To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Groupe paramilitaire.
Journal articles on the topic 'Groupe paramilitaire'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Groupe paramilitaire.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Tribín, Ana María. "Paramilitaries and Electoral Support." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 21, no. 2 (2015): 191–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2014-0050.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper examines the tactical redistribution of public resources by an incumbent seeking reelection in a country in the midst of an armed conflict. The illegal armed groups in Colombia are known to have extreme ideological beliefs; the guerrillas lean far to the Left, and the paramilitaries, far to the Right. The model and the empirical results show that regions with powerful groups who have a defined political ideology are less strategically attractive when it comes to the distribution of government resources. Nevertheless, when an illegal group can coerce voters to support a candidate and decide between candidates, as in the case of paramilitaries, redistribution is targeted to the illegal group. As a natural experiment, this paper empirically tests the effect of a policy to demobilize and reintegrate the members of paramilitary groups into society, so as to show the decisions on redistribution change when paramilitary forces do not exercise control in the municipalities.
2
Aliyev, Huseyn. "Strong militias, weak states and armed violence: Towards a theory of ‘state-parallel’ paramilitaries." Security Dialogue 47, no. 6 (2016): 498–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010616669900.
Full textAbstract:
This article challenges the well-established presentation within conflict studies of paramilitary organizations as state-manipulated death squads or self-defence groups, and argues that some present-day militias extend their functions well beyond the role of shadowy pro-regime enforcers. Drawing its empirical insights from Ukrainian pro-government volunteer battalions and supporting its findings with empirical observations from other parts of the world, the article posits that the rise of powerful militia organizations acting in parallel with the state makes it imperative to revisit the theory and typology of paramilitary violence. The key theoretical argument of the article is that ‘state-parallel’ militias differ qualitatively from the ‘state-manipulated’ paramilitaries that are typical of the Cold War period. The article shows that although ‘state-parallel’ paramilitaries are not a new phenomenon, they have thus far remained critically understudied and undertheorized.
3
Krakowski, Krzysztof. "Colombian Paramilitaries Since Demobilization: Between State Crackdown and Increased Violence." Latin American Politics and Society 57, no. 4 (2015): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2015.00287.x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article addresses the puzzle of heterogeneous trends in paramilitary violence on the Colombian Pacific Coast since the beginning of the disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) process in 2003. The usual explanations derived from political conflict theories are improved with insights from organized crime research. The article argues that the occasional escalation of post-DDR paramilitary violence at the subregional level cannot be explained by the weakness of the state argument. Instead, the article demonstrates the counterintuitive evidence that paramilitary violence correlates positively with the incidence of state repressive intervention against paramilitary groups. More specifically, paramilitaries challenged by the state use more violence, either to replace their nonviolent resources most affected by law enforcement activities or to respond to crackdown-related intensification of predatory tendencies within their respective organizations.
4
Forero, Jorge Enrique. "State, Illegality, and Territorial Control." Latin American Perspectives 43, no. 1 (2015): 238–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x15571274.
Full textAbstract:
The inevitable incursion of Colombian armed groups into Ecuador remained at low levels for decades, but in the late 1990s the United States increased its level of engagement in the conflict and the Colombian government permitted the expansion of paramilitaries into the South of the country. While Rafael Correa’s Plan Ecuador privileged economic development in the border region as a way of promoting peace there, the massacre by the Colombian military in Angostura (Sucumbíos) in March 2008 led to an increase in military spending and increasing violations of the human rights of the region’s people. Socioeconomic conditions remain favorable to the expansion of the paramilitary organizations, linked to drug trafficking, gasoline smuggling, and other illegal activities. Without the resurrection of Plan Ecuador, their presence will continue to threaten the sovereignty of the state and the consolidation of its progressive national project. La incursión inevitable de los grupos armados colombianos en Ecuador se mantuvo en niveles bajos durante décadas, pero a finales de los 90s los Estados Unidos aumentaron su nivel de participación en el conflicto y el gobierno colombiano permitió la expansión de los paramilitares en el sur del país. Si bien el Plan Ecuador de Rafael Correa privilegió el desarrollo económico en la región fronteriza como una forma de promover la paz allí, la masacre por el ejército colombiano en Angostura (Sucumbíos) en marzo de 2008 generó un incremento en el gasto militar y el aumento de violaciones de los derechos humanos de la gente de la región. Las condiciones socioeconómicas siguen siendo favorables a la expansión de las organizaciones paramilitares, vinculadas al tráfico de drogas, contrabando de gasolina, y otras actividades ilegales. Sin la resurrección del Plan Ecuador, su presencia seguirá amenazando la soberanía del Estado y la consolidación de su proyecto nacional progresista.
5
Gallego, Jorge. "Civil conflict and voting behavior: Evidence from Colombia." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 6 (2018): 601–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894218788362.
Full textAbstract:
What are the effects of war on political behavior? Colombia is an interesting case in which conflict and elections coexist, and illegal armed groups intentionally affect electoral outcomes. Nonetheless, groups have used different strategies to alter these results. This paper argues that differential effects of violence on electoral outcomes are the result of deliberate strategies followed by illegal groups, which in turn result from military conditions that differ between them. Using panel data from Senate elections from 1994 to 2006 and an instrumental variables approach to address potential endogeneity concerns, this paper shows that guerrilla violence decreases turnout, while paramilitary violence has no effect on participation, but reduces electoral competition and benefits non-traditional third parties. FARC violence is significantly higher during election years, while paramilitary violence is lower. This is consistent with the hypothesis that the guerrillas’ strategy is to sabotage elections, while paramilitaries establish alliances with certain candidates.
