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1
Handy, Jim. "National Policy, Agrarian Reform, and the Corporate Community during the Guatemalan Revolution, 1944–1954." Comparative Studies in Society and History 30, no. 4 (October 1988): 698–724. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015498.
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The ‘revolution’ from 1944 to 1954 prompted important changes in rural communities in Guatemala. The extension of many government services to rural areas for the first time, the involvement of political parties in village politics, and the growth of a rural labour federation all altered the political, economic, and social organization of rural Guatemala irrevocably. Changes became even more dramatic and more significant after 1950 with the growth of a national peasant league and the passage of a comprehensive agrarian reform law in 1952. Despite its importance, the changes that came to rural Guatemala with the revolution are not well understood and the shape of the‘revolution in the countryside’continues to be debated.
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Shackleton, Michael. "The new Europe: politics, government and economy since 1945." International Affairs 69, no. 4 (October 1993): 788. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620657.
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Pallister, Kevin. "Why No Mayan Party? Indigenous Movements and National Politics in Guatemala." Latin American Politics and Society 55, no. 03 (2013): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2013.00205.x.
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AbstractUnlike indigenous social movements in several other Latin American countries, Mayan movements in Guatemala have not formed a viable indigenous-based political party. Despite the prominence of the Mayan social movement and a relatively open institutional environment conducive to party formation, indigenous groups have foregone a national political party in favor of a more dispersed pattern of political mobilization at the local level. This article argues that the availability of avenues for political representation at the municipal level, through both traditional political parties and civic committees, and the effects of political repression and violence have reinforced the fragmentation and localism of indigenous social movements in Guatemala and prevented the emergence of a viable Mayan political party. The result has been a pattern of uneven political representation, with indigenous Guatemalans gaining representation in local government while national political institutions remain exclusionary.
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Moulton, Aaron Coy. "Counterrevolutionary Friends:Caribbean Basin Dictators and Guatemalan Exiles against the Guatemalan Revolution, 1945–50." Americas 76, no. 1 (January 2019): 107–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2018.47.
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It was in January 1950 that Guatemalan Col. Carlos Castillo Armas, a rather unfamiliar figure at the time, headed for El Salvador, giving no sign that he would eventually become one of the most notorious antagonists in the destruction of the 1944-54 Guatemalan Revolution. Late in 1950, he and some 70 compatriots attacked Guatemala City's Base Militar, hoping to overthrow Juan José Arévalo's government and prevent Jacobo Arbenz from assuming the presidency. Though the assault failed and its participants were imprisoned, the dissident bribed his way out of jail and took into exile a newfound reputation as an influential conspirator.
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NOLAN-FERRELL, CATHERINE. "Agrarian Reform and Revolutionary Justice in Soconusco, Chiapas:Campesinosand the Mexican State, 1934–1940." Journal of Latin American Studies 42, no. 3 (August 2010): 551–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1000091x.
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AbstractDuring the mid- to late 1930s, rural activism surged in the coffee-growing region of southern Chiapas and north-western Guatemala. This article examines the causes and impacts of sustained campesino protests at the grassroots level on the Mexican side of the border. The porous border between the two nations hindered the development of centralised power networks that prevailed in other parts of Chiapas. Campesinos and reformist federal government officials such as teachers and agrarian engineers built alliances that challenged the power of the coffee growers. This article explores the process of negotiation that occurred among campesinos, federal bureaucrats, regional authorities and elite coffee planters in order both to implement and to challenge agrarian reform.
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Roces, Mina. "Kinship Politics in Post-War Philippines: The Lopez Family, 1945–1989." Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 1 (January 2000): 181–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003668.
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On being awarded the Legion of Honor by President Corazon Aquino, Joaquin ‘Chino.’ Roces, publisher of The Manila Times, pleaded with the president:Please allow me to remind you, first. That our people brought a new government to power because our people felt an urgent need for change. That change was nothing more and nothing less than that of moving quickly into a new moral order. The people believed, and many of them still do, that when we said we would be the exact opposite of Marcos, we would be just that. Because of that promise which the people believed, our triumph over Marcos was anchored on a principle of morality . . . . To our people, I dare propose that new moral order is best appreciated in terms of our response to graft and corruption in public service. We cannot afford a government of thieves unless we can tolerate a nation of highwaymen.
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EKERN, STENER. "The Production of Autonomy: Leadership and Community in Mayan Guatemala." Journal of Latin American Studies 43, no. 1 (February 2011): 93–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1000180x.
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AbstractThe Mayan Indians of Guatemala share the burdens of local government by taking on a set of public duties, thereby maintaining community cohesion as well as political autonomy. This article analyses recent changes in this cargo system in a context defined by development, new representations of ‘Mayanness’, and multicultural politics. It shows how sovereignty – grounded in a distinct philosophy of leadership that generates meaningful self-rule – is crucial in facilitating political transformation towards more democratic arrangements at the cost of rule by the elders.
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Stokes, Raymond G. "The Oil Industry in Nazi Germany, 1936–1945." Business History Review 59, no. 2 (1985): 254–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3114932.
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The oil industry in Nazi Germany provides an excellent focus for studying the interplay between economics, politics, and government policy in the Third Reich. In this article, Mr. Stokes brings to this subject a comparative approach, making comparisons both within the oil industry and with the industry's major industrial counterparts. He concludes that a variety of factors—including the degree of shared interest between individual firms and the government, the size and concentration of a firm's production facilities, and the political position of key firm personnel—explain the success as well as the eventual collapse of a given industrial sector.
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Cline, Catherine Ann, and John Saville. "The Politics of Continuity: British Foreign Policy and the Labour Government, 1945-46." American Historical Review 100, no. 4 (October 1995): 1255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168253.
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Hyman, Richard, and John Saville. "The Politics of Continuity: British Foreign Policy and the Labour Government: 1945-46." Labour / Le Travail 34 (1994): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143884.
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Kyle, Keith. "The politics of continuity: British foreign policy and the Labour Government, 1945–46." International Affairs 70, no. 3 (July 1994): 561–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623762.
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Strøm, Kaare, and Jørn Y. Leipart. "Policy, Institutions, and Coalition Avoidance: Norwegian Governments, 1945–1990." American Political Science Review 87, no. 4 (December 1993): 870–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938820.
