Paramilitarism. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199668021.003.0006.

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This chapter, by following the course of military actions in Lithuania in 1919, explores the emergence of various military and paramilitary groups that engaged in different types of violence. The focus here is on the entanglement of three types of actors: those that performed state-sanctioned violence; those that acted as semi-independent paramilitary agents, and those that engaged in ethnically or socially motivated violence on a local level. The ability of the Lithuanian government to survive the series of military engagements in 1919 enhanced its legitimacy among the local population, and laid the foundation for a modern Lithuanian identity among the masses. Yet the new state and national identity were shaped in a continuous cycle of violence, social strife, mobilization, and militarization of society.
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19

Manuel José Cepeda, Espinosa, and Landau David. Part Two Rights, 7 The Rights of Victims and Transitional Justice. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780190640361.003.0007.

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Because of the scope and duration of Colombia’s internal armed conflict, that conflict has produced much suffering in the civilian population. This chapter focuses on the Court’s jurisprudence protecting the rights of victims, especially of the internal armed conflict. In this area, the incorporation of international law has been particularly important. Drawing on this jurisprudence, the Court has insisted that victims be given rights to truth, justice, and reparations. The contours of this right have proven particularly important in processes in which the government has sought to give amnesties or sentence reductions in return for participation in the peace process by illegal armed groups, first with paramilitaries and now with guerrilla groups. In reviewing these frameworks, the Court has sought to create criteria that are flexible while retaining the core restrictions of international human rights law and international humanitarian law.
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20

1950-, Poma Muruchi, ed. Ponchos Rojos. FODENPO, 2008.

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21

Ponchos Rojos. FODENPO, 2008.

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22

Juffer, Jane. “They Cling to Guns or Religion”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037665.003.0011.

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This chapter discusses how migration has become a central issue for the U.S. religious Right, which has joined forces with city councils, paramilitary border vigilante groups, and conservative politicians to proclaim that Latino migrants represent a threat to family values, the “law,” and the so-called Anglo-Saxon, Protestant roots of the nation. This coalition has been particularly influential in areas of the country where there have previously been few Latino residents, such as small-town Pennsylvania. In addition to Altoona and Hazleton in this state, more than a hundred cities across the country have passed laws that make it illegal for employers to hire and landlords to rent to undocumented peoples. Though purportedly local in their ambitions, the ordinances are underwritten by national organizations with connections to the Christian Right and white supremacist groups; together, they have rallied people around an antiglobalization populism that claims the federal government is not doing its job policing the borders and maintaining national economic sovereignty.
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23

Idler, Annette. Borderland Battles. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190849146.001.0001.

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Borderlands are like a magnifying glass on some of the world’s most entrenched security challenges. In unstable regions, border areas attract violent non-state groups, ranging from rebels and paramilitaries to criminal organizations, who exploit central government neglect. These groups compete for territorial control, cooperate in illicit cross-border activities, and provide a substitute for the governance functions usually associated with the state. Drawing on extensive fieldwork with more than six hundred interviews in and on the shared borderlands of Colombia, Ecuador, and Venezuela—where conflict is rife and crime thriving—this book provides exclusive firsthand insights into these war-torn spaces. It reveals how dynamic interactions among violent non-state groups produce a complex security landscape with ramifications for order and governance both locally and beyond. These interactions create not only physical violence but also less visible forms of insecurity. When groups fight each other, community members are exposed to violence but can follow the rules imposed by the opposing actors. Unstable short-term arrangements among violent non-state groups fuel mistrust and uncertainty among communities, eroding their social fabric. Where violent non-state groups engage in relatively stable long-term arrangements, “shadow citizenship” arises: a mutually reinforcing relationship between violent non-state groups that provide public goods and services, and communities that consent to their illicit authority. Contrary to state-centric views that consider borderlands uniformly violent spaces, the transnational borderland lens adopted in the book demonstrates how the geography and political economy of these borderlands intensify these multifaceted security impacts.
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24

Goswami, Namrata. The Naga Ethnic Movement for a Separate Homeland. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190121174.001.0001.

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This book offers a compelling ground-based narrative of the Naga armed ethnic movement ongoing since 1918 for a separate independent homeland in Northeast India. Based on my nearly nine years of studying the conflict and my extensive fieldwork in the area, I offer a gripping and unique narrative of how the Naga armed conflict has affected lives on a daily basis. The book offer stories from people who have thought about the conflict, being born into it, taken part in it, or have been directly or indirectly affected by it. It includes glimpses about their love for their land, the poignant mix of identity, politics, emotions, culture as well as the very real inter-ethnic differences that fuel the conflict. The book explains how the Naga population perceives their meeting point with the institutions of the Indian state in the midst of a conflict zone, especially the army and the paramilitary. It documents what it feels like to live in a conflict zone and the restrains and/or constrains that it cultivates in people, especially those young. I write for the reader, stories of immense courage and conviction that I have encountered as I travelled through the Northeast in the last nine years as well as from decades spent, growing up in Haflong, Assam. These stories are poignant yet joyful, sometimes melancholy, sometimes full of aspirations for the future. These complex stories, when woven together, offers a captivating narrative to get a better grasp of life in these Naga-inhabited areas of India and Burma.
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25

McAuley, James White. Very British Rebels?: The Culture and Politics of Ulster Loyalism. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2017.

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26

Very British Rebels?: The Culture and Politics of Ulster Loyalism. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2015.

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27

De las armas a la política. IEPRI, 1999.

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