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Journal articles on the topic 'Guatemala History'

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1

Holiday, David. "Guatemala's Precarious Peace." Current History 99, no. 634 (February 1, 2000): 78–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2000.99.634.78.

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The Guatemalan peace process will ultimately be considered successful if it contributes to reconciliation among the many participants in the armed conflict… . While international human rights norms and institutions clearly support uncovering the truth about Guatemala's bloody past, such inquiries call nto question the fundamental structures of military, political, and economic power in Guatemala.
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2

Grandin, Greg, and René Reeves. "Archives in the Guatemalan Western Highlands." Latin American Research Review 31, no. 1 (1996): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100017763.

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The region most often associated with Guatemalan history and culture is the western highlands, known locally as Los Altos. Only thirty miles from the hot Pacific coast, the highlands are located where the sierra rises rapidly to an altitude of three thousand meters, an area of painful beauty captured in Jean-Marie Simon's telling phrase, “eternal spring, eternal tyranny.” Amidst volcanoes, lakes, and cloud-covered mountains, Guatemalans struggle to rebuild civil society in the wake of what may have been the worst repression in the hemisphere, eking out a living by farming exhausted corn plots. The majority of Guatemala's twenty-three ethnic groups reside in these western highlands, where anthropologists have catalogued and attempted to interpret Mayan culture. Here also historians of nineteenth-century Guatemala have constructed a national history outlining the commercialization of land and coercion of labor that accompanied the growth of the Guatemalan coffee industry.
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3

FEW, MARTHA. "Circulating smallpox knowledge: Guatemalan doctors, Maya Indians and designing Spain's smallpox vaccination expedition, 1780–1803." British Journal for the History of Science 43, no. 4 (October 1, 2010): 519–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000708741000124x.

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AbstractDrawing on the rich but mostly overlooked history of Guatemala's anti-smallpox campaigns in the 1780s and 1790s, this paper interweaves an analysis of the contribution of colonial medical knowledges and practical experiences with the construction and implementation of imperial science. The history of the anti-smallpox campaigns is traced from the introduction of inoculation in Guatemala in 1780 to the eve of the Spanish Crown-sponsored Royal Maritime Vaccination Expedition in 1803. The paper first analyses the development of what Guatemalan medical physician José Flores called his ‘local method’ of inoculation, tailored to material and cultural conditions of highland Maya communities, and based on his more than twenty years of experience in anti-smallpox campaigns among multiethnic populations in Guatemala. Then the paper probes the accompanying transformations in discourses about health through the anti-smallpox campaigns as they became explicitly linked to new discourses of moral responsibility towards indigenous peoples. With the launch of the Spanish Vaccination Expedition in 1803, anti-smallpox efforts bridged the New World, Europe and Asia, and circulated on a global scale via the enactment of imperial Spanish health policy informed, in no small part, by New World and specifically colonial Guatemalan experiences with inoculation in multiethnic cities and highland Maya towns.
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4

Moors, Marilyn. "Practicing Anthropology and Politics in the 1980s." Practicing Anthropology 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 41–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.34.1.x7p654536v6l3441.

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In this article, the development of the organization the Guatemala Scholars' Network (GSN) is reviewed and set in the context of the history of the period, and its interactions with similar organizations are outlined as these groups responded to the evolving crisis in Central America. The Guatemala Scholars' Network was organized in the early 1980s in response to the reports of genocidal attacks on Maya villages by the Guatemalan Army. What had begun as a more confined, dirty war against opponents of the military oligarchy (reporters, political opponents, labor leaders, mostly urban people murdered in the cities) erupted into full-scale war against a civilian population believed to be supporting an armed insurgency against the military state. That violence and the war that followed produced not only the enormous cost of destruction, death, genocide, and flight to safety in Guatemala, but also gave rise to a two decade collaborative effort on the part of anthropologists, other academics, and people whose work involved them in the lives of ordinary Guatemalans.
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5

Little-Siebold, Todd. "The Valenzuela Collection in the Biblioteca Nacional de Guatemala." Latin American Research Review 29, no. 3 (1994): 143–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100035573.