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Norwegian party politics is characterized by coalition avoidance that defies conventional coalition theory. This failure of coalescence can be caused either by policy pursuit (preference-induced) or by institutional constraint (structure-induced). We test the explanatory power of policy-based and institutional explanations, relying on content analysis of authoritative party and government documents for our policy measures. The results show that the left–right policy dimension has powerfully constrained Norwegian interparty bargaining and that policy-based coalition theory can account for many apparent anomalies in Norwegian coalition politics. A permissive institutional environment has also fostered coalition avoidance. Although core-based coalition theory can thus be successfully adapted to the Norwegian case, it rests on a number of critical assumptions that limit its general applicability.
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Haveri,, Arto, Henna Paananen, and Jenni Airaksinen. "Narratives on Complexity: Interpretations on Local Government Leadership Change." Administrative Culture 19, no. 1 (October 29, 2018): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.32994/ac.v19i1.207.
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This article, based on narratives of experienced (born between 1945 and 1950) municipal chief executive officers, investigates changes that challenge leadership inlocal government. Four factors emerge: the dissolution of municipal boundaries; cooled relations between the State and municipalities; municipal inhabitants’ changing role from participatory residents to exacting customers; and fragmentation oflocal politics. These four changes reveal the diversity of local leaders’ everyday environment, illustrating and exploring how day-to-day management takes place in the intersection of more and more complex governance relations.
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Cortada, James W. "When Knowledge Transfer Goes Global: How People and Organizations Learned About Information Technology, 1945–1970." Enterprise & Society 15, no. 1 (March 2014): 68–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/kht095.
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This article argues that an information ecosystem emerged rapidly after World War II that made possible the movement of knowledge about computing and its uses around the world. Participants included engineers, scientists, government officials, business management, and users of the technology. Vendors, government agencies, the military, and professors participated regardless of such barriers as languages, cold war politics, or varying levels of national economic levels of prosperity.
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Smith, Harold L. "The politics of Conservative reform: the equal pay for equal work issue, 1945–1955." Historical Journal 35, no. 2 (June 1992): 401–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00025863.
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AbstractAlthough Conservative M.P.s were instrumental in defeating equal pay proposals in parliament in 1936 and 1944, it was a Conservative government which in 1954 decided to proceed with equal pay for female civil servants. Previous explanations for this reversal of traditional Conservative policy have focused on the need to increase the supply of female applicants for civil service positions, and the equal pay campaigns by white–collar unions and by the feminist Equal Pay Campaign Committee. Drawing upon previously unused sources, including P.R.O.files, this article offers a more overtly political explanation.Within four weeks after the Labour party announced in January 1954 that it would ‘immediately’ implement equal pay when the next Labour government was formed, R. A. Butler, the chancellor of the exchequer, informed his treasury advisers that he wished to proceed with equal pay. With a general election looming in the near future, and believing themselves engaged in a close race with the Labour party, the cabinet reluctantly endorsed reform, fearing that a failure to act might tip sufficient female voters toward Labour to determine the outcome of a close election.
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Krause, Krystin. "Supporting the Iron Fist: Crime News, Public Opinion, and Authoritarian Crime Control in Guatemala." Latin American Politics and Society 56, no. 01 (2014): 98–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2014.00224.x.
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AbstractAuthoritarian responses to rising violent crime rates have become a serious problem in Central America. Inspired by theories of agenda setting and media framing, this article examines the influence of news media coverage of crime on attitudes toward crime control. Using an original survey experiment, it tests the relationship between crime news, fear of crime, trust in government institutions, and support for authoritarian crime control measures in Guatemala. It finds that crime news influences support for authoritarian crime control via its effect on lowering citizen trust in government institutions. Exposure to crime news also affects self-reported victimization rates and levels of support for a presidential candidate promoting iron fist policies. These findings not only give insight into the relationship between crime news and political attitudes but also have implications for the rule of law and the politics of crime in new or fragile democracies.
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Sondrol, Paul C. "The Emerging New Politics of Liberalizing Paraguay: Sustained Civil-Military Control without Democracy." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 2 (1992): 127–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166031.
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The Process of the transition from authoritarianism to more representative forms of government has become a major subject of the scholarship on Latin American politics today (O'Donnell, et al, 1986; Malloy and Seligson, 1987; Stepan, 1989; Diamond et al, 1988-1990; Lowenthal, 1991). Given this interest, as expressed by the growing literature in this area, little attention has been paid to the transition process now going on in Paraguay, which is now emerging from one of Latin America's most long-standing authoritarian regimes.A number of studies testify to the authoritarian nature of Paraguay's government and society. Johnson indicates that Paraguay ranked either 18th or 19th—out of 20 Latin American nations ... in 9 successive surveys of democratic development, carried out at 5-year intervals from 1945 to 1985 (Jonnson> 1988). A longitudinal study of press freedom found that Paraguay was invariably placed in the category of “poor,” or even “none,” between 1945-1975 (Hill and Hurley, 1980). When Palmer applied his 5 indicators of authoritarianism (nonelective rule, coups, primacy of the military, military rule, executive predominance) to the countries of Latin America, Paraguay consistently ranked first in its degree of authoritarianism (Palmer, 1977).
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Foweraker, Joe, and Roman Krznaric. "The Uneven Performance of Third Wave Democracies: Electoral Politics and the Imperfect Rule of Law in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 44, no. 03 (2002): 29–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2002.tb00213.x.
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Abstract This article investigates the performance of the new democracies of the third wave by developing a conceptual model of the core elements of liberal democratic government and by constructing a new Database of Liberal Democratic Performance. The performance is shown to be uneven in two main ways. First, the institutional attributes of democratic government advance while individual and minority rights languish. Second, particular institutional attributes coexist uncomfortably, as do particular rights. A comparison of Brazil, Colombia, and Guatemala complements the big picture drawn from the database and focuses on the specific contextual conditions that can create the general political contours of the wave. The uneven democratic performance of these cases is mainly explained by the combination of persistent oligarchic power and a largely unaccountable military. Yet uneven performance, and the imperfect rule of law in particular, does not necessarily prevent democratic survival.
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Ray, Saumyajit. "How the Speaker of the US House of Representatives from the ‘Other Party’ Shaped American Politics Since 1945." International Studies 49, no. 3-4 (July 2012): 377–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881714534034.
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In the presidential system of government in the United States, the President’s party has on more than one occasion been reduced to a minority in the federal legislature. The US President and the Speaker of the House of Representatives—the leader of the majority party—had often found themselves clashing on matters of policy, legislation, and executive action. This essay makes a careful selection of five House Speakers in the post-1945 period, all belonging to the ‘other party’, and explores their relations with the Presidents of their times. Out of these, only Newt Gingrich succeeded in dividing the government as never before, demonstrating that the House Speaker had the capacity to stall government altogether, something even a ‘Leader of the Opposition’ in a parliamentary system can never do.
