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Journal articles on the topic 'Guatemalan history'

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1

Holiday, David. "Guatemala's Precarious Peace." Current History 99, no. 634 (February 1, 2000): 78–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2000.99.634.78.

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The Guatemalan peace process will ultimately be considered successful if it contributes to reconciliation among the many participants in the armed conflict… . While international human rights norms and institutions clearly support uncovering the truth about Guatemala's bloody past, such inquiries call nto question the fundamental structures of military, political, and economic power in Guatemala.
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2

Adams, Richard N. "Guatemalan Ladinization and History." Americas 50, no. 4 (April 1994): 527–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007895.

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Recent years have seen a significant increase in the use of history by social scientists. It is less and less common that studies in anthropology, sociology, and political science evaluate variables without attention to their antecedents. There still survive, however, concepts and theories built originally on synchronic assumptions. One of these theories, ladinization, has been the subject of considerable contention.“Ladinization” derives from “Ladino,” a term used in Guatemala and adjacent areas of Mexico, El Salvador, and Honduras to refer to the non-Indian natives of those countries. I am not sure when “ladinization” entered the social science vocabulary, but it may have been with the work of North American anthropologists in the 1930s and 1940s. It described what observers thought of as a process whereby Indians were becoming Ladinos or more Ladino-like. The term was not favored by Guatemalan Ladinos, who generally spoke of “civilizing” the Indians, by which they meant that Indian customs should be discarded in favor of Ladino. In espousing this theme, Guatemalan indigenistas of the “generation of the 20s” often blurred the relation of race to culture; some argued that Indians were capable of being “civilized,” others that such changes could only be secured by introducing Europeans to interbreeding.
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3

FEW, MARTHA. "Circulating smallpox knowledge: Guatemalan doctors, Maya Indians and designing Spain's smallpox vaccination expedition, 1780–1803." British Journal for the History of Science 43, no. 4 (October 1, 2010): 519–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000708741000124x.

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AbstractDrawing on the rich but mostly overlooked history of Guatemala's anti-smallpox campaigns in the 1780s and 1790s, this paper interweaves an analysis of the contribution of colonial medical knowledges and practical experiences with the construction and implementation of imperial science. The history of the anti-smallpox campaigns is traced from the introduction of inoculation in Guatemala in 1780 to the eve of the Spanish Crown-sponsored Royal Maritime Vaccination Expedition in 1803. The paper first analyses the development of what Guatemalan medical physician José Flores called his ‘local method’ of inoculation, tailored to material and cultural conditions of highland Maya communities, and based on his more than twenty years of experience in anti-smallpox campaigns among multiethnic populations in Guatemala. Then the paper probes the accompanying transformations in discourses about health through the anti-smallpox campaigns as they became explicitly linked to new discourses of moral responsibility towards indigenous peoples. With the launch of the Spanish Vaccination Expedition in 1803, anti-smallpox efforts bridged the New World, Europe and Asia, and circulated on a global scale via the enactment of imperial Spanish health policy informed, in no small part, by New World and specifically colonial Guatemalan experiences with inoculation in multiethnic cities and highland Maya towns.
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4

Moulton, Aaron Coy. "Counterrevolutionary Friends:Caribbean Basin Dictators and Guatemalan Exiles against the Guatemalan Revolution, 1945–50." Americas 76, no. 1 (January 2019): 107–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2018.47.

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It was in January 1950 that Guatemalan Col. Carlos Castillo Armas, a rather unfamiliar figure at the time, headed for El Salvador, giving no sign that he would eventually become one of the most notorious antagonists in the destruction of the 1944-54 Guatemalan Revolution. Late in 1950, he and some 70 compatriots attacked Guatemala City's Base Militar, hoping to overthrow Juan José Arévalo's government and prevent Jacobo Arbenz from assuming the presidency. Though the assault failed and its participants were imprisoned, the dissident bribed his way out of jail and took into exile a newfound reputation as an influential conspirator.
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5

Dawson, Ray F., and F. W. Owen Smith. "History and Technological Significance of Hevea Rubber Production in Guatemala." HortTechnology 2, no. 3 (July 1992): 321–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech.2.3.321.

