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Academic literature on the topic 'Guchkov'
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Journal articles on the topic "Guchkov"
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Knyazev, Mark A. "Rethinking the Purposes of A. I. Guchkov's Trip to Emperor Nicholas II in Pskov in the Days of the February Revolution of 1917." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2023): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2023-1-73-85.
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The question the role of Alexander Ivanovich Guchkov, the leader of the Octobrists, in the events of the eve of and during the monarchy overthrow in February 1917 remains relevant in the modern historiography of the Great Russian Revolution. Most researchers come to the conclusion that Guchkov was induced to participate in the revolutionary events by his desire to oust Nicholas II from power in order to deliver the throne to his heir, Alexei, under the regency of his brother Michael Aleksandrovich. A. I. Guchkov’s trip to Pskov on March 2, 1917, which he undertook intending to persuade the emperor to abdicate, is predominantly considered as practical realization of this plan of the “great master of the revolution.” However, the author has discovered a certain document drafted in the days of the February Revolution in the State Archive of the Russian Federation (specifically, in the fond 97 “Office of the Palace Commandant of the Ministry of the Imperial Court”, file captioned “Correspondence and telegrams of the last days of Nicholas II's reign”). This document, which has been introduced to the scholarly discourse for the first time, can significantly clarify the historiographic picture. The document is a typescript containing a list of presumptive members of the Cabinet of Ministers to be headed by the “Prime Minister” A. I. Guchkov. The source analysis permits to conclude that the document was created by A.I. Guchkov himself or by someone quite close to him in the period from February 28 to March 2, 1917. This text contains a request for Nicholas II to appoint the oppositionist to the high governmental post. By examining the second part of the document, we can deduce that this request was in fact an ultimatum, as it contains information about the arrest of prominent state dignitaries and ministers and about 18 regiments (up to 75,000 people) joining the revolution. Thus, Guchkov went to Pskov not only to ensure the emperor’s abdication, but also to become the head of the government. Although it is generally agreed that Guchkov had no political ambitions and simply provided a "mechanism of the revolution," analysis of his political activities in 1915-17 allows the author to conclude that, contrary to the popular belief, he strove to take the helm of state. It is common knowledge that the attempt of the Octobrists' leader to head the Cabinet of Ministers was a fiasco; and yet the identified document expands our understanding of A. I. Guchkov’s personality and of the political struggle at the highest political and administrative level of the Russian Empire in the days of the February Revolution.
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Khvalin, T. A. "ALEXANDER GUCHKOV’S RESIGNATION IN SATIRE AND CARTOONS IN MAY 1917." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4(55) (2021): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-4-153-163.
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The article analyzes the cartoons and satirical works published in May 1917 that mentioned Alexander Guchkov and his resignation from the post of war minister. The scrutiny of materials from specialized satirical publications has enabled the author to conclude that the highly popular satire magazines Pugach, Novy Satirikon, Trepach, Baraban, and Strekoza refrained from mocking Guchkov, his resignation and his political position, although many newspapers – and particularly the pro-Socialist ones – passed highly acerbic comments on the former war minister. Even if they mentioned him, they viewed him a neutral emblem of the epoch, a definite stage of revolutionary development rather than an object of satirizing. Only the magazines Bich and Budilnik offered an excited reaction to the resignation of the Provisional Government’s first defense minister. Their authors compared Guchkov with Napoleon and with more notorious personalities associated then with ‘dark forces’ and the ‘old regime’. In May 1917, Guchkov was also mentioned in the satirical works published by the Bolshevist press where he was portrayed as a personage, cooperation with which would defame the Socialists, who were more moderate than the Bolsheviks and their allies. Thus, the leftist newspapers, opposing the coalition cabinet and the Socialists’ participation in the Provisional Government, drew a parallel between the actual political situation of May 1917 and the engagement of some Mensheviks in the activity of war industry committees. By that time, Guchkov, the leader of those committees, was viewed as a potential helmsman of a counterrevolutionary revolt of the bourgeoisie not only by the Bolsheviks, but also by many of their opponents among the Socialists.
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Aronov, D. V., and S. K. Zhilyaeva. "Was A. I. Guchkov’s Constitution a Right-Liberal Draft of the Basic Law of Russian Empire or a Party Program?" Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 21, no. 4 (2019): 890–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2019-21-4-890-897.