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Imaniyati, Neni Sri, Efik Yusdiansyah, Muhardi Muhardi, Husni Syam, Mohammad Tahir Cheumar, and Panji Adam. "The Political Direction of Indonesian Economic Law as the Conception of Welfare State in the 1945 Constitution." International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (August 23, 2021): 1310–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.151.
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Political law, political economy and political economy law are three concepts that arise from a deep understanding of the 1945 Constitution as statutory norms. A series that tries to align the interests and desires of the 1945 Constitution with the interests of the state and the people's wishes, which often have different views and practices between the two. This article aims to analyze the direction of Indonesian economic law politics policy in the Welfare State conception based on the 1945 Constitution. The method used is a normative juridical approach with descriptive-analytical techniques using qualitative juridical data analysis methods. This article concludes that the direction of Indonesian economic policy shows some adoption of neoliberalism values that have become references in the formulation of monetary policy in Indonesia. As a government law politics, the direction of economic policy must be oriented towards the institutionalization of the status of the Indonesian nation to advance the general welfare. And the "vehicle" for institutionalizing this staatsidee, as formulated in Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, is the concept of a welfare state.
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Berth, Christiane. "Umkämpfte Wirtschaften: Kaffeehandel, europäische Einwanderung und die zentralamerikanischen Ökonomien im Ersten Weltkrieg." Anuario de Historia de América Latina 55 (December 14, 2018): 285–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/jbla.55.76.
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The article discusses how the First World War affected the Central American economies mainly dependent on the export of coffee and bananas. As European immigrants played a key role in the coffee business, the article also analyzes changes in their trade networks. During the war years, conflicts existed on three levels: first, the U.S. and European powers struggled for economic influence in the region. Second, diplomats tried to exploit immigrants for their political purposes which led to tensions. Third, the Central American governments attempted to use the global conflict for their own economic interests. However, their scope was small as the Central American countries produced no strategic raw materials for war. Deteriorating coffee prices and local currencies losing value affected the regional economy. After Britain and the U.S. established Black Lists with enemy firms between 1915 and 1917, companies had to (re)define their national belonging. Given the strong presence of immigrants and the international trade networks this was a difficult task. Some firms tried to demonstrate a neutral profile, while others eliminated German partners from their business. Finally, the US expropriated German firms in Guatemala and Honduras. However, most businesses were returned to former owners around 1920. In the following decade, the US and Germany competed again for economic influence in Central America.
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Loveman, Brian. "¿Mision Cumplida? Civil Military Relations and the Chilean Political Transition." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 3 (1991): 35–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165933.
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The armed forces have reconstructed authentic democracy. They have once again definitively carried out their mission…. I love this country more than Life itself.Captain General Augusto Pinochet11 September 1989The Constitution of 1980 does not meet, in its elaboration of the manner in which it was ratified, the essential conditions required by constitutional doctrine for the existence of a legitimate political order based on the rule of law.Francisco Cumplido C. (1983)Minister of Justice (1990)On 11 March 1990, Patricio Aylwin took office as Chile's first elected president since 1970. Chile thus joined the list of Latin American nations making a transition from military to civilian government. Like the civilian governments in Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Peru, Bolivia, El Salvador and Guatemala, Chile's new government faced the challenge of returning the armed forces to a less central role in politics and reducing their institutional prerogatives.
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Brooke, Stephen. "Revisionists and Fundamentalists: the Labour Party and Economic Policy during the Second World War." Historical Journal 32, no. 1 (March 1989): 157–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0001534x.
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‘Labour Comes of Age’, Kingsley Martin observed a few days after the party's electoral landslide of 1945. This might have been more precise if a chorus had added, sotto voce, ‘…And Comes Into an Inheritance’, for since the publication of Paul Addison's The road to 1945 (1975), the history of the Labour party during and after the war has been dominated by the notion of a political consensus forged during the Churchill coalition and left as a legacy to the Attlee government. According to Addison, it was the consensus of Keynes and Beveridge that shaped post-war politics rather than any distinctive contribution from Labour.
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Alamsyah, Bunyamin, and Uu Nurul Huda. "POLITIK HUKUM PELEMBAGAAN KOMISI-KOMISI NEGARA DALAM SISTEM KETATANEGARAAN INDONESIA." Jurnal Hukum dan Peradilan 2, no. 1 (March 29, 2013): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.25216/jhp.2.1.2013.85-108.
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During the 32 years of the New Order government certainly has its advantages and disadvantages, in terms of the development of infrastructure and supra-structure growing rapidly, but the journey has decreased function of government and its role even stagnant. Therefore, there was the Reform of 1998 in a variety of fields. In reply funsgi decline and the role of government under the Constitution of 1945, there was an opinion with the formation of a new organization outside the government. Gagsan ideas are realized with the establishment of committees that do not require the State budget a little, sometimes a clash of authority between committees also with government agencies. Committees should not be separated from the politics of law. Keywords: Institutionalization of Political Law, Commissions of the State, State Administration System
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Friedman, Robert S. "American Nuclear Energy Policy, 1945–1990: A Review Essay." Journal of Policy History 3, no. 3 (July 1991): 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600006321.
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Political scientists have often referred to core decision-making groups in American politics as “policy communities” or, more popularly, as “the iron triangle.” Invariably, they are describing the interaction patterns of specialists in the executive and legislative branches of government and in the private sector who devote primary attention to the initiation and implementation of public policy in a particular issue area. In large measure the groups are depicted as having close-knit working relationships that result from frequent interaction, similarity in information sources and commonality in ideological predisposition. Perceptive observers such as Hedrick Smith, however, have pointed out that in some policy arenas there are critics who are not part of what is usually regarded as the cozy establishment network. These he has referred to as “dissident triangles” or rival networks that compete with varying degrees of success in the process.
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Goksoy, Ismail Hakki. "The Policy of the Dutch Government Towards Islam in Indonesia." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i1.1976.