6
Kreutz, Joakim, and Enzo Nussio. "Destroying Trust in Government: Effects of a Broken Pact among Colombian Ex-Combatants." International Studies Quarterly 63, no. 4 (2019): 1175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz058.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Mistrust between conflict parties after civil war is a major hurdle to sustainable peace. However, existing research focuses on elite interactions and has not examined the trust relationship between government and rank-and-file members of armed groups, despite their importance for postconflict stability. We use the unexpected decision of the Colombian government to extradite top-level former paramilitary leaders to the United States in 2008 to identify how a peace deal reversal influences ex-combatants’ trust in government. In theory, they may lose trust for instrumental reasons, if they suffer personal costs, or for normative reasons, if they think the government is failing its commitments. Using quasi-experimental survey evidence, we find that extradition decreases trust substantially among ex-paramilitaries, but not in a comparison group of ex-guerrillas not part of the same peace deal. Even though paramilitaries are seen as particularly opportunistic, our evidence suggests that normative rather than instrumentalist considerations led to trust erosion.
7
Tsoutsoumpis, Spyridon. "Paramilitarism, politics and organized crime during the Greek civil war (1945–1949)." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 43, no. 02 (2019): 262–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2019.14.
Full textAbstract:
The historiography of the Greek civil war has made significant progress during the past decade, but the origins, role and activities of paramilitaries remain under-researched. Most studies have focused on the period of the ‘white terror’ and explored the collusion between the state and the paramilitary groups. Although such studies have advanced our understanding of this turbulent period, they have not discussed important issues such as the motivation of the rank and file members, the sociopolitical networks used to recruit and mobilize support and the diverse conditions under which militias emerge. The article will address this lacuna and provide new insights into the origins, development and legacies of paramilitarism.
8
Murillo Delgadillo, María Fernanda. "Algunas consideraciones sobre la independencia de la justicia." Revista Habitus: Semilleros de investigación, no. 3 (September 7, 2012): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.19053/22158391.1791.
Full textAbstract:
La independencia de la justicia se concibe como un valor inherente a la función del servidor público, representa una cualidad y un derecho que los Estados deben garantizara sus administrados. Colombia es un país generador de agresiones contra la justicia, las que se acrecientan por la presencia de grupos paramilitares que, pese a estardesmovilizados, tienen bajo su control gran parte del territorio patrio. En este informe veremos la concepción, “el deber ser” de la independencia judicial, y después abordaremos la problemática de las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC), algunas manifestaciones de su presión y los tipos de procesos en los cuales interfieren, en cuatro ciudades, Bogotá, Cali, Medellín y Tunja. Palabras claveIndependencia judicial, intromisión,prensa, grupos armados al margen de la ley, paramilitarismo.AbstractThe independence of justice is seen as an inherent value to the role of public servant and represents a quality and right that States must guarantee to their people. Colombia is a country that generates attacks against justice, aggressions that are enhanced by the presence of paramilitary groups which, despite being demobilized, control much of the homeland. In this report we will see the concept, what “should be” judicial independence, then we address the problem of the United Self-defense groups of Colombia (AUC), some demonstrations of their pressure and the type of processes in which they interfere, in four cities:Bogotá, Cali, Medellín andTunja. KeywordsIndependence of justice, meddling, press, armed groups outside the law, paramilitary activity.
9
Barbosa Caro, Eduar, and Johanna Ramírez Suavita. "Paramilitarism and music in Colombia." Politics of Sound 18, no. 4 (2019): 541–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.19019.bar.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Colombia has experienced violence at the hands of both guerrillas and paramilitaries fighting to control territories, drug trafficking, and gain political influence. Though in recent years armed activities by both groups has subsided, their conflicting ideologies are visible in several contexts in today’s polarized Colombia. We tend to think about conflict in terms of bullets and people in military uniforms, but discourses of conflict are also evident in popular culture, such as music. In this paper, we analyse 19 corridos paracos, videos produced by sympathisers of Right-wing guerrilla groups, to demonstrate how this is done. Here, we find songs present a messianic portrayal of the paramilitary along with sexist ideas as the representation of manliness. Moreover, there is an almost total absence of peaceful actions in the lyrics, and an exaltation of brutality and terrorism. In a political context which cries out for reconciliation, these do little to this end.
10
Oppenheim, Ben, Abbey Steele, Juan F. Vargas, and Michael Weintraub. "True Believers, Deserters, and Traitors." Journal of Conflict Resolution 59, no. 5 (2015): 794–823. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715576750.
Full textAbstract:
Anti-insurgent militias and states attempt to erode insurgent groups’ capacities and co-opt insurgent fighters by promising and providing benefits. They do so to create a perception that the insurgency is unraveling and to harness inside information to prosecute more effective counterinsurgency campaigns. Why do some insurgents defect to a paramilitary group and others exit the war by demobilizing, while still others remain loyal to their group? This article presents the first empirical analysis of these questions, connecting insurgents’ motivations for joining, wartime experiences, and organizational behavior with decisions to defect. A survey of ex-combatants in Colombia shows that individuals who joined for ideological reasons are less likely to defect overall but more likely to side-switch or demobilize when their group deviates from its ideological precepts. Among fighters who joined for economic reasons, political indoctrination works to decrease their chances of demobilization and defection to paramilitaries, while opportunities for looting decrease economically motivated combatants’ odds of defection.
11
Burbidge, Peter. "Justice and Peace? – The Role of Law in Resolving Colombia's Civil Conflict." International Criminal Law Review 8, no. 3 (2008): 557–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181208x308556.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe Colombian Parliament's Justice and Peace law of 2005, introduced by the government of President Alvaro Uribe, allows members of armed groups involved in Colombia's 40-year old conflict to re-enter civilian life by paying an alternative penalty of 5-8 years' prison, even where their crimes concern mass-murder. The process is conditional on a full confession and the proper recompense for the victims. The Law however benefits primarily the pro-state paramilitaries, as the left-wing guerrilla groups have yet to make peace, and has thus been described as a transitional justice system without the transition. This article considers the provisions of the 2005 law against the background of the Constitutional Court's 2006 decision on its validity and the requirements of international criminal law and human rights law. It considers whether it satisfies the requirements of the International Criminal Court, which has jurisdiction over Colombia's conflict but with an opt-out till 2009 for war-crimes. Will the process resolve the problem of Colombia's "impunity" – the failure to prosecute paramilitary crimes - which has been condemned by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights? In conclusion it compares the process to other transitional justice systems in South Africa and Northern Ireland.