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The article analyzes the political and legal nature of "The Draft Constitution of the Russian Empire" stored in A. I. Guchkov’s personal archive. A. I. Guchkov was the founder and leader of "The Union of October 17", a political party formed in the early twentieth century Russia. Russian historical and legal science considers these materials as a draft Constitution drawn by the representatives of the right wing of Russian liberalism. We conducted a comparative analysis of Guchkov’s Constitution and the versions of "The Union of October 17" political party programs. The Constitution proved almost identical with the texts of two versions of the party program. The draft could fill the intermediate place in a series of different versions of the party program. The party programs were successively adopted by the first and second party Congresses and the Moscow Central Committee. Therefore, it is necessary to refer the document not to the constitutional projects, but to the legal and political materials of "The Union of October 17". Thus, the right wing of the liberal forces had no independent constitutional project.
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Nefedov, S. A. "ABOUT THE FEBRUARY REVOLUTION AND THE “GUCHKOV CONSPIRACY”." Historical and social-educational ideas 9, no. 2/1 (2017): 15–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2017-9-2/1-15-22.
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Altynbaeva, Gulnara M., and Ludmila E. Gerasimova. "The image of P. A. Stolypin in A. I. Solzhenitsyn’s works." Izvestiya of Saratov University. Philology. Journalism 22, no. 2 (2022): 238–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1817-7115-2022-22-2-238-244.
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In the article the image of P. A. Stolypin is analyzed on the material of The Red Wheel, Diary R-17, memoires and essays by A. I. Solzhenitsyn. The authors trace the course the writer took while working on the artistic presentation of the image of one of the most prominent Russian state figures of the 20th century; they show Solzhenitsyn’s artistry in endeavoring to reveal to the reader all the “prominence”, “expressiveness” of this great person, as well as the significance of Stolypin’s destiny for the future of Russia. The authors of the research observe how in The Red Wheel Stolypin’s destiny is linked to that of Russia, following Solzhenitsyn in comprehending Stolypin as a “doer” responsible to Russia. In the course of the research Stolypin’s chapter with reviews in August 1914, has been analyzed in detail. This enabled the authors to grasp Stolypin’s image as the focal one in The Red Wheel, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, as Solzhenitsyn’s favourite character, conveyed realistically, and, at the same time, personally, compassionately, through “the dialectic of the soul”. The reader perceives a straightforward, strong-willed, dynamic, determined and ethically wholesome politician. The storylines of Guchkov, Bogrov, Nikolas II are essential to understanding Stolypin’s image. Focusing on these characters, the authors of the article show Stolypin’s role in their destinies. In The Red Wheel the artistic image of Stolypin is created by complex forms of inner monologues, quotes, free indirect discourse, the alternation of scenes and reports (summaries of events), by the abundance of the author’s “insertions”, by the multiple functions of irony. In the process of research the texts of P. A. Stolypin’s speeches were drawn upon, his children’s reminiscences, his biography, historians’ opinions. The chosen historical context provided a valuable insight into Solzhenitsyn’s historical method and the writer’s historiosophic reasoning.
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Bogomazov, N. I., and D. N. Kutlubaeva. "‘“Unite the Disparate Issues of Foreign Supply”: Organization of the Main Directorate for Foreign Supplies in 1917." Modern History of Russia 14, no. 4 (2024): 821–34. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2024.402.
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Based on the materials of the Russian State Historical Archive, the article examines the reasons and the process of organizing of the Main Directorate of the Foreign Supplies within the Ministry of War in April 1917. The authors note that the prerequisites for the creation of a centralized body for the procurement of goods for the needs of the front and rear from abroad have been developing since the beginning of the First World War. During 1914–1915, a large number of government bodies were formed, whose competence included solving various issues of foreign supply. Orders abroad were carried out by various departments, public organizations and institutions chaotically, without centralized control, distribution and accounting system. The presence of several instances with overlapping competencies led to confusion in foreign orders, supply disruptions, the formation of deposits in ports, discrepancies and inaccuracies in accounting documentation. This problem was the most important drawback of the Russian foreign supply system, which was never solved until the February Revolution. Minister of War A. I. Guchkov, in the first Provisional Government, took the initiative to create a Special Committee for Foreign Supplies, which was organized in April 1917. General A. A. Manikovsky, Assistant to the Minister of War for Army Supplies, was appointed its Сhairman. At the same time, the Main Directorate for Foreign Supplies (Glavzagran) was created within the Ministry of War, which was to become the executive body of the specified committee, directly responsible for placing orders abroad and their implementation. It was headed by General A. A. Mikhelson. First of all, Glavzagran had to deal with the systematization and accounting of orders issued in 1914–1917, as well as the analysis of deposits of already delivered goods formed in Russian ports.