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This paper aims to examine the policy of the Dutch colonial government towards Islam in Indonesia, especially during the period of 1945-49 in which the lndonesians struggled for their independence from the Dutch. However, the attitudes of the Dutch East Indian Company towards the Indonesian Muslims in the 17th and 18th centuries and that of the Dutch colonial government in later periods were also included in order to indicate the changes in policy. The government's policy towards Islam during the independence period was determined largely by its immediate aim to gain the support of the Muslim people for the reestablishment of the Dutch rule in fndonesia after the war. Therefore, the Dutch authorities in Jakarta tried to show a tolerant attitude towards the Muslim leaders, especially the ulama who had great influence upon the people, and they were inclined to give them more help in religious, social and educational fields, but without endangering the principle of the separation of religion and politics. In this respect, the attempts to establish close contact with the Muslim leaders and their organizations as well as the stimulation of ulama conferences and establishment of regional Islamic councils were discussed in detail. Based largely on the archival materials, the paper concludes that the Dutch needed to pursue a liberal policy after 1945 in contrast to a neutral one in previous times.
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BOOTH, WILLIAM A. "Hegemonic Nationalism, Subordinate Marxism: The Mexican Left, 1945–7." Journal of Latin American Studies 50, no. 1 (January 31, 2017): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x17000013.
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AbstractThe most significant weakness of the Marxist Left in early Cold War Mexico was that it subordinated itself to post-revolutionary nationalism. Both the Mexican Communist Party and followers of Vicente Lombardo Toledano supported the ruling Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutional Revolutionary Party, PRI), avoiding significant criticism before late 1947. Some dissident currents of Marxism did exist, but they were sparsely followed. Mexico provides an extreme case of Left subordination to popular-nationalist ideology, yet is indicative of trends visible elsewhere, e.g. among Marxist groups in post-war Cuba and the United States. Rather than promoting notions of communist political practice, the Mexican Marxist Left consistently advocated the elimination of class conflict and support for the ‘national bourgeoisie’. The Marxist Left held the Mexican government to different standards from those to which they held the governments of other countries. A near-consensus on the Mexican Left equated patriotism with progressive politics. The argument is illustrated with an important case study: the 1947 Marxist Round Table.
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Jefferys, Kevin. "British Politics and Social Policy during the Second World War." Historical Journal 30, no. 1 (March 1987): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00021944.
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This article sets out to examine the relationship between party politics and social reform in the Second World War. The issue of government policy towards reform was raised initially by Richard Titmuss, who argued in his official history of social policy that the experience of total war and the arrival of Churchill's coalition in 1940 led to a fundamentally new attitude on welfare issues. The exposure of widespread social deprivation, Titmuss claimed, made central government fully conscious for the first time of the need for reconstruction; the reforms subsequently proposed or enacted by the coalition were therefore an important prelude to the introduction of a ‘welfare state’ by the post-war Labour administration. These claims have not been borne out by more recent studies of individual wartime policies, but as a general guide to social reform in the period the ideas of Richard Titmuss have never been entirely displaced. In fact the significance of wartime policy, and its close relationship with post-war reform, has been reaffirmed in the most comprehensive study of British politics during the war – Paul Addison's The road to 1945. For Addison, the influence of Labour ministers in the coalition made the government the most radical since Asquith's Liberal administration in the Edwardian period. The war, he notes, clearly placed on the agenda the major items of the post-war welfare state: social security for all, a national health service, full employment policies, improved education and housing, and a new system, of family allowances.
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Refika, Refika, Lias Hasibuan, and Kasful Anwar Us. "The Basic concept of Economic Education At the Level of Supra Structure and Inrastruktur Politics in Indonesia." International Journal of Educational Research & Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (April 7, 2021): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.51601/ijersc.v2i1.24.
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This article aims to get an overview of how basic concepts of economics ofeducation at the level of the supra-structure and infra-political structure inIndonesia. In that state of supra structure that includes the legislative, executive,judicial, and other state institutions, the government of Indonesia has made apolicy in writing that stated in the mandate of the constitution the Constitutionof 1945 of the State's obligation in financing education in Indonesia. Educationfunding is contained in Article 31 paragraph (4) of the 1945 Constitution thatthe State prioritize the education budget by 20% from APBN/APBD. If seen in astate of infra-structure that covers the center of the political power of thepeople, contained in elements of social organization, political figures,community leaders, the tools of political communication, and especially apolitical organization or political party is able to affect the workings of theapparatus of the public to express, distribute, translate, convert demands,support and the specific problems associated with the public interest, especiallyin this case the education sector, the government has given freedom inexpressing their opinions. It is proved that the Indonesian State has beenattempted in the give attention to education for its citizens. Because with aquality education will be able to improve economic growth and development ina Country. However, the education budget by 20% is considered not able tomaximize the improvement of the quality of education in Indonesia, so the needfor a new policy in increasing the percentage of the budget for education.
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Susila Wibawa, Kadek Cahya. "Penegasan Politik Hukum Desentralisasi Asimetris dalam Rangka Menata Hubungan Pemerintah Pusat dengan Pemerintah Daerah di Indonesia." Administrative Law and Governance Journal 2, no. 3 (August 1, 2019): 400–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/alj.v2i3.400-412.
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Abstract The legal politics of Article 18, Article 18A and Article 18B of the UUDNRI 1945 (Indonesian Constitution) do not strictly state that Indonesia adheres to the concept of asymmetric decentralization in the administration of local government. Until now, Indonesia does not yet have a grand design of asymmetric decentralization policy. The asymmetrical idea runs by itself without having its main design. Indonesia needs to affirm its asymmetrical decentralization policy to ensure the implementation of local government by the politic of law in the UUDNRI 1945. The establishment of a basic law on asymmetric decentralization is one way to emphasize that Indonesia adheres to asymmetric devolution in the operation of central government relations with local governments. The construction of the act that is built remains in the spirit of decentralization rather than centralization is carried out asymmetrically rather than symmetrically, and remains within the framework of the United States of the Republic of Indonesia. The act becomes the lex genres of all laws relating to the broadest local autonomy and special autonomy. Keywords: Asymmetric Decentralization, Local Government, Central Government, Autonomy. Abstrak Politik hukum Pasal 18, Pasal 18A, dan Pasal 18B UUDNRI 1945 menyatakan secara tidak tegas bahwa Indonesia menganut konsep desentralisasi asimetris dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah. Indonesia sampai saat ini belum memiliki grand design kebijakan desentralisasi asimetris. Konsep asimetris berjalan dengan sendirinya tanpa ada design utamanya. Indonesia perlu penegasan kebijakan desentralisasi asimetris untuk menjamin penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah sesuai politik hukum dalam UUDNRI 1945. Pembentukan undang-undang pokok mengenai desentralisasi asimetris merupakan salah satu cara untuk menegaskan bahwa Indonesia menganut desentralisasi asimetris dalam penyelenggaraan hubungan pemerintah pusat dengan pemerintah daerah. Konstruksi undang-undang yang dibangun tetap dengan semangat desentralisasi bukan sentralisasi, dijalankan secara asimetris bukan simetris dan tetap dalam bingkai Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Undang-undang tersebut menjadi lex generelis dari semua undang-undang yang terkait dengan otonomi daerah seluas-luasnya, otonomi khusus, dan otonomi istimewa. Kata kunci: Desentralisasi Asimetris, Pemerintah Daerah, Pemerintah Pusat, Otonomi.