12
Üngör, Uğur Ümit. "Shabbiha: Paramilitary groups, mass violence and social polarization in Homs." Violence: An International Journal 1, no. 1 (2020): 59–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2633002420907771.
Full textAbstract:
Within a year, the Syrian uprising in March 2011 developed into a civil war that gradually escalated and within 9 years killed over half a million people, displaced half the country’s prewar population, devastated the economy, and destabilized the entire region, and even the world. The Syrian civil war split the country into four factions that were continuously at war with each other with intermittent, unstable ceasefires: the Assad regime, the various rebel groups, the Kurds, and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). The Assad regime was responsible for the bulk of the violence against civilians, qualitatively and quantitatively. Its violent crackdown on the mass protests in Syria became more extensive and intensive throughout the first years of the conflict. A key aspect of the regime’s repression against the population was its use of paramilitary forces, the so-called “ Shabbiha,” a catch-all category for irregular, pro-government militias dressed in (semi-)civilian gear and linked organically to the regime. From 2012 onward, they gradually became formalized, first in the Popular Committees (اللجان الشعبيه), and then in the National Defense Forces (قوات الدفاع الوطني) (NDF). Their violence strongly polarized sectarian relations in Syria, and therefore the Shabbiha are vital to understanding the broader conflict. This article will look at the mobilization and violence of the Shabbiha in the city of Homs. It is based on a combination of sources including ethnographic research, interviews with Shabbiha members, social media content, video clips, leaked documents, and testimonies of victims and other eye witnesses.
13
Işık, Ayhan. "Types of Turkish Paramilitary Groups in the 1980s and 1990s." Journal of Perpetrator Research 3, no. 2 (2021): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21039/jpr.3.2.87.
Full text
14
Saab, Bilal Y., and Alexandra W. Taylor. "Criminality and Armed Groups: A Comparative Study of FARC and Paramilitary Groups in Colombia." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 32, no. 6 (2009): 455–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100902892570.
Full text
15
ROZEMA, RALPH. "Urban DDR-processes: paramilitaries and criminal networks in Medellín, Colombia." Journal of Latin American Studies 40, no. 3 (2008): 423–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x08004392.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWhile most scientific studies on disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) of former combatants focus on the countryside, the case of the paramilitaries in Medellín, Colombia, provides an exceptional opportunity to study such a process in a metropolitan environment. Analysis reveals how an urban DDR-process may lead to highly contradictory results: a strong decrease in the number of homicides and at the same time a consolidation of networks of criminal groups. Extralegal combatants, especially in an urban environment, are able to form extensive networks with criminal organisations. Although DDR-approaches warn of the risk that ex-combatants may resort to violence, scholars tend to disregard existing networks of groups of combatants and powerful criminal organisations in their analyses. Taking theories on DDR as a starting point and reflecting on earlier local peace initiatives, this article analyses the process with paramilitaries in Medellín. It argues that although, the local peace process has led to some significant results, it has to date failed to address the wider network of criminal organisations within which former paramilitaries were and continue to be involved.
16
Grajales, Jacobo. "Private Security and Paramilitarism in Colombia: Governing in the Midst of Violence." Journal of Politics in Latin America 9, no. 3 (2017): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1700900302.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the links between paramilitary groups and the Colombian state within a context of pervasive violence. Colombia represents a particularly interesting case as high-intensity violence is accompanied by the preservation of a relatively strong institutional framework. Most interpretations of this relationship consider it to be either a sign of state weakness or a centralized strategy to outsource violence. Taking a different stance, the paper argues that the existence of paramilitary groups compels us to analyze government through practices vis-à-vis the treatment of violence. A policy linking private security and counterinsurgency, crafted in the early 1990s and known as Convivir, provides an illustration of this approach.
17
Pérez Di Vito, Gladys. "Insecure attachment and the correlation with joining insurgent groups in Colombia." International Journal of Psychological Research 2, no. 1 (2009): 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21500/20112084.874.
Full textAbstract:
This study examined early childhood experiences in ex-insurgents from a Colombian paramilitary group (AUC) in order to determine whether their shared profile of difficult attachment is related with their joining the insurgency. One hundred fifty seven young adults were assessed using the Parental Bonding Instrument (PBI) (Parker, 1986). Results indicate that 99.4% of the sample (n=156) received insecure attachment classification and .6% (n=1) received optimal parenting. The study highlights the importance of responsive and supportive care given during childhood.
18
Bodo, Bela. "The White Terror in Hungary, 1919–1921: The Social Worlds of Paramilitary Groups." Austrian History Yearbook 42 (April 2011): 133–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237811000099.
Full textAbstract:
The Hungarian Republic, which emerged from of the ashes of Austria-Hungary, experienced two revolutions between October 1918 and April 1919. However, neither the democratic regime nor the more radical Soviet Republic born in these revolutions was able to solve the country's most pressing economic and social problems. The collapse of the Soviet Republic at the end of July 1919, in turn, was followed by a rapid rise in extra-legal violence. Freikorps units (szabadcsapatok) and civic guards (polgárőrségek), aided by the members of the local police, set up kangaroo courts, organized summary executions, and ignited pogroms in the central and western parts of the country.
19
Mireanu, Manuel. "The Spectacle of Security in the Case of Hungarian Far-Right Paramilitary Groups." Fascism 2, no. 1 (2013): 68–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00201011.