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The principal facts that direct the historic life of a country lie in the rulers who have served during different political eras. One can be sure that they are the protagonists of history because each of them creates with his or her actions chapters that will be recounted in many volumes through the years.Gilberto Valenzuela GonzálezWhile many researchers who have worked in Guatemala in the past decade would take issue with the perspective on the past reflected in Gilberto Valenzuela's statement, few would deny the importance of the collection of documents he began. In an era when history was the history of kings and battles, presidents and laws, one family's tradition of collecting any and all documents on Guatemala gave rise to a remarkable collection. The Sección Valenzuela of the Biblioteca Nacional de Guatemala offers today the basis for an in-depth reconstruction of Guatemalan history during the last century and a half.
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6

Millett, Richard. "Guatemala." Current History 84, no. 500 (March 1, 1985): 109–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1985.84.500.109.

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7

McCleary, Rachel M. "Guatemala." Current History 95, no. 598 (February 1, 1996): 88–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1996.95.598.88.

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8

Elías, Diego J., César E. Fuentes-Montejo, Yasmín Quintana, and Christian A. Barrientos. "Non-native freshwater fishes in Guatemala, northern Central America: introduction sources, distribution, history, and conservation consequences." Neotropical Biology and Conservation 17, no. 1 (March 21, 2022): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/neotropical.17.e80062.

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Non-native freshwater fishes have been introduced to Guatemalan freshwater ecosystems since the beginning of the last century without prior risk assessment or subsequent evaluation of their impacts. We synthesized historical records, and distributional data from a literature review, online databases and museum records of non-native freshwater fishes in Guatemala. We found records for 22 non-native freshwater fishes with the oldest records dating back to 1926. Non-native freshwater fishes were recorded in 64% of the river sub-basins in Guatemala and we identified that at least 12 species have established populations. The Jaguar guapote (Parachromis managuensis) and Tilapias (Oreochromis spp.) are the most widespread non-native fishes. The species of non-native freshwater fishes introduced indicates that they are human selected (e.g., for farming purposes). Our work shows that aquaculture has been the major driver of introductions in the country, but aquarium release has become an important source in the last 20 years. Given the potential impact of non-native freshwater fishes on native fauna and ecosystems, we highlight an urgent need to assess their ecological effects, as well as to establish a fish fauna monitoring program in Guatemala to detect new introductions. Government and non-governmental agencies should promote the use of native species to supply fish demands in alignment with environmental policies and the objectives of the fishing agency in Guatemala.
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9

Dawson, Ray F., and F. W. Owen Smith. "History and Technological Significance of Hevea Rubber Production in Guatemala." HortTechnology 2, no. 3 (July 1992): 321–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech.2.3.321.

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Production of rubber from Hevea brasiliensis (Willd. ex A. Juss) Muell.-Arg. (Euphorbiaceae) is greatest in southeastern Asia where the South American leaf blight disease is absent. Except for the Pacific Piedmont of Guatemala, plantation production in the Americas is limited severely by the now widespread presence of the pathogen Microcyclus ulei (P. Henn.) Arx. Mean latex yields from trees growing on the Piedmont approximate those of Indonesia and Malaysia, with little evidence of damage from leaf blight. The scope and scale of the Guatemalan anomaly suggest that environmentally modulated escape rather than previously assumed disease resistance may be the key to successful production of natural rubber in this hemisphere. The Guatemalan industry is presently well-organized to service regional markets in Mexico and the Caribbean Basin. Given due attention to environmental analysis, it may serve also as a model for the development of regional production facilities in other parts of tropical America.
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10

Garin, Alberto, Osmín De la Maza, and Enrique Castaño. "The construction of the Cathedral of Antigua Guatemala in the 17th century from the pictorial documents." VITRUVIO - International Journal of Architectural Technology and Sustainability 2, no. 2 (December 21, 2017): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/vitruvio-ijats.2017.8794.