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Ofis Rikardo. "PENERAPAN KEDAULATAN RAKYAT DI DALAM PEMILIHAN UMUM DI INDONESIA BERDASARKAN UNDANG-UNDANG DASAR NEGARA REPUBLIK INDONESIA TAHUN 1945." Jurnal Hukum Sasana 6, no. 1 (July 27, 2020): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31599/sasana.v6i1.228.
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ABSTRACTElections are a means of implementing the sovereignty of the people regulated in the 1945 Constitution. In the implementation of indirect democracy, a representative democratic system is inevitable, so that elections that uphold direct, public, free, secret, honest and fair spirit are a means of regenerating leadership politics to run the government both at central and regional levels. People as the owner of the highest sovereignty surrender their sovereignty to state institutions such as the President, DPR, DPD, and DPRD through elections. After the change in the 1945 Constitution there was a shift in the regulation of popular sovereignty such as the MPR is no longer the executor of popular sovereignty, the implementation of direct presidential elections by the people, until the emergence of the Constitutional Court that can try and decide the president and vice president to stop in his term of office. All of this is an effort to uphold the people's sovereignty and at the same time to maintain the people's sovereignty based on the 1945 Constitution.
Keywords: People's Sovereignty, Elections, 1945 Constitution
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Chapin, Christy Ford. "Ensuring America's Health: Publicly Constructing the Private Health Insurance Industry, 1945–1970." Enterprise & Society 13, no. 4 (December 2012): 729–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700011435.
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“Ensuring America's Health” demonstrates how public and private power intermingled to embed a specific organizational model—the insurance company model—into the health care system. The dissertation draws on government documents, trade association papers, company archives, and interviews with policymakers, insurance industry leaders, and physicians. In addition to exploring health care politics, it presents a detailed study of major trade associations and ground-level organizations, such as individual insurance companies and physician offices. This history reveals the degree to which policy debates and private sector organization have informed one another; exposes the factors driving US health care costs; and details the origins of the system's pseudo-corporate structure, which places insurance companies in a supervisory role over physicians and hospitals.
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Stanton, Domna C. "The Humanities in Human Rights: Critique, Language, Politics." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 121, no. 5 (October 2006): 1518–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900099818.
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IN THE BEGINNING WAS THE AND. WHEN JUDITH BUTLER AND I DEcided to cochair a conference called “Human Rights and the Humanities,” we aimed to create a connection between two apparently disparate fields and to leave its nature general enough to allow participants to probe different types of relations. I say “apparently” because connections between the humanities and human rights have existed historically and conceptually in the West through the mediation of humanism. Even though in Renaissance Italy umanista, the teacher of classical languages and literatures, was contrasted with legista, the teacher of law, humanist thought held that the reading, understanding, and critique of the bonae litterae, as Eugenio Garin has argued, could contribute to the renovation of the world, social life, and government and thus to human happiness. Not surprisingly, then, civic humanism was to merge with the ideals of freedom, equality, justice, tolerance, secularism, and cosmopolitanism in the eighteenth-century European Enlightenment. And since 1945 Enlightenment humanism has provided the philosophical underpinnings of human rights declarations, covenants, conventions, protocols, and charters.
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Halimah, Siti. "MANAJEMEN DAN KEBIJAKAN POLITIK PEMERINTAHAN DI INDONESIA TENTANG PENDIDIKAN AGAMA ISLAM." Didaktika Religia 3, no. 2 (July 24, 2015): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30762/didaktika.v3i2.162.
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The paper highlights Islamic education in Indonesia that can be classified intothree kinds. First, Islamic education as an institution with Islamic educationrecognized by the government. Second, Islamic education as a subject givenfrom elementary school to college level. Third, Islamic education as a valuein the national education system. When Islam came to Indonesia, it directlyand indirectly has been in contact with the government or the policy of theIndonesian authorities. This more or less already affects the growth, developmentand advancement of Islamic education in Indonesia. The culmination of thegovernment’s acknowledgment of the existence of Islamic education is Law No.20 Year 2003 on National Education System, which regulates the implementationof a national education system as desired by the 1945 Constitution that integratesIslamic education into the national education system.Key words: Management, Politics, government, PAI
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Howell, Chris. "Book Review: Government and Industrial Relations: Wage Politics in Britain: The Rise and Fall of Incomes Policies since 1945." ILR Review 56, no. 1 (October 2002): 182–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979390205600113.
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Sukirno, Sukirno. "Politik Hukum Pengakuan Hak atas Administrasi Kependudukan Bagi Penganut Penghayat Kepercayaan." Administrative Law and Governance Journal 2, no. 2 (June 2, 2019): 268–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/alj.v2i2.268-281.
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Abstract This article is motivated by the existence of various laws and regulations that discredit and discriminate against believers to get their rights guaranteed by Article 29 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia which affirms the right to freedom of religion and belief. The problem raised is what legal politics underlie legislation that prevents trustees from obtaining the same rights as other Indonesian citizens. The search results found that the legal politics underlying the discrediting legislation and discriminating against religious believers were the legal politics of the world religions paradigm which gave the majority the religious role to intervene in government policies to marginalize religious minorities. Keywords: legal politics, belief groups. Abstrak Artikel ini dilatar belakangi adanya berbagai peraturan perundang-undangan yang mendiskreditkan dan mendiskriminasi penghayat kepercayaan untuk mendapatkan hak-haknya yang sudah dijamin oleh Pasal 29 ayat (2) UUD NRI 1945 yang menegaskan hak kebebasan beragama dan berkepercayaan. Permasalahan yang diangkat adalah politik hukum apa yang melandasi peraturan perundang-undangan yang menghalangi penghayat kepercayaan untuk memperoleh hak-hak yang sama sebagaimana warga negara Indonesia lainnya. Hasil penelusuran menemukan bahwa politik hukum yang melandasi peraturan perundang-undangan yang mendiskreditkan dan mendiskriminasi penghayat kepercayaan adalah politik hukum paradigma agama dunia yang memberikan peran agama mayoritas untuk mengintervensi kebijakan pemerintah untuk meminggirkan agama minoritas atau kepercayaan. Kata kunci: Politik Hukum, Penghayat Kepercayaan.