Full textAbstract:
This paper takes up the emergence of far-right patrols in Hungary in 2011 and provides an interpretation that is centered on security as a need, a practice, and a discourse. The argument is that these patrols used a logic of spectacle in order to legitimize their security agenda, an agenda that was driven by both symbolic and explicit violence. The patrols emerged in the context of a steady growth in and acceptance of far-right ideas and practices in Hungary. These practices and ideas were focused mostly on the ‘Gypsy problem,’ which in Hungary has been articulated as a threat posed by Roma communities. This is a perceived threat to the safety and national and cultural integrity of the Hungarian population, and as such, the far-right groups chose to tackle this threat through security measures. The patrols emerged in the Hungarian countryside as a way to increase the security of the ‘Hungarian’ population vis-à-vis the ‘Gypsy crime’ problem. This paper argues that the violence that these patrols used in their security struggles received a great deal of legitimacy through a combination of security and spectacle. Thus, the patrols were more than thugs and militias: They were reiterating an idealized glorious past, with which every Hungarian could identify. In addressing and illustrating these issues, the paper uses the ‘security-scape’ of Gyöngyöspata, the village where most of the patrols were conducted.
20
Imadudin, IIm. "“REVOLUSI DALAM REVOLUSI”: TENTARA, LASKAR, DAN JAGO DI WILAYAH KARAWANG 1945-1947." Patanjala : Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 10, no. 1 (2018): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v10i1.330.
Full textAbstract:
Penelitian ini bertujuan mengungkap konflik tentara dengan laskar dan jago di wilayah Karawang. Penelitian ini mempergunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri atas heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Sama seperti halnya di daerah lain, revolusi kemerdekaan di wilayah Karawang berlangsung dengan sengit. Dinamika perjuangan kemerdekaan di Karawang terasa lebih keras lagi setelah proklamasi kemerdekaan. Pada masa perjuangan Karawang merupakan “rumah” bagi tentara dan laskar perjuangan. Banyaknya kelompok laskar dan kelompok jago yang sering menghadirkan kerusuhan menimbulkan permasalahan tersendiri sebagaimana digambarkan pada artikel ini. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa konflik antara tentara, laskar, dan jago terjadi disebabkan adanya keyakinan yang besar terhadap janji-janji revolusi, perbedaan ideologis mengenai bagaimana perjuangan harus dimenangkan, faktor ketidakpercayaan yang mengakibatkan hubungan-hubungan yang tidak harmonis antarfaksi perjuangan di Karawang. This study aims to reveal the conflict of soldiers with paramilitary troops and warior in the area of Karawang. This study uses historical methods consisting of heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Just as in other areas, the revolution of independence in the Karawang was fierce. The dynamics of the struggle for independence in Karawang was even harder after the proclamation of independence. Karawang is a "home" for the army and the paramilitary-troops struggle. The large number of paramilitary troops groups and groups of warior often caused riots that raise their own problems as illustrated in this article. The results show that the conflict between the army, the paramilitary troops and the warior occurred due to the great conviction of the promises of the revolution, the ideological differences about how the struggle should be won. The unbelieving factor resulted an unharmonious relationships between-fraction struggle in Karawang.
21
Cárdenas Mesa, John Arturo. "LA LEY DE RESTITUCIÓN DE TIERRAS EN COLOMBIA DE ESPALDAS A LOS OPOSITORES DE BUENA FE." Revista Latinoamericana de Derechos Humanos 26, no. 2 (2016): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.15359/rldh.26-2.7.
Full textAbstract:
Colombia ha tenido grandes avances en materia de reparación a víctimas del conflicto armado interno. De la Ley 387 de 1997 a la Ley 1448 de 2011, ha habido un cambio de paradigma jurídico cultural en el cual la reparación por medio de medidas de restitución han ido cobrando tanta importancia como las reparaciones económicas. El objetivo de este trabajo es mostrar que la Ley de Restitución de Tierras, tal como está concebida, puede originar en una nueva forma de despojo dado que desconoce los derechos de los opositores de buena fe, muchos de los cuales son también campesinos víctimas de la violencia política. Ello se debe a una deficiente regulación en aspectos como el probatorio, a la lentitud con que avanza el proceso y a que no se tuvo en cuenta que la dinámica del despojo y el abandono ocasionado por grupos paramilitares es diferente al originado en la violencia guerrillera. The Land Restitution Law against opponents in good faith Abstract Colombia has made great progress in reparation for the victims of the internal armed conflict; from Law 387 of 1997 to Law 1448 of 2011, there has been a legal paradigm cultural change in which redress through restitution measures have been gaining much importance as economic reparations.The aim of this paper is to show that the Law on Land Restitution, as it is conceived, can result in a new form of dispossession because it ignores opponents in good faith, many of whom are also farmers victims of political violence. This is due to poor regulation in areas such as the evidentiary, to the slowness with which the process advances and to the fact that it was not taken into account that the dynamics of the dispossession and neglect caused by paramilitary groups are different to the originated in guerrilla violence.
22
Haider-Markel, Donald P., and Sean P. O'Brien. "Creating a "Well Regulated Militia": Policy Responses to Paramilitary Groups in the American States." Political Research Quarterly 50, no. 3 (1997): 551. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448917.
Full text
23
Haider-Markel, Donald P., and Sean P. O'Brien. "Creating a "Well Regulated Militia": Policy Responses to Paramilitary Groups in the American States." Political Research Quarterly 50, no. 3 (1997): 551–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591299705000304.
Full text
24
Tsoutsoumpis, Spyridon. "The Far Right in Greece. Paramilitarism, Organized Crime and the Rise of ‘Golden Dawn’." Südosteuropa 66, no. 4 (2018): 503–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2018-0039.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The article unravels the ties between conservatism, the state, and the far right in Greece. It explores the complex social and political reasons which facilitated the emergence of far-right groups in Greece during the civil war and have allowed them to survive for seven decades and to flourish from time to time. The author pays particular attention to paramilitarism as a distinct component of the Greek far right. He follows the activities of ‘Golden Dawn’ and other far-right groups, in particular their paramilitary branches. To the wider public, among the most shocking aspects of the rise of ‘Golden Dawn’ was the use of violence by its paramilitary branch, tagmata efodou. The article examines the far right’s relationship to the state and the security services, and explores its overall role in Greek politics and society. He demonstrates how an understanding of the decades following the civil war are indispensable to making sense of recent developments.