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Production of rubber from Hevea brasiliensis (Willd. ex A. Juss) Muell.-Arg. (Euphorbiaceae) is greatest in southeastern Asia where the South American leaf blight disease is absent. Except for the Pacific Piedmont of Guatemala, plantation production in the Americas is limited severely by the now widespread presence of the pathogen Microcyclus ulei (P. Henn.) Arx. Mean latex yields from trees growing on the Piedmont approximate those of Indonesia and Malaysia, with little evidence of damage from leaf blight. The scope and scale of the Guatemalan anomaly suggest that environmentally modulated escape rather than previously assumed disease resistance may be the key to successful production of natural rubber in this hemisphere. The Guatemalan industry is presently well-organized to service regional markets in Mexico and the Caribbean Basin. Given due attention to environmental analysis, it may serve also as a model for the development of regional production facilities in other parts of tropical America.
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6

E.J.S. "Guatemalan Problems." Americas 44, no. 1 (July 1987): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500073582.

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7

Painter, James. "Bombing the news." Index on Censorship 17, no. 10 (November 1988): 8–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534547.

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In March 1986, when Vinicio Cerezo became Guatemala's first elected civilian president since 1966, there were high hopes that he could bring an end to the political violence which had disfigured the country's recent past. Over two years later, it is plain that he has been unable to wrest real power from the armed forces, and though the human rights situation has improved, there are still numerous reports of disappearances and of violence used by the security forces against people from allwalks of life. Nor have the Guatemalan human rights groups had any satisfaction in response to their demands that those responsible for the thousands of deaths which occurred under previous military governments be brought to justice. Some Guatemalan exiles returned home to take advantage of the promised democratic opening under Cerezo, and attempted to widen the space for political debate. But, as the coup attempt on 11 May showed, the possibilities for such freedoms have again narrowed abruptly. Here a London-based researcher who recently travelled to Guatemala describes the current situation.
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8

Moors, Marilyn. "Practicing Anthropology and Politics in the 1980s." Practicing Anthropology 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 41–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.34.1.x7p654536v6l3441.

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In this article, the development of the organization the Guatemala Scholars' Network (GSN) is reviewed and set in the context of the history of the period, and its interactions with similar organizations are outlined as these groups responded to the evolving crisis in Central America. The Guatemala Scholars' Network was organized in the early 1980s in response to the reports of genocidal attacks on Maya villages by the Guatemalan Army. What had begun as a more confined, dirty war against opponents of the military oligarchy (reporters, political opponents, labor leaders, mostly urban people murdered in the cities) erupted into full-scale war against a civilian population believed to be supporting an armed insurgency against the military state. That violence and the war that followed produced not only the enormous cost of destruction, death, genocide, and flight to safety in Guatemala, but also gave rise to a two decade collaborative effort on the part of anthropologists, other academics, and people whose work involved them in the lives of ordinary Guatemalans.
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9

Neff, Hector, James W. Cogswell, Laura J. Kosakowsky, Francisco Estrada Belli, and Frederick J. Bove. "A New Perspective on the Relationships among Cream Paste Ceramic Traditions of Southeastern Mesoamerica." Latin American Antiquity 10, no. 3 (September 1999): 281–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972031.

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New ceramic compositional evidence has come to light that bears on the relationships among the cream paste ceramics of southeastern Mesoamerica. This evidence, which derives from instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA) and microprobe analysis, suggests that Ivory ware, a Late and Terminal Formative diagnostic found in southern Guatemala, is chemically similar not to other Guatemalan light firing pottery, but to Formative and Classic period cream paste wares from western El Salvador and Honduras. El Salvador is the clearest region of overlap between the Late Formative (Ivory Usulután) and Classic (Chilanga, Gualpopa, and Copador) representatives of this chemically homogeneous cream paste tradition, and therefore we argue that the source zone for all of them lies somewhere in western El Salvador and not in Honduras or Guatemala. This inference contradicts (1) our own earlier hypothesis that Ivory ware originated somewhere in the Guatemalan highlands and (2) the hypothesis that cream paste Copador originated in the Copán Valley. If this inference is correct, then (1) the importance of ceramic circulation in the Late and Terminal Formative Providencia and Miraflores interaction spheres has been underestimated and (2) during the Classic period, Copán absorbed the productive capacity of western El Salvador (represented in this case by cream paste polychrome pottery) to a greater extent than has been appreciated previously.
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10

Méndez, Eliana Cárdenas. "Estados Nacionales Y Víctimas Sacrificiales: Consideraciones Sobre El Genocidio Maya-Ixil En Guatemala." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 14, no. 20 (July 31, 2018): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2018.v14n20p121.