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Sichev, Nikolai Fedorovich. "Interior Minister A.A. Makarov and the newspaper campaign against Grigory Rasputin in public opinion (January-March 1912)." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 4 (April 2024): 102–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2024.4.70829.
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The article is devoted to the activities of the Minister of Internal Affairs A.A. Makarov during the newspaper campaign against Grigory Rasputin in January-March 1912. In preparation for the elections, the leader of the Octobrist party, A.I. Guchkov, decided to use attacks on the government and the supreme power as the main tool, one of which was a newspaper campaign against Grigory Rasputin, who was close to the imperial court. Nicholas II demanded that the Minister of Internal Affairs stop publications of this kind, however, Makarov could not fulfill the emperor's instructions, and the newspaper campaign stopped only in the spring of 1912 in connection with the events at the Lena gold mines. Public opinion reacted to the current situation by spreading persistent rumors about the imminent resignation of the Minister of the Interior, however, the emperor postponed the adoption of this decision. The study of this problem allows us to reconstruct one of the mechanisms of political struggle in the form of newspaper campaigns and assess its impact on the functioning of the "updated" state system in the Russian Empire at the beginning of the twentieth century. The methodological basis of the research is both general scientific methods (analysis, descriptive method) and general historical methods (historical-comparative, historical-systemic), which allows us to create a complete picture of the domestic political situation in Russia at the beginning of 1912. This study has a scientific novelty, since this problem is currently poorly studied and is mentioned in historiography in the context of other plots. In addition, the research is based on archival materials, as well as publications in periodicals of the early twentieth century, introduced into scientific circulation in recent times. The following conclusions were formulated in the course of the study: 1) The Rasputin theme temporarily left the pages of periodicals and did not lead to the immediate resignation of A.A. Makarov, but, nevertheless, significantly damaged the reputation of the minister in socio-political circles. 2) Nicholas II was somewhat disappointed in Makarov, since the newspaper campaign against Rasputin affected the private life of his family, and Makarov, in turn, could not comply with the emperor's request to stop publishing materials about the "Siberian elder".
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Гайда, Ф. А. "The Balkans and the Russian Liberal Opposition (1908–1914)." Historia provinciae - the journal of regional history 7, no. 3 (2023): 991–1011. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2023-7-3-6.
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Статья посвящена осмыслению взглядов русской либеральной оппозиции на балканские события 1908–1914 гг., которые, начиная с Младотурецкой революции, развивались в направлении все более острого кризиса. Проанализированы материалы политических партий и источники личного происхождения, принадлежавшие партийным лидерам. По сравнению с предшествующей историографической традицией автором впервые тесно увязаны тенденции в восприятии внешнеполитических реалий и внутриполитические интересы партий. Автор показывает, что российская либеральная оппозиция (кадеты, а позднее и перешедшие в оппозицию октябристы) в полной мере использовала те возможности, которые появились у нее в результате революции 1905–1907 гг.: парламентскую трибуну, печать, партийные форумы. В статье отмечается, что внешнеполитическая позиция ведущих либеральных партий России определялась их текущим политическим положением и партийными интересами. Младотурецкая революция 1908 г. привлекала и октябристов, и кадетов своим опытом национальной революции. Автор приходит к выводу, что Первая Балканская война 1912–1913 гг. резко усилила интерес к событиям в этом регионе, однако почва для этого интереса уже была подготовлена внешне- и внутриполитическими факторами. Война обострила внутренние противоречия в кадетской партии, приведшие к возникновению экспансионистского крыла, противостоявшего более осторожному и более информированному П.Н. Милюкову. В статье также показано, что эволюция октябристов была связана с их постепенным переходом в оппозицию. С 1912 г. А.