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<p>In 1678, the painter Antonio Ramírez elaborated a picture explaining the condition of the works of the cathedral of Santiago de Guatemala (now la Antigua Guatemala), a picture that allows us to establish the evolution undergone by the cathedral from the second half of the XVII century to its current state. Throughout this evolution, we want to highlight those construction elements that have been able to withstand not only the course of time, but above all, the force of the numerous earthquakes that have affected Guatemala since 1678 until today. In addition, Ramirez's work offers a series of brief but very illustrative brushstrokes on the organization of a construction in the second half of the XVII century, data that enriches the history of Guatemalan colonial architecture.</p>
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11

O'Neill, Kevin Lewis. "The Passion of Guatemala." Postscripts: The Journal of Sacred Texts, Cultural Histories, and Contemporary Contexts 5, no. 3 (December 22, 2011): 391–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/post.v5i3.391.

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This article examines the Roman Catholic concepts, rhetoric, and images that have helped shape histories of progress in postwar Guatemala. The specific interest here is in the Roman Catholic Church’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission report and the progress narratives that this report helps to perpetuate. Titled Never Again (1998), the report documents Guatemala’s genocidal civil war by paralleling Guatemala’s passion to Christ’s passion. And while much of this article contributes to an ever-growing critique of progress narratives, of modernity itself, most compelling for this reflection are the spatial politics that appear as the Church’s progressive history proves increasingly uninformed (at best) and irrelevant (at worst).
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12

Silva-Lizama, Eduardo. "History of dermatology in Guatemala." International Journal of Dermatology 39, no. 4 (April 2000): 305–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1365-4362.2000.00957.x.

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13

Burnett, Virginia Garrard. "God and Revolution: Protestant Missions in Revolutionary Guatemala, 1944-1954." Americas 46, no. 2 (October 1989): 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007083.

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“Our institutions,” remarked a North American Protestant missionary in Guatemala in 1910 referring to his denomination's missions, schools and clinics, “can do more than gunboats.” From the time of the Liberal reform of Justo Rufino Barrios, most of Guatemala's Liberal rulers had agreed. Valued by nineteenth century Liberal rulers for their development projects, their usefulness in the struggle against Catholic clericalism, and, most importantly, for the packaging of North American values, beliefs and culture in which they wrapped the Word of God, Protestant missionaries worked in Guatemala with the blessing and encouragement of the government from the late nineteenth century until 1944. That year, the “last caudillo”—the old Liberal dictator Jorge Ubico —was ousted from power and replaced by a reformist junta, marking the beginning of Guatemala's decade-long flirtation with progressive revolutionary government.
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14

Handy, Jim. "“A Sea of Indians”: Ethnic Conflict and the Guatemalan Revolution, 1944-1952." Americas 46, no. 2 (October 1989): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007082.

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The Indian is an inexhaustable layer of exploitation and his best song is his taciturnity…. Guatemala is sad; a desperate, horrid, fearful sadness … a sad people living with a totally alien world within us. (Ernesto Juan Fonfrias, “Guatemala: un pueblo triste,” Diario de Centro América, Sept. 1, 1950.)Fonfrias’ assessment of Guatemala in 1950 contains important clues to understanding the “revolution” from 1944 to 1954 and its overthrow. The revolution has been extensively studied; but most works have concentrated on American involvement in the overthrow of the government of Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán in 1954 and have thus only provided us with limited views of the various conflicts that developed during the two revolutionary administrations (Juan José Arévalo, 1944-51, and Arbenz, 1951-54). This has most certainly been the case with studies of rural Guatemala during the revolution. Despite the importance of the agrarian reform initiated in 1952, the reform and the conflicts that it fostered are not clearly understood. Recent research has suggested, however, that the tensions were more complex and more deeply rooted in Guatemala's rural history than earlier works had indicated.
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15

Gleijeses, Piero. "The Agrarian Reform of Jacobo Arbenz." Journal of Latin American Studies 21, no. 3 (October 1989): 453–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00018514.