25
AVILÉS, WILLIAM. "Paramilitarism and Colombia's Low-Intensity Democracy." Journal of Latin American Studies 38, no. 2 (2006): 379–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x06000757.
Full textAbstract:
In the late 1980s and early 1990s political liberalisation, including the reduction of the military's institutional prerogatives, occurred in Colombia despite the increasing strength of an internal insurgency. Why would Colombia's national political elite weaken the institutional role of the armed forces in the context of an escalating internal war? What was the role of paramilitary groups, which were responsible for the vast majority of massacres and political violence against suspected unarmed civilians, during the 1990s? This paper argues that the elite civilian politicians who dominated the Colombian state promoted formal institutional changes, but tolerated paramilitary repression in order to counteract a strengthening guerrilla insurgency. These civilian leaders represented a modernising elite focused upon co-opting political opposition and establishing neoliberal economic reforms, thus constructing a Low-Intensity Democracy.
26
Bodó, Béla. "Favorites or Pariahs? The Fate of the Right-Wing Militia Men in Interwar Hungary." Austrian History Yearbook 46 (April 2015): 327–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237814000216.
Full textAbstract:
The dissolution of theAustro-HungarianEmpirein the fall of 1918 inaugurated a period of rapid change in East Central Europe. Independent Hungary, which emerged as one of the “successor states” to the Dual Monarchy, experienced two revolutions in ten months. However, neither the democratic regime, born in the October Revolution of 1918, nor the more radical Council Republic, founded in March 1919, was able to solve the country's pressing economic and social problems and defend its sovereignty. The collapse of the Council Republic and the occupation of Budapest and the eastern half of the country by the Romanian Army in early August 1919 provoked a right-wing reaction. The next seven months experienced a rapid rise in paramilitary and mob violence. The militias targeted the supporters of the Left, poor workers, and peasants, as well as apolitical and middle-class Jews. Political violence in the second half of 1919 and the early 1920s took the lives of between fifteen hundred and five thousand people in Hungary. The rise of paramilitary and mob violence was part of a larger European phenomenon. From Germany to Turkey, and from Hungary to Poland and the Baltic states, paramilitary groups played a major role in establishing borders and shaping the postwar social and political order domestically.
27
Freilich, Joshua D., and William Alex Pridemore. "Mismeasuring Militias: Limitations of Advocacy Group Data and of State‐Level Studies of Paramilitary Groups." Justice Quarterly 23, no. 1 (2006): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07418820600552626.
Full text
28
Caro Coria, Dino Carlos. "Prosecuting International Crimes in Peru." International Criminal Law Review 10, no. 4 (2010): 583–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181210x519027.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe internal conflict in Peru that ranged from 1980 to the mid 90s entailed serious crimes committed by armed groups, especially "Sendero Luminoso" (Shining Path) and by the state's own armed forces, in particular the military and paramilitary groups such as the "Colina Group". These crimes ranged from attacks against civilians in violation of international humanitarian law, to enforced disappearances of persons, torture, and extrajudicial executions. In some cases, these crimes have even qualified as genocide.
29
Grajales, Jacobo. "Quand les juges s’en mêlent. Le rôle de la justice dans la démobilisation des groupes paramilitaires en Colombie." Critique internationale N° 70, no. 1 (2016): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/crii.070.0117.
Full text
30
Hayes, Bernadette C., and Ian McAllister. "Sowing Dragon's Teeth: Public Support for Political Violence and Paramilitarism in Northern Ireland." Political Studies 49, no. 5 (2001): 901–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00346.
Full textAbstract:
While much attention has been devoted to political efforts to solve the Northern Ireland problem, less attention has been given to the role of political violence in sustaining the conflict. We argue that one of the reasons for the intractability of the conflict is widespread exposure to political violence among the civil population. By 1998, thirty years after the conflict started, one in seven of the population reported being a victim of violence; one in five had a family member killed or injured; and one in four had been caught up in an explosion. Such widespread exposure to violence exists alongside latent support for paramilitarism among a significant minority of both communities. Using 1998 survey data, we show that exposure to violence serves to enhance public support for paramilitary groups, as well as to reduce support for the decommissioning of paramilitary weapons. Overall, the results suggest that only a lengthy period without political violence will undermine support for paramilitarism and result in the decommissioning of weapons.
31
Tate, Winifred. "Death Squads or Self Defense Forces? How Paramilitary Groups Emerge and Challenge Democracy in Latin America." Hispanic American Historical Review 91, no. 2 (2011): 368–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-1165424.
Full text
32
Ustinova-Boichenko, H. M., M. O. Bohatyrova, and T. V. Chernysh. "THE MAIN CRIMINOLOGICAL FEATURES OF PERSONS INVOLVED IN THE CREATION OF NON-STATUTORY PARAMILITARY OR ARMED GROUPS." Juridical scientific and electronic journal, no. 4 (2021): 485–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/2524-0374/2021-4/120.
Full text
33
Zapata, Gabriel Darío Paredes. "Terrorism in Colombia." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 18, no. 2 (2003): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00000807.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractColombia is a poor country that has been plagued by ongoing violence for more than 120 years. During the 1940s, subversive terrorist groups emerged in rural areas of the country when criminal groups came under the influence of Communism, and were later transformed into contemporary groups, such as the Ejercito de Liberacion Nacional (ELN) or National Liberation Army and Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionares de Colombia (FARC) or Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia). Paramilitary terrorist groups emerged in response to subversive groups and were later transformed into contemporary groups, such as the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC) or United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia.Terrorism has placed an enormous burden on modern Colombia. From 1995 to 2002, 9,435 people were killed by terrorism-related events, of which 5,864 were killed by subversive terrorist activities and 3,571 were killed by paramilitary terrorist activities. In 2002, at least nineteen attacks produced 10 or more casualties, of which 18 were bombings. In 2002, terrorists killed at least 12 mayors, 71 legislators, and internally displaced 300,000 persons from their homes. Since terrorist groups in Colombia are typically supported by drug manufacturing and trafficking, it has been difficult at times to distinguish violence due to terrorism from violence due to illicit drug trafficking. Terrorism has also had a major adverse effect on the economy, with restricted travel, loss of economic resources, and lack of economic investment. In addition to political, military, and commercial targets, terrorists have specifically targeted healthcare infrastructure and personnel.At the national and local levels, much emergency planning and preparedness has taken place for terrorism-related events. The Centro Regulador de Urgencias (CRU) or Emergency Regulation Center in Bogota plays a major role in coordinating local prehospital and hospital emergency response in the capital city and the national level where necessary.