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"Tierra Arrasada" (Scorched Earth) was a military program applied in Guatemala by former President José Efraín Ríos Montt, against Mayan communities accused of collaborating with the guerrilla force, and had the aggravating elements of a genocidal campaign. The guiding question of this essay is: “What is the reason for the genocides against ancestral peoples?”, and has the following starting hypothesis: the modern nation states, as "imagined communities", contain an inherent “bio-racial” component which gives sense and structure to the power instrumentation. Racism is recognized as a root element in Guatemalan history and, together with socioeconomic and political factors, has led to the genocide of Ixil people. Following René Girard, this paper proposes that Ixils were "sacrificial victims" in the contest for power between the Guatemalan State and the Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres (EGP) in order to sustain the hegemonic power with low political and military costs. Methodologically it is the results of field studies among communities of former Guatemalan refugees in Quintana Roo, Mexico, as well as historical and discourse analysis. The aim of this paper is to present the semantic potential of a theory of mimetics for the study of genocides in modern states.
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11

Vogt, Manuel. "The Disarticulated Movement: Barriers to Maya Mobilization in Post-Conflict Guatemala." Latin American Politics and Society 57, no. 1 (2015): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2015.00260.x.

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AbstractOver the last decades, indigenous movements have propelled the political empowerment of historically marginalized groups in Latin America. The Maya struggle for ethnic equality in Guatemala, however, since its reawakening during the peace process, has reached an impasse. Based on field research consisting of dozens of elite interviews, this article analyzes the patterns of and obstacles to present-day Maya mobilization. It combines movement-internal and -external factors in an overarching theoretical argument about indigenous movements' capacity to construct strong collective voices. In the Guatemalan case, organizational sectorization, the lack of elite consensus on key substantive issues, and unclear alliance strategies compromise the effectiveness of horizontal voice among Maya organizations. These problems are exacerbated by the lasting effects of the country's unique history of violence and state strategies of divide and rule, preventing the emergence of a strong vertical voice capable of challenging the Guatemalan state.
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12

Wilkins, David E. "Guatemalan Political History: National Indian Policy, 1532-1954." Wicazo Sa Review 9, no. 1 (1993): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1409251.

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13

Handy, Jim. "“A Sea of Indians”: Ethnic Conflict and the Guatemalan Revolution, 1944-1952." Americas 46, no. 2 (October 1989): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007082.

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The Indian is an inexhaustable layer of exploitation and his best song is his taciturnity…. Guatemala is sad; a desperate, horrid, fearful sadness … a sad people living with a totally alien world within us. (Ernesto Juan Fonfrias, “Guatemala: un pueblo triste,” Diario de Centro América, Sept. 1, 1950.)Fonfrias’ assessment of Guatemala in 1950 contains important clues to understanding the “revolution” from 1944 to 1954 and its overthrow. The revolution has been extensively studied; but most works have concentrated on American involvement in the overthrow of the government of Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán in 1954 and have thus only provided us with limited views of the various conflicts that developed during the two revolutionary administrations (Juan José Arévalo, 1944-51, and Arbenz, 1951-54). This has most certainly been the case with studies of rural Guatemala during the revolution. Despite the importance of the agrarian reform initiated in 1952, the reform and the conflicts that it fostered are not clearly understood. Recent research has suggested, however, that the tensions were more complex and more deeply rooted in Guatemala's rural history than earlier works had indicated.
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14

Quiroa, Néstor. "The Popol Vuh and the Dominican Religious Extirpation in Highland Guatemala: Prologues and Annotations of Fr. Francisco Ximénez." Americas 67, no. 4 (April 2011): 467–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2011.0071.

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In 2006, the Newberry Library in Chicago announced its digitization of the ancient Maya-K’iche’ myth, the Popol Vuh. While digitization ensures the preservation of the document and easier access for researchers, it is also significant in that it marks a new stage in the long historical trajectory of the manuscript itself. The Popol Vuh, or “Maya Bible,” is the most studied indigenous document of Mesoamerica. Contemporary scholarship has considered it, among all the early colonial documents, to best reflect a pre-Hispanic native voice. It provides a breadth and depth of detail concerning Maya religion, cosmology, and society, and its contents have been generalized to apply to virtually all of the ancient Maya religions. Additionally, the text has been used as a source for numerous ethnohistorical studies, and its mythological context has profoundly influenced most Guatemalan literature from the early nineteenth century to the present. More important, the Popol Vuh has become a symbol of Guatemalan national “indigenousness” and was officially declared Guatemala’s national book in 1971.
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15

Gosner, Kevin, and Victor Perera. "Unfinished Conquest: The Guatemalan Tragedy." Hispanic American Historical Review 75, no. 2 (May 1995): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517345.

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16

Gosner, Kevin. "Unfinished Conquest: The Guatemalan Tragedy." Hispanic American Historical Review 75, no. 2 (May 1, 1995): 295–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-75.2.295.

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17

Palmer, Steven. "Central American Union or Guatemalan Republic? The National Question in Liberal Guatemala, 1871-1885." Americas 49, no. 4 (April 1993): 513–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007411.