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Romano, Silvina, and Ibán Díaz Parra. "El Estado en América Latina: entre el neodesarrollismo y la postpolítica. Aportes desde Guatemala The State in Latin America: between neo development and post politics. Contributions from the Guatemalan case ." Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades 3, no. 2 (March 14, 2017): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.36829/63chs.v3i2.277.
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Los gobiernos neodesarrollistas en América Latina plantearon la posibilidad de instrumentalizar al Estado-nación en pos de una política económica con una cierta (y limitada) autonomía de los patrones hegemónicos a nivel global. Estas experiencias han encontrado una firme condena por parte de la ortodoxia económica y política vinculada al pensamiento neoliberal, así como de parte de discursos de izquierda opuestos al desarrollo estatal y a la propia idea de desarrollo ¿Cómo es posible que ambas posturas hayan encontrado su enemigo en el Estado-nación? ¿Cuál es la razón de este consenso? Nuestra hipótesis es que esta comunión es el resultado de una situación postpolítica. Para dar cuenta de este argumento, tomamos el caso de Guatemala debido a la similitud entre los gobiernos de la Revolución de Octubre (1945-1954) y el neodesarollismo, así como los claros signos postpolíticos que se perciben en el escenario político actual
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Panjaitan, Marojahan JS. "Legal Politics to Build a State of Happiness: An Idea in a State Based on the 1945 Constitution." International Journal of Criminology and Sociology 10 (December 31, 2020): 486–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-4409.2021.10.57.
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This research was conducted with the intent and purpose of answering two problem formulations, namely: what caused Indonesia to lag behind other countries, and secondly, how the legal politics in developing a country of happiness in Indonesia. The research method uses the method of legislation approach and comparison with literature studies. Based on research, several factors that cause Indonesia to lag behind other countries, namely: convoluted bureaucratic culture, a state administration that is not responsive to the needs of society, a national education system that is unable to produce quality graduates, unstable political conditions, Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism are rife, and the development of primordial identity politics. Legal politics in developing a state of happiness is based on the purpose of a state based on the 1945 Constitution, namely: realizing a state of happiness. That is the idea of a state that must be realized in the life of the state in Indonesia which is mandated by the country's founders. Various efforts have been made in realizing this, but until now have not given satisfactory results. Indonesia is still far behind other countries. Of the 156 happiest countries chosen, Indonesia ranks 92. That means the government has not succeeded in giving happiness to its people.
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Girod, Desha M., Megan A. Stewart, and Meir R. Walters. "Mass protests and the resource curse: The politics of demobilization in rentier autocracies." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 5 (July 27, 2016): 503–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894216651826.
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Why are some dictators more successful at demobilizing protest movements than others? Repression sometimes stamps out protest movements (Bahrain in 2011) but can also cause a backlash (Egypt and Tunisia in 2011), leading to regime change. This article argues that the effectiveness of repression in quelling protests varies depending upon the income sources of authoritarian regimes. Oil-rich autocracies are well equipped to contend with domestic and international criticism, and this gives them a greater capacity to quell protests through force. Because oil-poor dictators lack such ability to deal with criticism, repression is more likely to trigger a backlash of increased protests. The argument is supported by analysis of newly available data on mass protests from the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes (NAVCO 2.0) dataset, which covers all countries (1945–2006). This article implies that publics respond strategically to repression, and tend to demobilize when the government is capable of continually employing repression with impunity.
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Fatalski, Marcin. "Foreign Policy of the Polish People’s Republic on Mexico 1945-1989." Ad Americam 19 (February 8, 2019): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/adamericam.19.2018.19.04.
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In the period between 1945-1989, Polish-Mexican relations were determined by the Cold War rivalry. Poland remained in the Soviet sphere of influence and its sovereignty was limited by Moscow. Although controlled by the Kremlin, Poland had its own initiatives in foreign policy. Warsaw considered Mexico to be the most important partner in Latin America (not to mention the communist ally, Castro of Cuba), thus Polish diplomacy made many efforts to strengthen mutual political, cultural and economic relations. Mexico, with its independent foreign policy, progressive state ideology and tremendous market, seemed a particularly valuable partner in Latin America to the Polish communist leaders. The climax of Polish diplomatic initiatives occurred in the 1970s. Mexico was also interested in cooperation with Poland, especially in its economic dimension but the result of the efforts was mixed. The poor performance of Polish-Mexican economic relations when compared with the Mexican commercial exchange with other East European countries proves that the efforts of the Polish government in the economic sphere were rather futile. Political relations were good, however geopolitically both countries belonged to different spheres. The special, independent position of Mexico in world politics made such friendly relations possible.
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HAMID, ABDUL. "PERGESERAN PERAN KYAI DALAM POLITIK DI BANTEN ERA ORDE BARU DAN REFORMASI." ALQALAM 28, no. 2 (January 31, 2019): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.32678/alqalam.v28i2.895.
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Kyai is one of traditional leaders in Banten. The political role of kyai in Banten has risen and fell. From collonial collapsed to Indonesian Revolt 1945, the leadership of kyai had increased in the peak performance. In 1945 until 1950, all of the Bupati in Banten were positioned by kyai. Since that time to now, in all of dimensions, the leadership of kyai has decreased. In New Order era, many kyais were organized as supported organization of ruling party. It was mutualism relation, ruling party got mass supports and kyai got material support for himself and pesantren. Impad of this strategy was increasing of charisma, influence, and trust. On the other hand, some kyais got oppression because of their independences and critics to government. In reformasi era, kyai had been fragmented in many political powers, but still as supporting actor not as the main one. To fulfill their needs, both for their selves and for pesantren, some kyais has done pragmatically and depended on others. This met with politician or government purposes to get religious legitimacy. The mix of political and economic weakness made kyai failed to made reformasi era as an opportunity to get back their ultimate role in politics.
Keywords: Kyai, Political Role, New Order, Reformation Era, Banten.
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Struthers, James. "Regulating the Elderly: Old Age Pensions and the Formation of a Pension Bureaucracy in Ontario, 1929-1945." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 3, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 235–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031051ar.
