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1

Nebesnyĭ strazh GSVG. Kaluga: Manuskript, 2010.

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2

GSD 08 platform. Cambridge: Harvard, 2008.

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3

Klein, Tanja. Nationale GSVP-Politiken zwischen Kontinuität und Wandel. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-20429-7.

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4

Verburg, R. M. Belemmeringen rond de uitstroom van Surinaamse GSD-clienten. 's-Gravenhage: VUGA, 1992.

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5

author, Löffler Hans-Georg 1937, Parchmann Reinhard 1955 author, and Stoof Siegfried 1937 author, eds. Garnisonen der NVA und GSTD: Zur Nutzung der mililtärischen Standorte von 1871 bis 2010. Berlin: Verlag Dr. Köster, 2011.

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Das Governance-System der GSVP: Die Rolle des EU-Satellitenzentrums und der Europäischen Verteidigungsagentur. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2015.

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7

Opitz, Anja. Politische Vision oder praktische Option?: Herausforderung eines zivil-militärischen Krisenmanagementansatzes im Rahmen der GSVP. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2012.

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8

Shubshizky, Alfred. Leitfaden zur Sozialversicherung: Umfassende Darstellung von Versicherungs-, Beitrags-und Leistungsrecht in ASVG, GSVG und FSVG. 2nd ed. Wien: Linde Verlag, 2002.

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9

Die Bundeswehr im Einsatz für Europa: Die Beteiligung Deutschlands an der Gemeinsamen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik (GSVP) : Zulässigkeit nach dem Vertrag von Lissabon. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2010.

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10

Di qiu hua xue biao zhun can kao yang di yan zhi yu fen xi fang fa: GSD 1-8. Beijing: Di zhi chu ban she, 1986.

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11

Micheal, Ó. hAodha, and Richardson Ita, eds. Software testing and global industry: Future paradigms. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars, 2009.

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12

GSD Platform3. Actar, 2010.

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13

GUILDHALL. Music - Cert Gsmd (T). Guildhall School of Music and Drama, 2002.

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14

GSD Platform 7. Actar, 2015.

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15

Instigations: Gsd 075. Lars Muller Publishers, 2012.

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16

Gsd Platform 2. Actar, 2010.

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17

Vutizs, MuLL. Notebook: GSD Clover Green Design. Independently Published, 2020.

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18

Souza Andreoli, Giuliano. Dança, Gênero e Sexualidade: Narrativas e Performances. Editora e Livraria Appris, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18366/gsad.0811.2019.

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19

Cassiman, David, Pascal Laforêt, and Fanny Mochel. Glycogen Storage Disorders. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780199972135.003.0001.

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Glucose is the body’s major energy source, and carbohydrate serves as fuel—particularly during high-intensity exercise that requires rapid energy release. A deficiency of any of the enzymes involved in the catabolism of glycogen to glucose may cause symptoms, with hypoglycemia and exercise intolerance as the most common presentations. Glycogen storage disorders (GSD) affect muscle, liver, and brain. The most common GSDs affecting muscle are GSD II (Pompe disease) and GSD V (McArdle disease). GSDs affecting mainly the liver are GSD I, III, IV, VI, IX, XI. Most liver-GSDs present during infancy, with symptoms of hypoglycemia, impressive hepatomegaly, and retarded growth. Adult presentations have been reported for GSD Ia, III, IV, and IX.Adult polyglucosan body disease (APBD) is the main GSD affecting primarily the brain and mainly characterized by spastic paraplegia, axonal neuropathy and leukodystrophy. APBD is a subtype of GSD IV and is due to a deficiency of glycogen branching enzyme (GBE). Besides GSD IV, other GSDs have been reported to have CNS effects in some patients—notably GSD II and GSD III.
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20

Tufis, Claudiu D. The Global State of Democracy Indices Codebook, Version 4 (2020). International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assitance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.71.