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The cry for land is, without any doubt, the loudest, the most dramatic and the most desperate sound in Guatemala.’ So wrote the Guatemalan bishops in 1988. In their country's long history, the bishops stated, only one president – Jacobo Arbenz – had addressed the issue of land reform.1 Inaugurated in 1951, Arbenz presided over the most successful agrarian reform in the history of Central America. The reports of the US embassy bear testimony to the fact that within eighteen months land was distributed to 100,000 peasant families, amid little violence and without adversely affecting production.2 Praise for initiating the reform does not belong, however, solely to Arbenz. As his wife observed, ‘Alone, he could not have done it’. Praise should also be given to the Communist party of Guatemala, whose leaders were Arbenz's closest personal and political friends.3
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16

Maldonado, Michelle A. Gonzalez. "III. Dissent and Hope: The Church in San Lucas Tolimán, Guatemala." Horizons 45, no. 1 (May 23, 2018): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2018.60.

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Modern-day Guatemalan history is marked by the thirty-six-year-long civil war that ravaged the nation. The 1954 CIA-backed military coup of President Jacobo Arbenz led to an extended period of violence and armed conflict, the longest in Central American history. The civil war began in 1960. Military strategies included kidnappings, torture, disappearances, and death lists. More than 245,000 civilians were disappeared or killed and over 400 villages destroyed. In addition, over 1 million people were displaced from their homes. The armed conflict thus damaged the people, the environment, and the very psyche of Guatemala, creating a culture of corruption, fear, and silence. The civil war ended in late 1996 with the signing of the Peace Accords. However some scholars and activists argue that while the Accords were signed, peace has yet to be established in present-day Guatemala.
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17

Adams, Richard N. "Guatemalan Ladinization and History." Americas 50, no. 4 (April 1994): 527–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007895.

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Recent years have seen a significant increase in the use of history by social scientists. It is less and less common that studies in anthropology, sociology, and political science evaluate variables without attention to their antecedents. There still survive, however, concepts and theories built originally on synchronic assumptions. One of these theories, ladinization, has been the subject of considerable contention.“Ladinization” derives from “Ladino,” a term used in Guatemala and adjacent areas of Mexico, El Salvador, and Honduras to refer to the non-Indian natives of those countries. I am not sure when “ladinization” entered the social science vocabulary, but it may have been with the work of North American anthropologists in the 1930s and 1940s. It described what observers thought of as a process whereby Indians were becoming Ladinos or more Ladino-like. The term was not favored by Guatemalan Ladinos, who generally spoke of “civilizing” the Indians, by which they meant that Indian customs should be discarded in favor of Ladino. In espousing this theme, Guatemalan indigenistas of the “generation of the 20s” often blurred the relation of race to culture; some argued that Indians were capable of being “civilized,” others that such changes could only be secured by introducing Europeans to interbreeding.
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18

Friedman, Max Paul, and Roberto García Ferreira. "Making Peaceful Revolution Impossible." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 1 (2022): 155–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01058.

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Abstract President John F. Kennedy's Alliance for Progress was intended to forestall Communist revolutions by fostering political and economic reform in Latin America. But Kennedy undermined his own goals by thwarting democratic, leftwing leaders seeking to carry out the kind of “peaceful revolution” his own analysis told him was necessary. This article reveals the Kennedy administration's role in overthrowing the Guatemalan government in 1963—until now only hinted at or even denied in the existing literature—to prevent the return to power of the country's first democratically elected president, Juan José Arévalo Bermejo. New archival evidence from Chile, Cuba, Guatemala, Mexico, Uruguay, the United Kingdom, and the United States sheds light on the transnational networks that supported Arévalo's attempt to run for the presidency in 1963, as well as the covert efforts of U.S. and Guatemalan officials to prevent “the most popular man in Guatemala” from taking office—a neglected Cold War milestone in Latin America.
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19

Vrana, Heather. "The Guatemala Reader: History, Culture, Politics." Ethnohistory 63, no. 1 (January 2016): 201–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-3135610.