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Abstract This article examines the emergence of means-tested old age pensions in Ontario in the context of the Great Depression and World War II. Ontario's old age pension scheme, it argues, was launched in 1929 with weak political commitment, little bureaucratic-preparation, and an almost complete absence of administrative experience at the provincial and municipal level in assessing and responding to need on a mass scale. The article examines the complex interplay among federal, provincial, and local government authorities in the politics of pension administration throughout the 1929-1945 era, arguing that local control of pension decision-making in the early years of the Depression provided two divergent models of pension entitlement both as charity and as an earned social right. After 1933 governments at both the provincial and federal level centralized decision-making over pension administration in order to standardize and restrict pension entitlement, contain its rapidly rising costs, and enforce more efficiently the concept of parental maintenance upon children. World War II undermined the concept of pensions as charity by broadly expanding the boundaries of entitlement both for the elderly and their children. By 1945 means-tested pensions had few supporters within or outside of government, laying the basis for the emergence of a universal system of old age security in 1951.
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Taufik, Muhammad. "DINAMIKA DALAM PENERAPAN SISTEM PEMERINTAHAN PESIDENSIAL DAN PARLEMENTER DI INDONESIA." Qaumiyyah: Jurnal Hukum Tata Negara 1, no. 2 (August 17, 2021): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24239/qaumiyyah.v1i2.10.
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The implementation of democracy in each country takes different forms between one country and another, sometimes in a country in carrying out democracy it takes the form of a parliamentary system, likewise sometimes a country runs a presidential system in order to realize democracy. Meanwhile, in the context of the Indonesian state, the implementation of a government system whether it uses a presidential or parliamentary system is still a dynamic and debate until now among experts in constitutional law and politics that the Indonesian government system adopts what form of government system. Some experts have argued that when the 1945 Constitution had not been amended, the style of Indonesian government was often said to be a semi-presidential system. However, in practice the Indonesian government system is closer to a parliamentary style as was the case during the constitution of the Republic of the United States of Indonesia (RIS) and the UUDS in 1950, and after the amendments to the 1945 Constitution, the Indonesian government system became a pure presidential system. Several other experts stated that the Indonesian government system adopted a presidential system of government because it was of the opinion that the president's accountability to the MPR was not the responsibility of the legislative body. In this case he added, the President's accountability to the MPR should not be equated with a cabinet's accountability to parliament (in the parliamentary system). Therefore, it is very important to trace the implementation of the government system in Indonesia to date, whether it is adopting a pure presidential system or a mixture of presidential and parliamentary systems.
Abstrak
Implementasi demokrasi dalam setiap negara mengambil bentuk yang berbeda-beda antara negara yang satu maupun negara lain, terkadang dalam sebuah negara dalam menjalankan demokrasi mengambil bentuk sistem parlementer, demikian pula terkadang suatu negara menjalankan sistem presidensial demi untuk mewujudkan demokrasi. Sementara dalam konteks negara Indonesia, penerapan sistem pemerintahan apakah menggunakan sistem presindesial atau parlementer masih menjadi suatu dinamika dan perdebatan sampai sekarang dikalangan para pakar hukum tata negara dan politik bahwa sistem pemerintahan Indonesia menganut sistem pemerintahan yang berbentuk apa. Beberapa pakar mengemukakan bahwa ketika UUD 1945 belum diamandemen, corak pemerintahan Indonesia sering dikatakan sebagai sistem semi presidensial. Namun dalam prakteknya sistem pemerintahan Indonesia justru lebih mendekati corak parlementer seperti halnya dalam masa konstitusi Republik Indonesia Serikat (RIS) dan UUDS tahun 1950, dan setelah amandemen UUD 1945 sistem pemerintahan Indonesia menjadi sistem presidnesial murni. Beberapa pakar lain menyebutkan bahwa sistem pemerintahan Indonesia menganut sistem pemerintahan presidensial karena berpendapat pertanggungjawaban presiden kepada MPR bukan merupakan pertanggungjawaban kepada badan legeslatif. dalam hal ini menambahkan, petanggungjawaban Presiden kepada MPR tidak boleh disamakan dengan pertanggungjawaban kabinet kepada parlemen (dalam sistem parlementer). Karena itu, menjadi hal sangat penting untuk menelusuri pelaksanaan sistem pemerintahan di Indonesia hingga sekarang ini, apakah menganut sistem presidensial murni atau campuran sistem presidensial dan parlementer.
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Rose, Mary B. "The Politics of Protection: An Institutional Approach to Government–Industry Relations in the British and United States Cotton Industries, 1945–73." Business History 39, no. 4 (October 1997): 128–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00076799700000149.
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STOCKWELL, A. J. "‘The Crucible of the Malayan Nation’: The University and the Making of a New Malaya, 1938–62." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 5 (September 2009): 1149–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x08003752.
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AbstractLike so many features of the British Empire, policy for colonial higher education was transformed during the Second World War. In 1945 the Asquith Commission established principles for its development, and in 1948 the Carr–Saunders report recommended the immediate establishment of a university in Malaya to prepare for self-government. This institution grew at a rate that surpassed expectations, but the aspirations of its founders were challenged by lack of resources, the mixed reactions of the Malayan people and the politics of decolonisation. The role of the University of Malaya in engineering a united Malayan nation was hampered by lingering colonial attitudes and ultimately frustrated by differences between Singapore and the Federation. These differences culminated in the university's partition in January 1962. In the end it was the politics of nation-building which moulded the university rather than the other way round.
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Trajano Filho, Francisco Sales. "The Many Faces of a Para-Fascist Culture: Architecture, Politics and Power in Vargas’ Regime (1930–1945)." Fascism 7, no. 2 (October 17, 2018): 175–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00702003.
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This article considers key developments in Brazilian architecture which occurred under the ambiguous and contradictory Vargas’ regime (1930–1945), when it was exposed to both internal and external political contingencies, including the crisis of liberalism, which affected its ability to expand and consolidate itself. This situation was not unique to Brazil, since many interwar dictatorships, including the Soviet and fascist regimes, shared the same characteristics. In the Brazilian twentieth century, both during democratic and dictatorial times, whether dominated by left-wing or right-wing ideologies, architecture and the State constantly sought to take advantage of the relationship between them. The demands, projects and interests of both spheres set up an intricate web of relationships that shaped national identity and embodied its material representation. Investigating the place of architecture within a broader context, that of the Brazilian nation-building process, the article establishes that the architectural representation of the Brazilian state was never straight forward, combining a set of breakthroughs and setbacks, and always leaving the quest for a uniform and coherent aesthetic language unsolved. This anomalous situation has led scholarship to disregard the complex relationship between the State and architecture, between ideology and aesthetics and, simultaneously, to ignore the profound contradictions within Vargas’s government, both in the political and architectural field, and to underestimate the role played by the modernism of European fascism in acting as one of the poles of attraction acting on how building projects were conceived.