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The Global State of Democracy is a biennial report that aims to provide policymakers with an evidence-based analysis of the state of global democracy, supported by the Global State of Democracy Indices (GSoD Indices), in order to inform policy interventions and identify problem-solving approaches to trends affecting the quality of democracy around the world. The second edition of the report provides a health check of democracy and an overview of the current global and regional democracy landscape. This document presents revised and updated information about all the variables included in the GSoD indices data set that enabled the construction of Version 4 of the GSoD Indices, which depicts democratic trends at the country, regional and global levels across a broad range of different attributes of democracy in the period 1975–2019. The data underlying the GSoD Indices is based on a total of 116 indicators developed by various scholars and organizations using different types of source, including expert surveys, standards-based coding by research groups and analysts, observational data and composite measures.
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21

Skaaning, Svend-Erik. The Global State of Democracy Indices Methodology: Conceptualization and Measurement Framework, Version 4 (2020). International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.72.

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The Global State of Democracy is a biennial report that aims to provide policymakers with an evidence-based analysis of the state of global democracy, supported by the Global State of Democracy Indices (GSoD Indices), in order to inform policy interventions and identify problem-solving approaches to trends affecting the quality of democracy around the world. The second edition of the report provides a health check of democracy and an overview of the current global and regional democracy landscape. This document presents revised and updated information about all the variables included in the GSoD indices data set that enabled the construction of Version 4 of the GSoD Indices, which depicts democratic trends at the country, regional and global levels across a broad range of different attributes of democracy in the period 1975–2019. The data underlying the GSoD Indices is based on a total of 116 indicators developed by various scholars and organizations using different types of source, including expert surveys, standards-based coding by research groups and analysts, observational data and composite measures.
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22

Tufis, Claudiu D. The Global State of Democracy Indices Technical Procedures Guides, Version 4 (2020). International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.56.

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The Global State of Democracy is a biennial report that aims to provide policymakers with an evidence-based analysis of the state of global democracy, supported by the Global State of Democracy Indices (GSoD Indices), in order to inform policy interventions and identify problem-solving approaches to trends affecting the quality of democracy around the world. The second edition of the report provides a health check of democracy and an overview of the current global and regional democracy landscape. This document presents revised and updated information about all the variables included in the GSoD indices data set that enabled the construction of Version 4 of the GSoD Indices, which depicts democratic trends at the country, regional and global levels across a broad range of different attributes of democracy in the period 1975–2019. The data underlying the GSoD Indices is based on a total of 116 indicators developed by various scholars and organizations using different types of source, including expert surveys, standards-based coding by research groups and analysts, observational data and composite measures.
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23

1932-, Eisenman Peter, Marvel Jonathan Jova, Reeve Margaret B, and Harvard University. Graduate School of Design., eds. Investigations in architecture: Eisenman studios at the GSD, 1983-85. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Graduate School of Design, 1986.

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24

Klein, Tanja. Nationale GSVP-Politiken zwischen Kontinuität und Wandel: Eine rollentheoretische Analyse Deutschlands und der Niederlande. Springer VS, 2017.

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25

Ltd, ICON Group. GSV, INC.: International Competitive Benchmarks and Financial Gap Analysis (Financial Performance Series). 2nd ed. Icon Group International, 2000.

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26

Ltd, ICON Group, and ICON Group International Inc. GSV, INC.: Labor Productivity Benchmarks and International Gap Analysis (Labor Productivity Series). 2nd ed. Icon Group International, 2000.

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27

Populist government and democracy: An impact assessment using the Global State of Democracy Indices: GSoD In Focus No. 9. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.3.

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28

Gateway, Continuing Education, ed. Options and choices: A quick guide to full-time access,SGA,GSVQ,SVQ,NC,HNC and HND courses in Scotland. Glasgow: Continuing Education Gateway, 1999.

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29

Love, Gsd. Gsd American Flag Notebook: German Shepherd Notebook Lined Ruled Size 8. 5 X 11 , 120 Pages, German Shepherd Gifts. Independently Published, 2020.