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20

Huff, Leah Alexandra. "The Guatemala Reader: History, Culture, Politics." Hispanic American Historical Review 93, no. 2 (May 1, 2013): 284–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2077279.

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21

Burnett, Virginia Garrard. "Protestantism in Rural Guatemala, 1872–1954." Latin American Research Review 24, no. 2 (1989): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002387910002286x.

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For eighteen months, between March 1982 and August 1983, Guatemala was ruled by a born-again Christian, General Efrain Ríos Montt. He drew world attention to Guatemala because of his brutally effective suppression of the nation's guerrilla movement and his idiosyncratic style of rule but above all, because of his religion. The idea that a Protestant could serve as the chief of state in a country as staunchly Catholic as Guatemala struck many observers as an anomaly. Closer examination reveals, however, that it was not anomalous for a Protestant to be president of Guatemala. By 1982 nearly 30 percent of the Guatemalan population were Protestants, the result of a quiet wave of conversion that started during the nineteenth century and has accelerated dramatically in the last three decades. The idea that President Ríos Montt's religion would influence his entire administration was even less surprising, for Protestantism has been wed to politics in Guatemala ever since it first arrived in the country. The purpose of this research report is to examine the development of patterns in the relationship between the Guatemalan state and Protestantism as they evolved during the formative years between 1872 and 1954 and to explore the effects of this relationship on Protestant conversion.
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22

Moulton, Aaron Coy. "Counterrevolutionary Friends:Caribbean Basin Dictators and Guatemalan Exiles against the Guatemalan Revolution, 1945–50." Americas 76, no. 1 (January 2019): 107–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2018.47.

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It was in January 1950 that Guatemalan Col. Carlos Castillo Armas, a rather unfamiliar figure at the time, headed for El Salvador, giving no sign that he would eventually become one of the most notorious antagonists in the destruction of the 1944-54 Guatemalan Revolution. Late in 1950, he and some 70 compatriots attacked Guatemala City's Base Militar, hoping to overthrow Juan José Arévalo's government and prevent Jacobo Arbenz from assuming the presidency. Though the assault failed and its participants were imprisoned, the dissident bribed his way out of jail and took into exile a newfound reputation as an influential conspirator.
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23

Neff, Hector, James W. Cogswell, Laura J. Kosakowsky, Francisco Estrada Belli, and Frederick J. Bove. "A New Perspective on the Relationships among Cream Paste Ceramic Traditions of Southeastern Mesoamerica." Latin American Antiquity 10, no. 3 (September 1999): 281–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972031.

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New ceramic compositional evidence has come to light that bears on the relationships among the cream paste ceramics of southeastern Mesoamerica. This evidence, which derives from instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA) and microprobe analysis, suggests that Ivory ware, a Late and Terminal Formative diagnostic found in southern Guatemala, is chemically similar not to other Guatemalan light firing pottery, but to Formative and Classic period cream paste wares from western El Salvador and Honduras. El Salvador is the clearest region of overlap between the Late Formative (Ivory Usulután) and Classic (Chilanga, Gualpopa, and Copador) representatives of this chemically homogeneous cream paste tradition, and therefore we argue that the source zone for all of them lies somewhere in western El Salvador and not in Honduras or Guatemala. This inference contradicts (1) our own earlier hypothesis that Ivory ware originated somewhere in the Guatemalan highlands and (2) the hypothesis that cream paste Copador originated in the Copán Valley. If this inference is correct, then (1) the importance of ceramic circulation in the Late and Terminal Formative Providencia and Miraflores interaction spheres has been underestimated and (2) during the Classic period, Copán absorbed the productive capacity of western El Salvador (represented in this case by cream paste polychrome pottery) to a greater extent than has been appreciated previously.
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Spector-Bagdady, Kayte, and Paul A. Lombardo. "“Something of an Adventure”: Postwar NIH Research Ethos and the Guatemala STD Experiments." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 41, no. 3 (2013): 697–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12080.