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MAEDA, Yukio. "Changes in Public Opinion Polling: How Newspaper Polls Gained Political Clout." Social Science Japan Journal 22, no. 2 (2019): 261–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ssjj/jyz023.
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Abstract Approval in public opinion polling is an important resource for prime ministers in contemporary Japanese politics. Though it is widely agreed that cabinet approval ratings increased in political significance after the electoral reform and the restructuring of government agencies, little attention has been paid to the fact that public opinion polling in the mass media also experienced a transformation during the same period. This article surveys the history of public opinion polling since 1945. It argues that changes in survey methodology enabled newspapers to conduct and report opinion polling quickly and frequently, which has strengthened the link between approval ratings and ongoing political processes.
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Fielding, Steven. "What did ‘the people’ want?: the meaning of the 1945 general election." Historical Journal 35, no. 3 (September 1992): 623–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026005.
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AbstractLabour's victory at the general election of 1945, the first in which the party won an absolute majority in the house of commons, had fundamental implications for Britain's post-war history. Despite this, historians have failed to examine the popular political temper which made Labour's term of office possible. Instead, they have largely assumed that the Second World War radicalized the public, turning an unprecedented number into enthusiastic Labour voters. Whilst not denying that the war had a profound impact on the politics of some sections of society this article proposes a rather different perspective to that normally offered. Instead of promoting pro-Labour sentiment it seems that the conflict left many members of the public disengaged from the political process and cynical about the motives of all politicians. As a consequence, rather than have Labour hold office by itself the generally favoured outcome appears to have been the formation of a progressive coalition committed to the implementation of the Beveridge report. However, in reality, electors who did not want to see the return of a Conservative government had no choice but to vote ‘straight left’.
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Pakaya, Salahudin. "Political Law Regulation of Judicial Institutions in Exercising the Powers of an Independent Judgment: Before and After Amendments to the 1945 Constitution." International Journal Papier Public Review 1, no. 2 (November 20, 2020): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47667/ijppr.v1i2.91.
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The Supreme Court is a judicial institution that has existed since the Indonesian state was formed in 1945. This institution was formed based on the mandate of the constitution in article 24 of the 1945 Constitution, namely "judicial power is exercised by a Supreme Court and other judicial bodies according to law". But in fact, in the course of Indonesia's national and state life from its independence in 1945 to 1998, the judicial power exercised by the Supreme Court was not free and independent, both institutionally and independently of its judges. The influence of the executive power held by the president on the judicial power exercised by the Supreme Court can actually be observed in the politics of regulating judicial power through laws by the executive and legislative bodies during the old order government (President Soakarno 1945-1966) and the new order (President Soeharto 1967-1998). The judicial power law that was formed has actually subordinated the judiciary under the power of the president. This is the result of efforts to form the state of Indonesia as a country based on kinship that does not adhere to a separation of powers (executive, legislative and judicial) as the trias politica concept put forward by John Locke and Montesquie. With the 1998 reforms which in turn succeeded in amending the 1945 Constitution in order to realize the Indonesian state as a democratic legal state, the judiciary has been strengthened as an institution that is truly free and independent from the influence of extra-judicial powers.
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Hariri, Achmad. "THE POLITICS OF LAW CONCERNING THE TENURE OF VILLAGE HEAD REVIEWED FROM THE CONSTITUALISM PERSPECTIVE." PETITA: JURNAL KAJIAN ILMU HUKUM DAN SYARIAH 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/petita.v5i1.71.
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The politics of law is an instrument of law-making to achieve legal objectives, and the objectives of the law-making must be in line with the constitutional norms. The constitution is a foundation rule for law-making (the politics of law), and in its development, the modern state constitution must be constitutionalism. Constitutionalism is an idea that the constitution must limit the power to hinder the abuse due to unrestricted power. The politics of constitutional law can be seen in the first amendment, namely, Article 7 of the 1945 Constitution: the tenure of a president is five years and limited to two periods, the 1945 constitution is, therefore, constitutionalism. The power limitation of high state institutions is constitutional, but in Law No. 6 of 2014 concerning Villages, some norms are contrary to the constitution: Article 39 related to the tenure of the village head. The tenure of village head in this article is relatively longer than the executive position in supra-village government, that is six years and can be re-elected for three periods, meaning that the village head can occupy the position for a maximum of 18 years. This tenure is eight years longer than the tenure of the president, governor, regent and mayor, thus, it is likely for the village head to conduct the "abuse of power" and the tenure is against the constitutionalism.
Abstrak: Politik hukum merupakan instrumen pembuatan hukum untuk mencapai tujuan hukum, adapun tujuan pembentukan hukum harus sejalan dengan norma Konstitusi. Konstitusi itu merupakan aturan dasar yang menjadi sumber pembentukan hukum (politik Hukum), dalam perkembangannya kemudian konstitusi negara modern itu harus konstitusionalisme, paham konstitusionalisme adalah suatu paham dimana konstitusi harus membatsasi kekuasaan, kekuasaan harus dibatasi untuk menjauhi dari tindakan penyelewengan akibat tidak dibatasinya kekuasaan, dalam politik hukum konstitusi dapat dilihat pada amandemen ke satu yaitu pasal 7 UUD 1945, masa jabatan presiden 5 tahun dan dibatasi dua periode, oleh sebab itu konstitusi UUD 1945 konstitusionalisme. Pembatasan kekuasaan lembaga tinggi negara sudah konstitusional, namun dalam UU No. 6 Tahun 2014 tentang Desa ada norma yang bertentangan dengan konstitusi yaitu pada pasal 39 terkait masa jabatan kepala Desa. Dalam pasal tersebut massa jabatan kepala desa relatif lebih lama dibandingkan dengan jabatan eksekutif di pemerintahan supra desa, yaitu 6 tahun dan dapat dipilih lagi sampai tiga periode, artinya kepala desa dapat menduduki sebagai orang nomor satu di desa sampai dengan delapan belas (18) tahun. Masa jabatan ini relatif lebih lama delapan tahun dibanding jabatan presiden, gubernur, bupati dan wali kota, sehingga kepala desa akan dimungkinkan dapat menyelewengkan kewenangan “abuse of power’ dan masa jabatan tersebut bertentangan dengan konstitusionalisme.
Kata Kunci: Politik Hukum, Massa Jabatan Kepala Desa, Konstitusionalisme