34
Filardo-Llamas, Laura. "‘Committed to the ideals of 1916’. The language of paramilitary groups: the case of the Irish Republican Army." Critical Discourse Studies 10, no. 1 (2013): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17405904.2012.736396.
Full text
35
Jentzsch, Corinna, Stathis N. Kalyvas, and Livia Isabella Schubiger. "Militias in Civil Wars." Journal of Conflict Resolution 59, no. 5 (2015): 755–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715576753.
Full textAbstract:
Militias are an empirical phenomenon that has been overlooked by current research on civil war. Yet, it is a phenomenon that is crucial for understanding political violence, civil war, post-conflict politics, and authoritarianism. Militias or paramilitaries are armed groups that operate alongside regular security forces or work independently of the state to shield the local population from insurgents. We review existing uses of the term, explore the range of empirical manifestations of militias, and highlight recent findings, including those supplied by the articles in this special issue. We focus on areas where the recognition of the importance of militias challenges and complements current theories of civil war. We conclude by introducing a research agenda advocating the integrated study of militias and rebel groups.
36
Guego, Elodie. "IDPs in Colombia: The necessary step towards effective protection." Deusto Journal of Human Rights, no. 3 (December 11, 2017): 115–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/aahdh-3-2006pp115-166.
Full textAbstract:
The modern history of Colombia has been tied up to conflict and socio-political violence, directly linked to struggles over land and power, and the economic marginalisation of small farmers. The conflict is composed by a patchwork of guerrilla groups, paramilitary groups, poor farmers, drug cartels, and the regular army, which engage in criminal activities such as massacres against communities, selective assassinations and forced disappearances or use of anti-personal landmines, resulting in thousands of civilian victims and humanitarian catastrophes. The most notorious outcome of this catastrophe is the continuing phenomenon of Forced Displacement. This article is aimed at outlining the steps that need to be taken in order to effectively protect Internally Displaced People (IDPs).Published online: 11 December 2017
37
Starostin, Vitaly Viktorovich. "Reconstruction of the conflict: IRA foundation in the British military assessments." Samara Journal of Science 9, no. 1 (2020): 216–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv202091217.
Full textAbstract:
The paper examines the views of the British military on the process of becoming one of the first paramilitary organizations in the history - the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Special attention is paid to how the British military was one of the first to try to explain this new phenomenon. The paper analyzes the reasons for the British militarys rejection of such concepts as guerrilla warfare, Irish rebels, etc. The main reasons that formed the views of the British military on the IRA as a criminal group and a gang of murderers are investigated (the need for counter-propaganda against the Irish and some British media of the time; the fundamental atypy of both the Anglo-Irish conflict and the Irish Republican army; the weakness of the British military intelligence in Ireland, whose employees were later able to approach the answer to the question of the IRA origin). The methodological basis of the paper, which helps to understand the British militarys misunderstanding of the IRA phenomenon, is the theory of the Irish historian P. Hart, who argues that the insurgency as a whole always has three ways of development: passive waiting, defense and attack. It is the choice of one of the three paths that determines what form the conflict will take and how power relations in paramilitary groups will be redefined.
38
GARCÍA-GODOS, JEMIMA, and KNUT ANDREAS O. LID. "Transitional Justice and Victims' Rights before the End of a Conflict: The Unusual Case of Colombia." Journal of Latin American Studies 42, no. 3 (2010): 487–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x10000891.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn a context of continuing armed conflict, a comprehensive scheme of transitional justice has been developed in Colombia since 2005 through the Law of Justice and Peace, with the aim of achieving peace with one of the armed actors in the conflict, the paramilitary groups. The clear link between the demobilisation of illegal armed groups and the rights of the victims is the main feature of the Colombian process. This article provides a systematic review of the implementation of the law, focusing on the institutions, mechanisms and procedures put in place to fulfil its goals. Emphasis is given to the legal category of ‘victim’, victims' rights and victim reparation measures. By exploring how the scheme works in principle and in practice, we are able to assess the prospects for victims' rights in Colombia today.
39
CORNER, PAUL. "Response to Matteo Millan: Squadrismo and Fascist Violence in the Long Term." Contemporary European History 22, no. 4 (2013): 575–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000350.
Full textAbstract:
Rather surprisingly, Mussolini's blackshirts (the squadristi) have never really received the attention accorded to Hitler's paramilitary groups. It is interesting, therefore, to read an article that seeks to remedy this situation. Millan argues that the traditional view of squadrismo as important before the March on Rome but of less relevance in later years – indeed, as something of a liability – is too simplistic and needs revision. He sees the influence of squadrismo as permeating the regime throughout its existence and suggests that historians have been too quick in seeing the death of squadrismo in the supposed ‘subordination’ of the Fascist Party to the state in the years immediately following 1925.