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30

Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Europe Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2021.5.

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This GSoD In Focus aims at providing a brief overview of the state of democracy in Europe at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and then assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in the last 10 months. Key facts and findings include: • The COVID-19 pandemic arrived in a largely democratic Europe. Only 4 countries in the region (10 per cent) are not democracies, while many of the democracies are high performing. • Democracy in Europe, however, has in recent years experienced erosion and backsliding. More than half of European democracies have eroded in the last 5 years. In particular, 3 countries—Hungary, Poland and Serbia—have registered a more severe form of erosion, called democratic backsliding, with Hungary regressing on its democratic standards for the past 14 years. • The pandemic has intensified these pre-existing concerns. The 3 backsliding countries in Europe have implemented a number of measures to curb the pandemic that are concerning from a democracy standpoint. • The main democratic challenges caused by the pandemic in Europe pertain to the disruption of electoral cycles, curtailment of civil liberties, the use of contact tracing apps, the increase in gender inequality and domestic violence, risks to vulnerable groups, executive aggrandizement, protest waves, corruption cases and challenges in the relationship between local and national governance. • Europe’s democracies have mostly showed resilience, and opportunities for furthering the integrity of elections, for digitalization and for innovative social protests have arisen. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.
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31

Herrmann, Lena. Life Is Good in Mississippi with My German Shepherd: German Shepherd Themed Journal for GSD Lovers and Dog Parents in Mississippi I Gift for Dog Mum and Dog Dad Who Love Their State and Alsatian. Independently Published, 2020.

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32

Herrmann, Lena. Life Is Good in Missouri with My German Shepherd: German Shepherd Themed Journal for GSD Lovers and Dog Parents in Missouri I Gift for Dog Mum and Dog Dad Who Love Their State and Alsatian. Independently Published, 2020.

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33

Herrmann, Lena. Life Is Good in Tennessee with My German Shepherd: German Shepherd Themed Journal for GSD Lovers and Dog Parents in Tennessee I Gift for Dog Mum and Dog Dad Who Love Their State and Alsatian. Independently Published, 2020.

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34

Herrmann, Lena. Life Is Good in Arkansas with My German Shepherd: German Shepherd Themed Journal for GSD Lovers and Dog Parents in Arkansas I Gift for Dog Mum and Dog Dad Who Love Their State and Alsatian. Independently Published, 2020.

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35

Herrmann, Lena. Life Is Good in Alabama with My German Shepherd: German Shepherd Themed Journal for GSD Lovers and Dog Parents in Alabama I Gift for Dog Mum and Dog Dad Who Love Their State and Alsatian. Independently Published, 2020.

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36

Publishing, Dog Breed. German Shepherd Notebook: Notebook with 109 Lined Pages 6 X 9 Inch. for German Shepherd Dog Owners of Cute Shephard Puppies to Take Notes about Their Growing up. Also a Great Notebook for GSD Dog Lovers. Independently Published, 2019.

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37

Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Latin America and the Caribbean Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.63.

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This GSoD In Focus Special Brief provides an overview of the state of democracy of Latin America and the Caribbean at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in 2020. Key findings include: • Democratically, the region was ailing prior to the pandemic, with some countries suffering from democratic erosion or backsliding, others from democratic fragility and weakness. Overall, trust in democracy had been in steady decline in the decade preceding the pandemic. Citizen discontent has culminated in a protest wave hitting several countries in the region at the end of 2019. • The COVID-19 pandemic has hit a Latin American and Caribbean region plagued by unresolved structural problems of high crime and violence, political fragmentation and polarization, high poverty and inequality, corruption, and weak states. • Long-overdue political and socio-economic reforms have compounded the health and economic crises caused by the pandemic. This, coupled with heavy-handed approaches to curb the virus, risk further entrenching or exacerbating the concerning democratic trends observed in the region prior to the COVID-19 outbreak. • The challenges to democracy Latin America and the Caribbean during the pandemic include: the postponement of elections; excessive use of police force to enforce restrictions implemented to curb the pandemic; use of the military to carry out civil tasks; persistent crime and violence; new dangers for the right to privacy; increases in gender inequality and domestic violence; new risks posed to vulnerable groups; limited access to justice; restrictions on freedom of expression; executive overreach; reduced parliamentary oversight; political polarization and clashes between democratic institutions; new openings for corruption; and a discontented socially mobilized citizenry that rejects traditional forms of political representation. • Despite the challenges, the crisis ultimately provides a historic opportunity to redefine the terms of social contracts across the region, and for governments to think innovatively about how to open up spaces for dialogue and civic participation in order to build more inclusive, sustainable and interconnected societies, as well as more accountable, transparent and efficient democratic systems of government. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.
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38

Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Africa and the Middle East Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2021.2.

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This GSoD In Focus aims at providing a brief overview of the state of democracy in Africa and the Middle East at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and then assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in the last 10 months. Key facts and findings include: Africa • In 2019 alone, 75 per cent of African democracies saw their scores decline, and electoral processes in Africa have failed to become the path for political reform and democratic politics. The reasons are many, including weak electoral management and executive aggrandizement. • The key challenges to democracy brought about by the pandemic involve the management of elections, restrictions on civil liberties (especially freedom of expression), worsening gender equality, deepening social and economic inequalities, a disruption to education, deterioration of media integrity, disruption of parliaments and an amplified risk of corruption. These challenges exacerbate and accelerate long-standing problems in the region. • Despite the challenges, the COVID-19 pandemic might galvanize governments to reinforce public health and social protection mechanisms, rendering the state more able to cushion the impact of the crisis, and enhancing its legitimacy. The Middle East • The Middle East is the most undemocratic region in the world. Only 2 out of 13 countries in the region are democracies. The COVID-19 pandemic has deepened the economic and social problems of the region, which could exacerbate the pre-existing democratic challenges. • Freedoms of expression and media were severely curtailed in many countries in the region prior to the pandemic. In some cases, COVID-19 has aggravated this. Countries have closed media outlets and banned the printing and distribution of newspapers, under the pretext of combating the spread of COVID-19. This has restricted citizens’ access to information. • Migrant workers and internally displaced people have been disproportionally affected by COVID-19. A significant proportion of the infections in the region have been in impoverished migrant and refugee communities. In the Gulf region, curfews and lockdowns have resulted in many migrants losing their livelihood, right to medical attention and even repatriation. Migrants have also faced discrimination often being held in detention centres, in poor conditions, as part of governmental efforts to curb the number of COVID-19 infections among citizens. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.
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39

Taking Stock of Global Democratic Trends Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.66.

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This GSoD In Focus provides a brief overview of the global state of democracy at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy globally in 2020. Key findings include: • To address the COVID-19 pandemic, starting in March 2020, more than half the countries in the world (59 per cent) had declared a national state of emergency (SoE), enabling them to take drastic temporary (and in most cases necessary) measures to fight the pandemic. These measures have included in most cases temporarily curbing basic civil liberties, such as freedom of assembly and movement, and in some cases postponing elections. • International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights finds that more than half the countries in the world (61 per cent) had, by the end of November 2020, implemented measures to curb COVID-19 that were concerning from a democracy and human rights perspective. These violated democratic standards because they were either disproportionate, illegal, indefinite or unnecessary in relation to the health threat. • Concerning developments have been more common in countries that were already non-democratic prior to the pandemic (90 per cent) and less common, although still quite widespread, in democracies (43 per cent). • The democracies that have implemented democratically concerning measures are those that were already ailing before the pandemic. More than two-thirds were democracies that were either backsliding, eroding or weak prior to the pandemic. • Almost a year since the first outbreak of COVID-19, the pandemic seems to have deepened autocratization in most of the countries that were already non-democratic. However, in at least 3 of those countries (Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Thailand), the pandemic has also tapped into existing simmering citizen discontent and may have been the tipping point in unleashing massive protest waves demanding democratic reform. The pandemic has also seemingly deepened democratic backsliding processes and exposed the democratic weakness and fragility of new or re-transitioned democracies (Malaysia, Mali, Myanmar, Sri Lanka). In a few cases, the pandemic has also exposed countries that showed no apparent sign of democratically ailing prior to the pandemic, but where concerning democratic developments have occurred during the pandemic and which risk seeing a significant deterioration in their democratic quality as a result (i.e. Argentina, El Salvador). • The aspects of democracy that have seen the most concerning developments during the pandemic are freedom of expression, media integrity, and personal integrity and security. However, the freedoms that have been restricted across most countries are freedom of movement and assembly. Another core democratic process that has been heavily affected by the pandemic is the electoral, with half the elections scheduled between February and December 2020 postponed due to the pandemic. • The pandemic has also shown democracy’s resilience and capacity for renovation. Innovation through accelerated digitalization has occurred across most regions of the world. And democratic institutions, such as parliaments, courts, electoral commissions, political parties, media and civil society actors, have fought back against attempts at executive overreach and democratic trampling or collaborated to ensure effective responses to the pandemic. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.
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40

Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Asia and the Pacific Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.70.

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This GSoD In Focus Special Brief provides an overview of the state of democracy in Asia and the Pacific at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in 2020. Key fact and findings include: • Prior to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, countries across Asia and the Pacific faced a range of democratic challenges. Chief among these were continuing political fragility, violent conflict, recurrent military interference in the political sphere, enduring hybridity, deepening autocratization, creeping ethnonationalism, advancing populist leadership, democratic backsliding, shrinking civic space, the spread of disinformation, and weakened checks and balances. The crisis conditions engendered by the pandemic risk further entrenching and/or intensifying the negative democratic trends observable in the region prior to the COVID-19 outbreak. • Across the region, governments have been using the conditions created by the pandemic to expand executive power and restrict individual rights. Aspects of democratic practice that have been significantly impacted by anti-pandemic measures include the exercise of fundamental rights (notably freedom of assembly and free speech). Some countries have also seen deepened religious polarization and discrimination. Women, vulnerable groups, and ethnic and religious minorities have been disproportionately affected by the pandemic and discriminated against in the enforcement of lockdowns. There have been disruptions of electoral processes, increased state surveillance in some countries, and increased influence of the military. This is particularly concerning in new, fragile or backsliding democracies, which risk further eroding their already fragile democratic bases. • As in other regions, however, the pandemic has also led to a range of innovations and changes in the way democratic actors, such as parliaments, political parties, electoral commissions, civil society organizations and courts, conduct their work. In a number of countries, for example, government ministries, electoral commissions, legislators, health officials and civil society have developed innovative new online tools for keeping the public informed about national efforts to combat the pandemic. And some legislatures are figuring out new ways to hold government to account in the absence of real-time parliamentary meetings. • The consideration of political regime type in debates around ways of containing the pandemic also assumes particular relevance in Asia and the Pacific, a region that houses high-performing democracies, such as New Zealand and the Republic of Korea (South Korea), a mid-range performer (Taiwan), and also non-democratic regimes, such as China, Singapore and Viet Nam—all of which have, as of December 2020, among the lowest per capita deaths from COVID-19 in the world. While these countries have all so far managed to contain the virus with fewer fatalities than in the rest of the world, the authoritarian regimes have done so at a high human rights cost, whereas the democracies have done so while adhering to democratic principles, proving that the pandemic can effectively be fought through democratic means and does not necessarily require a trade off between public health and democracy. • The massive disruption induced by the pandemic can be an unparalleled opportunity for democratic learning, change and renovation in the region. Strengthening democratic institutions and processes across the region needs to go hand in hand with curbing the pandemic. Rebuilding societies and economic structures in its aftermath will likewise require strong, sustainable and healthy democracies, capable of tackling the gargantuan challenges ahead. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.
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