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In his 1884 address to the National Assembly, President Justo Rufino Barrios gave a glowing report of a polity fired by the torch of Liberal progress. “When I see the movement and the animation in everything and everywhere, in our streets, in our plazas, in our roads and in our ports, I cannot repress a feeling of vanity.” He extolled not only commerce and new technology, but model prisons, a disciplined professional army, and “a school in the most miserable town and in the most hidden corner.” This is a world of flowing capital, technological linkages, and the ceaseless penetration of enlightenment into every corner of the Republic, where before there had been only a “dark mansion of apathy, of immobility, of stagnation and silence,” and where now we (Guatemalans) “can say that we have–if not everything–almost everything.” The Utopian rhetoric masked a rather different and sorry reality. Still, to paraphrase Benedict Anderson, the succession of possessive plurals in Barrios' speech–our streets, our plazas, our roads–assured the listener of a solid sociological and political entity that can onlybeGuatemala. Surely Barrios spoke from the solid foundations of a Liberal nationalist certainty?
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18

Maldonado, Michelle A. Gonzalez. "III. Dissent and Hope: The Church in San Lucas Tolimán, Guatemala." Horizons 45, no. 1 (May 23, 2018): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2018.60.

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Modern-day Guatemalan history is marked by the thirty-six-year-long civil war that ravaged the nation. The 1954 CIA-backed military coup of President Jacobo Arbenz led to an extended period of violence and armed conflict, the longest in Central American history. The civil war began in 1960. Military strategies included kidnappings, torture, disappearances, and death lists. More than 245,000 civilians were disappeared or killed and over 400 villages destroyed. In addition, over 1 million people were displaced from their homes. The armed conflict thus damaged the people, the environment, and the very psyche of Guatemala, creating a culture of corruption, fear, and silence. The civil war ended in late 1996 with the signing of the Peace Accords. However some scholars and activists argue that while the Accords were signed, peace has yet to be established in present-day Guatemala.
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19

Gleijeses, Piero. "The Agrarian Reform of Jacobo Arbenz." Journal of Latin American Studies 21, no. 3 (October 1989): 453–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00018514.

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The cry for land is, without any doubt, the loudest, the most dramatic and the most desperate sound in Guatemala.’ So wrote the Guatemalan bishops in 1988. In their country's long history, the bishops stated, only one president – Jacobo Arbenz – had addressed the issue of land reform.1 Inaugurated in 1951, Arbenz presided over the most successful agrarian reform in the history of Central America. The reports of the US embassy bear testimony to the fact that within eighteen months land was distributed to 100,000 peasant families, amid little violence and without adversely affecting production.2 Praise for initiating the reform does not belong, however, solely to Arbenz. As his wife observed, ‘Alone, he could not have done it’. Praise should also be given to the Communist party of Guatemala, whose leaders were Arbenz's closest personal and political friends.3
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Garin, Alberto, Osmín De la Maza, and Enrique Castaño. "The construction of the Cathedral of Antigua Guatemala in the 17th century from the pictorial documents." VITRUVIO - International Journal of Architectural Technology and Sustainability 2, no. 2 (December 21, 2017): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/vitruvio-ijats.2017.8794.

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<p>In 1678, the painter Antonio Ramírez elaborated a picture explaining the condition of the works of the cathedral of Santiago de Guatemala (now la Antigua Guatemala), a picture that allows us to establish the evolution undergone by the cathedral from the second half of the XVII century to its current state. Throughout this evolution, we want to highlight those construction elements that have been able to withstand not only the course of time, but above all, the force of the numerous earthquakes that have affected Guatemala since 1678 until today. In addition, Ramirez's work offers a series of brief but very illustrative brushstrokes on the organization of a construction in the second half of the XVII century, data that enriches the history of Guatemalan colonial architecture.</p>
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21

Wertheimer, John W. "Popular Culture, Violence, and Religion in Gloria's Story." Law and History Review 24, no. 2 (2006): 447–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000003400.

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One of the most vexing challenges accompanying any attempt to reconstruct the legal history of the family is deciding how much interpretive weight to assign to social factors as opposed to legal factors. “Gloria's Story” is loaded with social history, in part because it focuses on a small group of decidedly non-elite characters. It discusses non-legal matters as big as the impact of wealth concentration on the Guatemalan family and as small as the social significance of home births, as opposed to hospital births, in Quetzaltenango during the 1960s. Nonetheless, the most important factors driving the analysis are legal, not social. The article's central argument—that “modernizing” legal reforms adopted in Guatemala since the mid-nineteenth century have fortified, not weakened, adulterous concubinage—emphasizes the effects of legal change.
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22

Toner, D. "Distilling the Influence of Alcohol: Aguardiente in Guatemalan History." Hispanic American Historical Review 94, no. 4 (January 1, 2014): 709–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2802858.