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Since their revelation to the public, the sexually transmitted disease (STD) experiments in Guatemala from 1946 to 1948 have earned a place of infamy in the history of medical ethics. During these experiments, Public Health Service (PHS) researchers intentionally exposed over 1,300 non-consenting Guatemalan soldiers, prisoners, psychiatric patients, and commercial sex workers to gonorrhea, syphilis, and/or chancroid under conditions that have shocked the medical community and public alike. Expert analysis has found little scientific value to the experiments as measured by current or contemporaneous research standards.Such an obvious case of research malfeasance, which violated research norms in place both in the past and now, has been uniformly repudiated. The Guatemala STD experiments were labeled “clearly unethical” by President Barack Obama and “reprehensible” by the Secretaries of State and Health and Human Services.
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Woodfill, Brent. "THE CENTRAL ROLE OF CAVE ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE RECONSTRUCTION OF CLASSIC MAYA CULTURE HISTORY AND HIGHLAND-LOWLAND INTERACTION." Ancient Mesoamerica 22, no. 2 (2011): 213–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536111000307.

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AbstractThe unexpected discovery of an elaborate stone coffer with lowland-style carved images and early Maya inscriptions in a cave in the northern Guatemalan highlands has great implications for our understanding of highland-lowland interaction. However, this discovery proved to be only the “tip of the iceberg” in terms of the importance of subterranean evidence in this region. Investigations in caves in central Guatemala over the past decade have been a central part of the regional investigations, often directing subsequent reconnaissance, settlement surveys, and site excavations. Indeed, the early history of the region and the trade route passing through it has largely been reconstructed from evidence in cave shrines along the mountain valley routes from Kaminaljuyu and the Valley of Guatemala to lowland Maya sites. This article reviews this evidence, which also demonstrates how cave assemblages can be used not merely to study ancient ritual, but to examine broad problems in culture history and critical elements in the study of elite power, ceramic production, settlement patterns, interregional trade, and ancient economy.
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Monteflores, Omar Lucas. "Anarchism and the Indigenous Peoples of Guatemala: A Tenuous Relation." Anarchist Studies 28, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 76–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.28.2.04.

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While the indigenous peoples of Guatemala and its history of anarchist thought are seldom studied together but there is merit to exploring the differences and convergences between the anarchist movement's perspectives on class and ethnicity and those of better understood liberal, socialist and communist traditions. Anarchists in Guatemala made tentative efforts to reach out to rural workers and peasants in the period between 1928 to 1932, but these efforts were circumscribed and largely unsuccessful. They did so under the influence of more structured movements in Mexico and Argentina, which incorporated visions of collective emancipation that would appeal to autonomous indigenous movements; however their brief embrace of these issues, interrupted by fierce repression by the state, was curtailed by the overwhelming urban base from which they intervened in labour and social struggles. The reasons for this failure lay in the history of Guatemalan race relations and the structural divisions between urban and rural society that endured during the transition from colonial to republican society, and which anarchists tied to overcome.
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27

Cáceres, Carlos. "Guatemala." Index on Censorship 17, no. 5 (May 1988): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534452.

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MacLeod, Murdo. "Guatemala Palacio Arzobispal." Americas 50, no. 4 (April 1994): 545. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007896.

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Islebe, Gerald A., Henry Hooghiemstra, Mark Brenner, Jason H. Curtis, and David A. Hodell. "A Holocene vegetation history from lowland Guatemala." Holocene 6, no. 3 (September 1996): 265–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095968369600600302.