40
Ugarriza, Juan E. "When War Adversaries Talk: The Experimental Effect of Engagement Rules on Postconflict Deliberation." Latin American Politics and Society 58, no. 3 (2016): 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2016.00319.x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractA set of discussion groups including leftist ex-guerrillas and rightist ex-paramilitaries in Colombia shows the limits for democratic deliberation in postconflict societies, but also points to ways that outcomes closer to the deliberative ideal might be obtained. A total of 342 ex-combatants agreed to sit down and talk politics under a number of experimental conditions, using three different protocols of engagement. Results show that consensus rule fosters simultaneously a more reasoned and common-good–oriented, and less self-interested type of discussion when compared to majority rule and unstructured “free talk.” Nevertheless, while it might be desirable to promote a better quality of deliberation in divided societies, it does not necessarily prevent antagonists’ tendency to polarize.
41
Bhoi, S., N. Thakur, S. Chauhan, et al. "(A24) Does Community Emergency Care Initiative Improves the Knowledge, Skill And Attitude of Healthcare Workers and Laypersons in Basic Emergency Care in India?" Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 26, S1 (2011): s7—s8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x11000380.
Full textAbstract:
BackgroundBasic emergency care at primary, secondary and tertiary health care level in India is in its infancy. Lack of training in emergency care is an important factor. We designed AIIMS basic emergency care course (AIIMS BECC) to address the issue.ObjectiveTo improve the knowledge, skill and attitude of healthcare workers and laypersons in basic emergency care and to identify and train instructors.MethodsProspective study conducted over a period of one and half years. The target groups were medical, police, fire fighter, paramilitary forces, teachers, school children of India. Provider AIIMS BECC is of one day duration. The contents of the course are cardio-pulmonary resuscitation, chocking and special scenarios like trauma, electrocution, drowning, hypothermia, pregnancy, etc. Course was disseminated via lectures, audio-visual and hands on training. The participants were evaluated by pre and post test questions. Subjects had to score 80% to be successful and those who scored more than 90% were eligible for instructor course. The confidence levels at baseline and at the end of the course were evaluated in policecourses were evaluated on course clarity, course delivery and trainers quality on a likert scale (1 = worst, 5 = excellent).Results1614 subjects were trained. 99.81% became providers and 2.6% were trained as instructors. 83.1% were non-medical and16.9% were medical personals. 76.14% were police, paramilitary 0.8%, teachers 1.6%, students 2.1% and mixed groups were 2.6%. The average and modal increase in confidence level among police were 66.14% and 62.49%. Likert scale of ≥ 4 was observed in 90.7% in course clarity, 91.28% in course delivery and 95.26% in trainer quality.ConclusionKnowledge, skill and attitude of healthcare care and laypersons in providing basic emergency care improved by community emergency care initiative. Instructors were identified for further dissemination of the course. The confidence levels increased among police.
42
Bryan, Dominic. "The Material Value of Flags: Politics and Space in Northern Ireland." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 2, no. 1 (2018): 76–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v2i1.1708.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the way in which the availability of cheaply produced polyester flags has changed the symbolic landscape in the public places of Northern Ireland. The “tradition” of flying flags to express identity is common throughout the world and an important feature of an annual marking of residential and civic spaces in Northern Ireland. Such displays have been a consistent part of the reproduction of political identities through commemoration and the marking of territory. However, the availability of cheaply produced textiles has led to a change in the way the displays take place, the development of a range of new designs and helped sustain the control of areas by particular paramilitary groups. It highlights how the “symbolic capital” of the national flags can be used by different social groups having implication on the status and value of the symbol.
43
EICHENBERG, JULIA. "The Dark Side of Independence: Paramilitary Violence in Ireland and Poland after the First World War." Contemporary European History 19, no. 3 (2010): 231–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777310000147.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article analyses excesses carried out against civilians in Ireland and Poland after the First World War. It shows how the absence of a centralised state authority with a monopoly on violence allowed for new, less inhibited paramilitary groups to operate in parts of Ireland and Poland. The article argues that certain forms of violence committed had a symbolic meaning and served as messages, further alienating the different ethnic and religious communities. By comparing the Irish and Polish case, the article also raises questions about the obvious differences in the excesses in Poland and Ireland, namely in terms of scale of the excesses and the number of victims and, central to the Polish case, the question of antisemitism.
44
Trevett, Christine. "‘I Have Heard from Some Teachers’: the Second-Century Struggle for Forgiveness and Reconciliation." Studies in Church History 40 (2004): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002734.
Full textAbstract:
In the close-knit valleys communities of South Wales where I was brought up, some fingers are still pointed at ‘the scab’, the miner who, for whatever reason, did not show solidarity in the strike of 1984-5, cement the definition between ‘them’ and ‘us’. In trouble-torn Palestine of the twenty-first century, or among the paramilitary groups of Northern Ireland today, suspected informers are summarily assassinated. In South Africa, the Truth and Reconciliation Committee continues its work in the post-apartheid era. In second-century Rome and elsewhere, the ‘brothers’ and ‘sisters’ who made up the fictive kinship groups – the churches – in the growing but illicit cult of the Christians were conscious both of their own vulnerability to outside opinion and of their failures in relation to their co-religionists. The questions which they asked, too, were questions about reconciliation and/or (spiritual) death.
45
Giraldo Muñoz, Marcela, and Jose Serralvo. "International humanitarian law in Colombia: Going a step beyond." International Review of the Red Cross 101, no. 912 (2019): 1117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383120000181.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractEver since the first quarter of the nineteenth century, Colombia has shifted from one war to the next, be it the War of Independence, the fierce confrontations between liberal and conservative parties or the countless conflicts among guerrillas, paramilitary groups and the State. These wars have brought along a unique contribution to the development of international humanitarian law (IHL). The purpose of this article is to explore the myriad of ways in which Colombia has implemented (and at times made progress on) IHL rules, and to analyze how different conflicts have led the country to explore issues such as the protection of minors, the meaning of the principle of precaution, the compensation of armed conflict victims and the creation of some rather sophisticated transitional justice mechanisms.
46
Strohmeyer, Hansjörg. "Collapse and Reconstruction of Ajudicial System: The United Nations Missions in Kosovo and East Timor." American Journal of International Law 95, no. 1 (2001): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2642036.