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23

Woodfill, Brent. "THE CENTRAL ROLE OF CAVE ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE RECONSTRUCTION OF CLASSIC MAYA CULTURE HISTORY AND HIGHLAND-LOWLAND INTERACTION." Ancient Mesoamerica 22, no. 2 (2011): 213–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536111000307.

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AbstractThe unexpected discovery of an elaborate stone coffer with lowland-style carved images and early Maya inscriptions in a cave in the northern Guatemalan highlands has great implications for our understanding of highland-lowland interaction. However, this discovery proved to be only the “tip of the iceberg” in terms of the importance of subterranean evidence in this region. Investigations in caves in central Guatemala over the past decade have been a central part of the regional investigations, often directing subsequent reconnaissance, settlement surveys, and site excavations. Indeed, the early history of the region and the trade route passing through it has largely been reconstructed from evidence in cave shrines along the mountain valley routes from Kaminaljuyu and the Valley of Guatemala to lowland Maya sites. This article reviews this evidence, which also demonstrates how cave assemblages can be used not merely to study ancient ritual, but to examine broad problems in culture history and critical elements in the study of elite power, ceramic production, settlement patterns, interregional trade, and ancient economy.
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Spector-Bagdady, Kayte, and Paul A. Lombardo. "“Something of an Adventure”: Postwar NIH Research Ethos and the Guatemala STD Experiments." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 41, no. 3 (2013): 697–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12080.

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Since their revelation to the public, the sexually transmitted disease (STD) experiments in Guatemala from 1946 to 1948 have earned a place of infamy in the history of medical ethics. During these experiments, Public Health Service (PHS) researchers intentionally exposed over 1,300 non-consenting Guatemalan soldiers, prisoners, psychiatric patients, and commercial sex workers to gonorrhea, syphilis, and/or chancroid under conditions that have shocked the medical community and public alike. Expert analysis has found little scientific value to the experiments as measured by current or contemporaneous research standards.Such an obvious case of research malfeasance, which violated research norms in place both in the past and now, has been uniformly repudiated. The Guatemala STD experiments were labeled “clearly unethical” by President Barack Obama and “reprehensible” by the Secretaries of State and Health and Human Services.
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Borgstede, Greg. "SOCIAL MEMORY AND SACRED SITES IN THE WESTERN MAYA HIGHLANDS: EXAMPLES FROM JACALTENANGO, GUATEMALA." Ancient Mesoamerica 21, no. 2 (2010): 385–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536110000222.

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AbstractThis paper utilizes anthropological and sociological approaches to social memory to analyze the position and relevance of sacred sites among the Jakaltek Maya of the western highlands of Guatemala. Based on archaeological investigations and oral history, the connection between the past and present is analyzed in terms of collective memory, underscoring the importance of specific places and landscape in remembering as well as in reinforcing Jakaltek identity and history. Three distinct sacred sites are discussed, including their archaeological evidence; position (or lack of) in histories; disposition/creation as sacred site; and ties to the community's social memory. Sacred sites and social memory are viewed as a key component of indigenous activism and identity politics as well as an integral aspect to understanding the social context of archaeology in the Guatemalan Maya Highlands.
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Adams, Richard N., and James D. Sexton. "Campesino: The Diary of a Guatemalan Indian." Hispanic American Historical Review 66, no. 3 (August 1986): 608. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515487.

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Sexton, James D., and Carol A. Smith. "Guatemalan Indians and the State, 1540-1988." Hispanic American Historical Review 72, no. 2 (May 1992): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515568.

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Pearcy, Thomas L. "A Pocket Eden: Guatemalan Journals, 1873-1874." Hispanic American Historical Review 84, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 160–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-84-1-160.

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Adams, Richard N. "Campesino: The Diary of a Guatemalan Indian." Hispanic American Historical Review 66, no. 3 (August 1, 1986): 608–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-66.3.608.

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30

Sexton, James D. "Guatemalan Indians and the State, 1540–1988." Hispanic American Historical Review 72, no. 2 (May 1, 1992): 287–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-72.2.287a.

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31

Monteflores, Omar Lucas. "Anarchism and the Indigenous Peoples of Guatemala: A Tenuous Relation." Anarchist Studies 28, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 76–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.28.2.04.