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Painter, James. "Bombing the news." Index on Censorship 17, no. 10 (November 1988): 8–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534547.

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In March 1986, when Vinicio Cerezo became Guatemala's first elected civilian president since 1966, there were high hopes that he could bring an end to the political violence which had disfigured the country's recent past. Over two years later, it is plain that he has been unable to wrest real power from the armed forces, and though the human rights situation has improved, there are still numerous reports of disappearances and of violence used by the security forces against people from allwalks of life. Nor have the Guatemalan human rights groups had any satisfaction in response to their demands that those responsible for the thousands of deaths which occurred under previous military governments be brought to justice. Some Guatemalan exiles returned home to take advantage of the promised democratic opening under Cerezo, and attempted to widen the space for political debate. But, as the coup attempt on 11 May showed, the possibilities for such freedoms have again narrowed abruptly. Here a London-based researcher who recently travelled to Guatemala describes the current situation.
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McCreery Bunkers, Kelley, Victor Groza, and Daniel P. Lauer. "International adoption and child protection in Guatemala." International Social Work 52, no. 5 (August 24, 2009): 649–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872809337676.

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English Guatemala’s culture and history as well as its role as a major sending country for intercountry adoption are used as a context for discussing how intercountry adoption has influenced and affected the child protection system. A model for child protection development is offered. French La culture et l’histoire du Guatemala, aussi bien que son rôle en tant qu’important pays pourvoyeur d’enfants destinés à l’adoption internationale, sont utilisés comme contexte pour discuter la question de savoir en quoi ces données ont influencé et ont affecté le système de protection de l’enfance. Un modèle pour le développement de la protection de l’enfance est proposé. Spanish La cultura de Guatemala y su historia, así como su papel como el país de mayores envíos para la adopción entre países, es utilizada como contexto para discutir cómo es que ha influido y afectado el sistema de protección infantil. Se propone un modelo para el desarrollo de la protección infantil.
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Chivalán Carrillo, Marco, and Silvia Posocco. "Against Extraction in Guatemala." Interventions 22, no. 4 (April 13, 2020): 514–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369801x.2020.1749705.

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33

Garrard, Virginia. "Pentecostalism and Power in Guatemala." Current History 122, no. 841 (February 1, 2023): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2023.122.841.63.

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Guatemala is the most Protestant country in Latin America, with a rising population of Pentecostals. Although evangelicals have had substantial social and political influence for decades—one of them was a military dictator at the height of the country’s civil war in the early 1980s, and was later tried for genocide—many remain ambivalent about direct engagement with secular power. Instead, evangelical groups have been active in addressing gaps left by the state in a society struggling with violence, in areas such as education, social services, and security.
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34

Hatcher, Rachel. "“The Work…of a Thousand Different Hands” Holding a Thousand Cans of Spray Paint and Buckets of Glue." Public Historian 39, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 10–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2017.39.1.10.

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After the end of Guatemala’s thirty-six-year-long internal armed conflict, the country set about figuring out the history of this violent past. This article explores street artists’ contributions to historical knowledge, arguing, first, that they are public historians and, second, that these artist-historians work to expand responsibility for gross human rights violations beyond a traditional focus on the military to include the economic elite, whose role in the conflict must also be acknowledged if Guatemala is to work through past trauma.
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35

Vogt, Manuel. "The Disarticulated Movement: Barriers to Maya Mobilization in Post-Conflict Guatemala." Latin American Politics and Society 57, no. 1 (2015): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2015.00260.x.