Full textAbstract:
Within the span of only a few months in 1999, the United Nations was faced with one of the greatest challenges in its recent history: to serve as an interim government in Kosovo and East Timor.In Kosovo, in response to massive attacks on the Kosovar Albanian population, including orchestrated and wide-scale “ethnic cleansing,” the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) conducted an eleven-week air campaign against Yugoslav and Serbian security forces and paramilitary groups. The campaign resulted in the agreement of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to withdraw all Yugoslav and Serbian security forces from the territory. On June 10,1999, one day after the suspension of NATO’s air strikes, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1244 (1999), establishing the United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo (UNMIK).
47
Childs, David. "Honecker’s Germany." Government and Opposition 22, no. 1 (1987): 78–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1987.tb00041.x.
Full textAbstract:
AS HE SALUTED THE GRIM FORMATIONS OF 10,000 ‘FIGHTING groups of the working class’ and thousands of other soldiers and paramilitary police in Berlin's Karl-Marx-Allee on 13 August, Erich Honecker looked quite relaxed. He knew that his colleagues Egon Krenz (crown prince and security overlord) and Erich Mielke (Minister for State Security) had taken every precaution to ensure that there would be no counter-demonstrations to mar this celebration of 25 years of the ‘anti-fascist defensive (Berlin) wall’. In this, his fifteenth year as leader of the Socialist Unity Party (SED), the 74-year-old Honecker could compliment himself on a successful party congress followed by successfully staged elections. He could also look back to a number of successful initiatives in the GDR's external relations.
48
Gugnin, Eduard. "Corruption, illegitimacy and external influence: political factors of state instability." Grani 23, no. 8 (2020): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172074.
Full textAbstract:
The article constructs a descriptive and analytical description of the connection between corruption, delegitimization and loss of state sovereignty over society as background factors for increasing external influence and the destruction of political and spatial cohesion. As a result of the study, a conclusion was formulated, according to which the complete or partial loss of legitimacy coincides with the spread of corruption, which entails the devaluation of value and regulatory systems of social behavior. It is emphasized that corrupt practices contribute to the destruction of morals, law, ideology, have a devastating effect on government structures, procedures for its institutionalization, prevent the nomination of elites and leaders to command positions in the state apparatus, negatively affect the power and centralizing capabilities of the state. legitimate physical violence. It is noted that the loss of legitimacy is preceded by the loss of dialogue between government and society, the habitualization of corruption and its transformation into an endemic component of social life.It was stated that corruption increases the level of public permeability for external actors who take advantage of the situation of blurring the boundaries of political space and encourage citizens to spontaneous protests, which should shake the procedural principles of law and order, to achieve open conflicts between government and self-organized communities. what are the conditions for dialogue. External actors can seek to actively discredit the ruling elites by simultaneously unscrewing instability and escalating waves of destructive criticism aimed at disavowing all kinds of legitimacy: ideological, ethnic, structural, personalistic (charismatic), and others.It is noted that the final destruction of the state is the loss of a monopoly on public violence within the procedures established by law. Actors of external influence can resort to various acts of violence in order to encourage the ruling elites to increase security with the use of special Praetorian groups (paramilitary formations).It is summarized that the emergence of paramilitary formations is an indicator of the fragility of the state and its inability to control its own power structures, as evidenced by the violation of paramilitary formations of the usual official hierarchies and privatization of legitimate violence by alternative centers of power. Finally, it is emphasized that the destructive accompaniment of the latter is the growth of shadow arms markets, criminalization of the behavior of ordinary citizens who cease to see the state as an authorized defender of sovereignty and security and cease to trust legitimate law enforcement agencies, and these processes precede their colonial expansion. frozen conflicts with accompanying negative consequences for the state.
49
Sundberg, Ralph, Kristine Eck, and Joakim Kreutz. "Introducing the UCDP Non-State Conflict Dataset." Journal of Peace Research 49, no. 2 (2012): 351–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343311431598.
Full textAbstract:
This article extends the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) by presenting new global data on non-state conflict, or armed conflict between two groups, neither of which is the state. The dataset includes conflicts between rebel groups and other organized militias, and thus serves as a complement to existing datasets on armed conflict which have either ignored this kind of violence or aggregated it into civil war. The dataset also includes cases of fighting between supporters of different political parties as well as cases of communal conflict, that is, conflict between two social groups, usually identified along ethnic or religious lines. This thus extends UCDP’s conflict data collection to facilitate the study of topics like rebel fractionalization, paramilitary involvement in conflict violence, and communal or ethnic conflict. In the article, we present a background to the data collection and provide descriptive statistics for the period 1989–2008 and then illustrate how the data can be used with the case of Somalia. These data move beyond state-centric conceptions of collective violence to facilitate research into the causes and consequences of group violence which occurs without state participation.
50
Crokidakis, Nuno, and Lucas Sigaud. "Crime and COVID-19 in Rio de Janeiro: How does organized crime shape the disease evolution?" International Journal of Modern Physics C 32, no. 09 (2021): 2150122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0129183121501229.
Full textAbstract:
The city of Rio de Janeiro is one of the biggest cities in Brazil. Drug gangs and paramilitary groups called milícias control some regions of the city where the government is not present, specially in the slums. Due to the characteristics of such two distinct groups, it was observed that the evolution of COVID-19 is different in those two regions, in comparison with the regions controlled by the government. In order to understand qualitatively those observations, we divided the city in three regions controlled by the government, by the drug gangs and by the milícias, respectively, and we consider a Susceptible-Infected-Recovered-Dead (SIRD)-like epidemic model where the three regions are coupled. Considering different levels of exposure, the model is capable to reproduce qualitatively the distinct evolution of the COVID-19 disease in the three regions, suggesting that the organized crime shapes the COVID-19 evolution in the city of Rio de Janeiro. This case study suggests that the model can be used in general for any metropolitan region with groups of people that can be categorized by their level of exposure.