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While the indigenous peoples of Guatemala and its history of anarchist thought are seldom studied together but there is merit to exploring the differences and convergences between the anarchist movement's perspectives on class and ethnicity and those of better understood liberal, socialist and communist traditions. Anarchists in Guatemala made tentative efforts to reach out to rural workers and peasants in the period between 1928 to 1932, but these efforts were circumscribed and largely unsuccessful. They did so under the influence of more structured movements in Mexico and Argentina, which incorporated visions of collective emancipation that would appeal to autonomous indigenous movements; however their brief embrace of these issues, interrupted by fierce repression by the state, was curtailed by the overwhelming urban base from which they intervened in labour and social struggles. The reasons for this failure lay in the history of Guatemalan race relations and the structural divisions between urban and rural society that endured during the transition from colonial to republican society, and which anarchists tied to overcome.
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ESTEVA, MARTHA, FERNANDO A. CERVANTES, SARA V. BRANT, and JOSEPH A. COOK. "Molecular phylogeny of long-tailed shrews (genus Sorex) from México and Guatemala." Zootaxa 2615, no. 1 (September 17, 2010): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.2615.1.3.

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We present a molecular phylogeny of North American species of long-tailed shrews of the genus Sorex. Our focus is on Mexican and Guatemalan species to begin understanding their evolutionary relationships and to test the validity of nominal species. Seventy-seven sequences of the mitochondrial cytochrome b gene were analyzed, including 19 specimens representing nine Mexican and one Guatemalan species. Phylogenetic analyses using parsimony, maximum likelihood and Bayesian approaches revealed two major clades of North American species, all within the subgenus Otisorex. The first major clade includes S. trowbridgii and southern species (S. macrodon from Oaxaca; S. veraecrucis from Nuevo León, Michoacán, Chiapas, S. saussurei from Jalisco and Guatemala; S. veraepacis from Guerrero and Guatemala). Relatively deep branches among taxa characterize this clade and suggest that their early divergence from other North American shrews was soon after arrival of the ancestral stock from the Beringian region. The other major clade includes all other North American species of Sorex we examined, with two Mexican species, S. milleri and S. emarginatus, grouped in a subclade with the S. cinereus complex. Sorex veraecrucis is not, however, a monophyletic taxon because specimens of this nominal species were included in both the major clades. The Isthmus of Tehuantepec has likely played a role as a biogeographic barrier in the evolutionary history of Mexican shrews. This study of mitochondrial variation in southern North American shrews of the genus Sorex indicates there is substantial, previously undetected diversity that necessitates a revision of the taxonomy of S. veraecrucis and S. veraepacis.
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Menjívar, Cecilia. "Global Processes and Local Lives: Guatemalan Women's Work and Gender Relations at Home and Abroad." International Labor and Working-Class History 70, no. 1 (October 2006): 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000178.

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In this paper I address an important aspect of the link between the larger process of globalization and work. I focus on how globalization has affected the lives of Guatemalan women of different class backgrounds and ethnicities in Guatemala and in Los Angeles, through an examination of the link between paid work and household work. Data for this article come from eighty-six in-depth interviews with indigenous and ladina women and from ethnographic field work I conducted in Los Angeles and in two regions of Guatemala. There are certain aspects of earning an income among the women in this study that emerge in both contexts, perhaps due to the demands of contemporary capitalism on workers around the world. My observations indicate that whereas the experiences of women and femininities are played out in the context of global economic relations, they are experienced differently in diverse sites and within the same context by individuals of different class and ethnic backgrounds. Thus, experiences of globalization through work are very much localized; they are historically and culturally situated and interact with broader processes in dissimilar fashion.
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Vrana, Heather. "The Precious Seed of Christian Virtue: Charity, Disability, and Belonging in Guatemala, 1871–1947." Hispanic American Historical Review 101, no. 2 (May 1, 2021): 265–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-8897490.

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Abstract This article addresses the role of disability and disabled people in the construction of citizenship and nation through the ideologies and practices of charity from the 1870s through the 1940s. These periods of Guatemalan history are generally thought of as distinct: the Liberal triumph over Conservatives, Liberal dictatorship, and democratic revolution. To the contrary, practices of charity reveal the continuity of these political forms. This article explains the three models of charity that characterized modern Guatemala—caridad, beneficencia, and asistencia social—and outlines how they reflected understandings of the relationship between individuals and the state. It also provides a window into the daily lives of patients at the nation's insane asylum, leprosarium, and general hospital, who were not merely objects of charity but also political subjects who engaged charity models to gain access to resources, people, and mobility. In sum, this article integrates disability into broader historical narratives.
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35

Grandin, G. "Taking Sides: Resistance and Its Representation in New Guatemalan Scholarship." Radical History Review 1995, no. 63 (October 1, 1995): 189–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-1995-63-189.