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AbstractOver the last decades, indigenous movements have propelled the political empowerment of historically marginalized groups in Latin America. The Maya struggle for ethnic equality in Guatemala, however, since its reawakening during the peace process, has reached an impasse. Based on field research consisting of dozens of elite interviews, this article analyzes the patterns of and obstacles to present-day Maya mobilization. It combines movement-internal and -external factors in an overarching theoretical argument about indigenous movements' capacity to construct strong collective voices. In the Guatemalan case, organizational sectorization, the lack of elite consensus on key substantive issues, and unclear alliance strategies compromise the effectiveness of horizontal voice among Maya organizations. These problems are exacerbated by the lasting effects of the country's unique history of violence and state strategies of divide and rule, preventing the emergence of a strong vertical voice capable of challenging the Guatemalan state.
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36

Lindo-Fuentes, Hector, and David McCreery. "Rural Guatemala 1760-1940." American Historical Review 101, no. 1 (February 1996): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169406.

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37

Webre, Stephen, and David McCreery. "Rural Guatemala, 1760-1940." Hispanic American Historical Review 77, no. 3 (August 1997): 527. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516747.

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38

Matthew, Laura E. "Historical Dictionary of Guatemala." Hispanic American Historical Review 99, no. 3 (August 1, 2019): 541–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-7573562.

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39

Webre, Stephen. "Rural Guatemala, 1760-1940." Hispanic American Historical Review 77, no. 3 (August 1, 1997): 527–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-77.3.527.

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40

Palencia, Tania. "Guatemala today." Index on Censorship 17, no. 5 (May 1988): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534451.

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41

Agosin, Marjorie. "Guatemala/Argentina." Index on Censorship 19, no. 9 (October 1990): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229008534956.

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42

Woodward, Ralph Lee, and Jim Handy. "Gift of the Devil: A History of Guatemala." Hispanic American Historical Review 66, no. 2 (May 1986): 402. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515168.

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43

Adams, Walter Randolph. "Forest Society: A Social History of Petén, Guatemala." Latin American Anthropology Review 3, no. 1 (May 8, 2008): 20–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlca.1991.3.1.20.

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44

Wilson, Richard, and Norman B. Schwartz. "Forest Society: A Social History of Peten, Guatemala." Man 27, no. 1 (March 1992): 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2803646.

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45

Herwaldt, B. L., B. A. Arana, and T. R. Navin. "The Natural History of Cutaneous Leishmaniasis in Guatemala." Journal of Infectious Diseases 165, no. 3 (March 1, 1992): 518–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/infdis/165.3.518.

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46

Woodward, Ralph Lee. "Gift of the Devil: A History of Guatemala." Hispanic American Historical Review 66, no. 2 (May 1, 1986): 402–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-66.2.402.

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47

Adams, Richard N., and Norman B. Schwartz. "Forest Society: A Social History of Peten, Guatemala." Ethnohistory 39, no. 2 (1992): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482410.

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48

McCreery, David, and Norman Schwartz. "Forest Society: A Social History of Peten, Guatemala." Hispanic American Historical Review 72, no. 1 (February 1992): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515972.

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49

McCreery, David. "Forest Society: A Social History of Peten, Guatemala." Hispanic American Historical Review 72, no. 1 (February 1, 1992): 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-72.1.131.

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50

Borgstede, Greg. "SOCIAL MEMORY AND SACRED SITES IN THE WESTERN MAYA HIGHLANDS: EXAMPLES FROM JACALTENANGO, GUATEMALA." Ancient Mesoamerica 21, no. 2 (2010): 385–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536110000222.

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AbstractThis paper utilizes anthropological and sociological approaches to social memory to analyze the position and relevance of sacred sites among the Jakaltek Maya of the western highlands of Guatemala. Based on archaeological investigations and oral history, the connection between the past and present is analyzed in terms of collective memory, underscoring the importance of specific places and landscape in remembering as well as in reinforcing Jakaltek identity and history. Three distinct sacred sites are discussed, including their archaeological evidence; position (or lack of) in histories; disposition/creation as sacred site; and ties to the community's social memory. Sacred sites and social memory are viewed as a key component of indigenous activism and identity politics as well as an integral aspect to understanding the social context of archaeology in the Guatemalan Maya Highlands.
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