И. Гучков начал воспринимать возможную войну с участием России как шанс на политические изменения внутри страны и возрождение октябристского влияния на правительство. Автор заключает, что к 1914 г. многие представители либеральной общественности – и октябристы, и кадеты – занимали в балканском вопросе и в вопросах внешней политики в целом более жесткую и бескомпромиссную позицию, чем российское правительство. По мнению либералов, участие Российской империи в войне лишь увеличило бы политическое влияние их партии, при этом ответственность за ее возможный неудачный исход либеральная оппозиция целиком возлагала на власть. The article is devoted to the views and opinions of the Russian liberal opposition on the Balkan events of 1908–14, which developed in the direction of an increasingly acute crisis, starting from the Young Turk Revolution. The materials of political parties and sources of personal origin belonging to party leaders are analyzed. The author closely links the trends in the perception of foreign policy realities and the domestic political interests of the parties, which is a new approach if compared to previous historiographical tradition. The author shows that the Russian liberal opposition (the Kadets, and later the Octobrists who joined the opposition) made full use of the opportunities that appeared as a result of the revolution of 1905–07: the parliamentary rostrum (the Duma), the press, and party forums. The article notes that the foreign policy position of the leading liberal parties in Russia was determined by the current political situation inside those parties and by party interests. Due to its experience of a national revolution, the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 attracted both the Octobrists and the Kadets. The author concludes that the First Balkan War of 1912–13 sharply increased interest in events in the region, but that interest had already been prepared by both foreign and domestic political factors. The war intensified the internal confrontation within the Constitutional Democratic Party (the Kadets), which led to the formation of the expansionist wing that opposed more cautious and much better-informed P. Milyukov. The article shows that the evolution of the Octobrists was associated with their gradual move to the opposition. In 1912, A. Guchkov began to perceive a possible war with the participation of Russia as a chance for political changes within the country and the revival of the Octobrist influence on the government. The author concludes that by 1914 many representatives of the liberal community (both the Octobrists and the Kadets) had adopted a tougher and more uncompromising stance in the Balkan issue and in the matters of foreign policy in general than the stance of the Russian government. According to the liberals, war as such would only strengthen the position of their party, and the authorities would be made responsible for its possible unsuccessful outcome.
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Kazharova, I. A. "IMAGES OF LIGHT AND DARKNESS IN THE POETRY OF ZARIF GUCHAEV." BULLETIN of the Kabardian-Balkarian Institute for the Humanities Research 2, no. 57 (2023): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31007/2306-5826-2023-2-57-89-96.
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Abduazizov, Husniddin Ismat o'g'li. "TURKISTONDA HARBIY SANOAT QO`MITALARINING VUJUDGA KЕLISHI, ULARNING QO`SHIN TA`MINOTIDAGI ROLI". SO'NGI ILMIY TADQIQOTLAR NAZARIYASI RESPUBLIKA ILMIY-USLUBIY JURNALI 6, № 4 (2023): 332–42. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7829786.
Full textBooks on the topic "Guchkov"
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Glavnoe arkhivnoe upravlenie g. Moskvy., ed. Nikolaĭ Guchkov: Moskovskiĭ gorodskoĭ golova : stranit︠s︡y biografii. Izd-vo Glavarkhiva Moskvy, 2004.
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Vorobʹeva, Iulii︠a︡ Semenovna. Nikolaĭ Guchkov - moskovskiĭ gorodskoĭ golova: Stranit︠s︡y biografii. Glavarkhiv Moskvy, 2004.
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Guchkov, A. I. Aleksandr Ivanovich Guchkov rasskazyvaet...: Vospominaniya Predsedatelya Gosudarstvennoi Dumy iVoennogo ministerstva Vremennogo pravitel'stva. Voprosy istorii, 1993.
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Guchkov, Aleksandr Ivanovich. Aleksandr Ivanovich Guchkov rasskazyvaet--: Vospominanii͡a︡ predsedateli͡a︡ Gosudarstvennoĭ dumy i voennogo ministra Vremennogo pravitelʹstva. TOO Red. zhurnala "Voprosy istorii", 1993.
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Kozodoĭ, V. I. Bi︠a︡l revansh v stranata na chervenite rozi: Aleksandŭr Guchkov i dŭrzhavnii︠a︡t prevrat na 9 i︠u︡ni 1923 godina v Bŭlgarii︠a︡. Faber, 2019.
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Semenov, IUlian. Versii: Smert ́Petra ; Gibel ́Stolypina ; Sindrom Guchkova. TOO "Sovershenno sekretno", 1997.
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Martynov, S. Predprinimateli, blagotvoriteli, met͡s︡enaty: Stroganovy, Alekseevy, Tretʹi͡a︡kovy, Morozovy, Guchkovy. "Pirs", 1993.
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Itō, Yukio. Yamagata Aritomo: Guchoku na kenryokusha no shōgai. Bungei Shunjū, 2009.
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Itō, Yukio. Yamagata Aritomo: Guchoku na kenryokusha no shōgai. Bungei Shunjū, 2009.
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