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36

Borgstede, Greg, and James R. Mathieu. "Defensibility and Settlement Patterns in the Guatemalan Maya Highlands." Latin American Antiquity 18, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25063104.

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37

Konefal, Betsy. "Subverting Authenticity: Reinas Indígenas and the Guatemalan State, 1978." Hispanic American Historical Review 89, no. 1 (February 1, 2009): 41–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2008-044.

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Carey, David. "A Cautionary Tale of Environmental Management: Malaria, Water Management, and Land Reclamation in Twentieth-Century Guatemala." Environmental History 26, no. 3 (May 17, 2021): 555–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/envhis/emab023.

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Abstract In the late 1920s, Guatemala embarked on environmental drainage projects aimed at eradicating mosquito breeding grounds. Designed to improve people’s lives, these efforts sometimes inadvertently undermined them, draining away water crucial to public hygiene campaigns. Although the goals of controlling malaria and expanding arable land were often in lockstep, the Guatemalan case of Lake Quinizilapa requires a more nuanced analysis. Bringing the historiographies of the environment and public health and medicine to bear on environmental management projects, this article demonstrates that environmental management and scientific medicine were as much about leveraging disease as eradicating it. Whereas Hispanic authorities could maintain theories disproven by entomology and parasitology without much criticism, indígenas (indigenous people) who articulated notions that contradicted science and challenged engineering’s supremacy were disparaged as ignorant inditos (little Indians). Intriguingly, the indigenous conception of the natural world more accurately predicted the outcome of the lake’s drainage prior to World War II. Political power and ethnicity determined the legitimacy of perspectives about the environment and disease.
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39

Jones, Grant D., and Robert M. Carmack. "Harvest of Violence: The Maya Indians and the Guatemalan Crisis." Ethnohistory 37, no. 3 (1990): 304. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482451.

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40

Calder, Bruce, and Robert M. Carmack. "Harvest of Violence: The Maya Indians and the Guatemalan Crisis." Journal of American History 76, no. 2 (September 1989): 665. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908113.

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41

Todd, Molly. "The Paradox of Trans-American Solidarity: Gender, Race, and Representation in the Guatemalan Refugee Camps of Mexico, 1980–1990." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 4 (December 2017): 74–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00765.

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In the 1970s and 1980s the Guatemalan government's counterinsurgency tactics prompted nearly 2 million people to abandon their homes. Drawing on heretofore unexamined documentation produced by North American solidarity groups, this article examines how Canadian, Mexican, and U.S. grassroots organizations represented the approximately 200,000 Guatemalans who crossed the border into Mexico. It traces the gendered and racialized victim portrayals that celebrated refugee men's voices and agency while reducing refugee women to silent symbols of trauma. A close reading of new sources reveals a paradox of solidarity work in the 1980s: North American activists promoted a new social order of justice and equality, but they did so from positions both privileged and hindered by Cold War geopolitics. As a result, even as “northern” solidarists provided very real succor to “southern” people, their actions continued to be based on uneven (colonial/imperial) power relations and assumptions about an exotic Other.
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Holland, Max. "Private Sources of U.S. Foreign Policy: William Pawley and the 1954 Coup d'État in Guatemala." Journal of Cold War Studies 7, no. 4 (October 2005): 36–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397055012442.

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As a wealthy American businessman and former ambassador, William Pawley was a key actor in PBSUCCESS, the covert operation that brought down the government of Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán in Guatemala in 1954.The anti-Arbenz rebels, led by Colonel Carlos Castillo Armas, could not have defeated the Guatemalan army on their own. The key to a successful coup was getting the army to act on their behalf, and in this regard, control of the air was vital. Pawley, owing to his knowledge of Latin America and experience in aviation, played a central role in ensuring that the rebels enjoyed air superiority during their move against the president. At a more abstract level, Pawley exempli fied the role non-governmental actors played in the formulation and implementation of U.S. foreign policy during the Cold War. The “state-private network,” as it has been dubbed, remains a rich vein for scholarly investigation.
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Braswell, Geoffrey E., and Michael D. Glascock. "Interpreting Intrasource Variation in the Composition of Obsidian: The Geoarchaeology of San Martin Jilotepeque, Guatemala." Latin American Antiquity 9, no. 4 (December 1998): 353–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3537033.

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Compositional analyses have long been used to assign obsidian artifacts to particular source areas. In most cases, the chemical “fingerprint” of a particular source area has been determined through the assay of only a few geological specimens from one or two outcrops. As a result, the full range of intrasource compositional variation has rarely been noted, and its spatial patterning frequently has not been studied. This report describes the results of geoarchaeological survey at the important Guatemalan source area of San Martín Jilotepeque. Neutron activation analysis demonstrates the presence of seven distinct chemical “fingerprints” corresponding to spatially discrete subsources within the region. Ancient procurement and production are associated with only three of these subsources. Statistical procedures that can be used to assign artifacts to particular quarries or quarry systems are presented. Several minor Guatemalan source areas also are examined, and one (Media Cuesta) also can be characterized as consisting of two distinct subsources.
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Nolan-Ferrell, C. A. "DAVID CAREY, JR., editor. Distilling the Influence of Alcohol: Aguardiente in Guatemalan History." American Historical Review 118, no. 4 (October 1, 2013): 1232–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/118.4.1232a.

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45

McCreery, David, and Doug Munro. "The Cargo of the Montserrat: Gilbertese Labor in Guatemalan Coffee, 1890-1908." Americas 49, no. 3 (January 1993): 271–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007028.

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Upon the plantations themselves the laborers are not so badly treated, for there they are the property of their owners, and men treat their own property well, especially when it is of considerable value. But they are brought from a thoroughly healthy climate, where disease is almost unknown, to a feverstricken region. Within twelve months their numbers will probably be reduced to one-third, and at the expiration of the three years a woefully diminished number will return to their lovely homes in the Western Pacific.In recent years much attention has focused on the labor migration of Pacific Islanders, and particularly Melanesians, during the second half of the nineteenth century for work on the export plantations of Fiji, Samoa, New Guinea, and Queensland. A smaller number, but a quantity nevertheless significant for the populations from which they came, went to labor in Latin America. In 1862-63, for example, vessels from Peru kidnapped perhaps 3,600 persons from the smaller islands of the eastern Pacific and ventured as far west as the Gilbert Islands, where they ensnared three hundred or more unsuspecting individuals. A larger migration from the Gilberts occurred almost thirty years later, when in 1890-92 some twelve hundred individuals signed up to work on the coffee plantations (fincas) of the Pacific piedmont (boca costa) of southern Mexico and Guatemala; this constituted almost fifteen percent of the Gilbertese who migrated for offisland labor after the middle of the century. Less than 800 of the 1890s cohort actually arrived, and perhaps a quarter to a third of these died in the first year, so that their impact on an industry which annually mobilized tens of thousands of local Indians was limited. Nevertheless, for the Guatemalan coffee elites the experience confirmed what they had long suspected, that there would be no solution to their labor problems outside of the republic itself. For the Gilbertese this was by far the largest instance of labor recruitment of the decade, a period of economic hardship and political changes in the archipelago.
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Kit, Wade. "The Unionist Experiment in Guatemala, 1920-1921: Conciliation, Disintegration, and the Liberal Junta." Americas 50, no. 1 (January 1993): 31–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007263.

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During the presidency of Manuel Estrada Cabrera (1898-1920), the exploitative and exclusive nature of Guatemalan society became increasingly obvious. Instead of real development, what emerged was a landed oligarchy, engaged primarily in the production of coffee, who utilized their economic might to construct a state that protected their dominant social and political status. Although economic growth and modernization proceeded at a moderate pace in the first two decades of this century, political and social problems associated with increased economic activity and the altered fabric of Guatemalan society arose. Significant among these were the rapid growth of the capital's middle sectors, the emergence of incipient labor organizations, and a vocal and politically conscious student population; all of which were refused a forum for political expression, not to mention an equitable share in the profits of the republic's lucrative coffee industry. The cumulative effect of these forces, augmented by the extremely repressive nature of Estrada Cabrera's Administration, presented the republic with a rare opportunity to implement real and significant reform.
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Lovell, W. George, and Norita Vlach. "The Quetzal in Flight: Guatemalan Refugee Families in the United States." Hispanic American Historical Review 74, no. 3 (August 1994): 546. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517937.

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48

Lebaron, Alan, and Piero Gleijeses. "Shattered Hope: The Guatemalan Revolution and the United States, 1944-1954." Hispanic American Historical Review 72, no. 2 (May 1992): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515573.

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49

Lebaron, Alan. "Shattered Hope: The Guatemalan Revolution and the United States, 1944–1954." Hispanic American Historical Review 72, no. 2 (May 1, 1992): 293–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-72.2.293.

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50

Lovell, W. George. "The Quetzal in Flight: Guatemalan Refugee Families in the United States." Hispanic American Historical Review 74, no. 3 (August 1, 1994): 546–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-74.3.546.

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