Academic literature on the topic 'Guerra de Indochina, 1946-1954'

Las instituciones —y los individuos— tienen una memorla en la que hunden sus raíces y que les permite resistir a los vientos cambiantes de las pasiones y de las modas. Es, en gran parte, la conciencia histórica la que establece los valores que sirven de punto de referenda para el presente y para el futuro.Pero, aquí el tiempo actúay erosiona el recuerdo de los acontecimientos pasados, antes de hacerlos desaparecer en las brumas del olvido.Se comprende, pues, toda la importancia del cometido del historiador, a quien incumbe reconstituir el pasado separando el acontecimiento anecdótico de lo esencial, a fin de sacar a luz las fuerzas profundas que determinan el curso de la historia.Preocupado por preservar la memoria de su acción pasada, el Comité Internacional de la Cruz Roja dio el encargo de reseñarla a dos historiadores de talento.

To the French military, still recovering from their defeat in Indochina, the Algerian war was but the final outcome of the "subversive war" carried out by international communism against the colonial empires of the "imperialistic" powers since 1920. The historical analysis does not corroborate this far too unlateral interpretation of the complex and ambiguous relations which existed between the communist and the nationalist movements of Algeria: the algerian FLN in the beginning was no less anticommunist than antinationalist. However, the strategic and diplomatic needs of its struggle against France led it to lean progressively towards the "socialist" States instead of the "imperialistic" West, thereby foregoing its initial neutralism. This has profoundly affected the paths taken by independent Algeria.

Este artigo examina alguns aspectos dos acordos firmados entre o governo brasileiro e dois organismos internacionais, que exerceram controle sobre os movimentos migratórios internacionais no pós- -Segunda Guerra Mundial: a Organização Internacional de Refugiados e o Comitê Intergovernamental para as Migrações Europeias. A constituição do regime internacional acerca dos refugiados procedeu dos interesses mútuos manifestados pelos Estados ocidentais, que visaram a cooperação internacional para dirigir os fluxos migratórios. Argumenta-se que as diretrizes da política externa brasileira seguiram alinhadas ao Bloco Ocidental na conjuntura da Guerra Fria, o que propiciou a recepção de refugiados que tinham fugido de países europeus durante e após o término da Segunda Guerra. A entrada dessas pessoas no país atendia à demanda por mão de obra nos setores da agricultura e da indústria, que se desenvolviam em larga escala. Em contrapartida, destaca-se que as normas de entrada dos refugiados e imigrantes no Brasil caracterizaram-se como seletivas e procuraram impedir a imigração de “elementos indesejáveis”, balizados em justificativas étnicas, econômicas, político-ideológicas e morais.

Este artigo propõe uma leitura da antologia de contos Medaliony (Medalhões, 1946), situando-a como clássico da literatura de testemunho do Holocausto e um marco na literatura polonesa; ensejando apresentar sua escritora, a importante romancista polonesa Zofia Nałkowska (1884-1954). A escritora é impactada pelas experiências da Segunda Guerra Mundial e pelo testemunho ocular como membra da Comissão de Investigação dos Crimes de Guerra Alemães na Polônia nos meses subsequentes ao seu fim. Os oito contos surgem a partir do seu diário e dos rascunhos de relatos das testemunhas da Comissão sobre os crimes nazistas. Este cenário marca uma escrita precisa e pessoal da autora que personifica a diversidade humana desta catástrofe dentro de cenas temporais do horror. Este recorte pungente e minimalista revela diferentes faces icônicas deste trauma aliadas à sua empatia pela memória dos personagens da Shoah: vítimas e sobreviventes.

As relações sino-vietnamitas durante a Guerra Fria constituem uma história conturbada, repleta de episódios de solidariedade revolucionária, misturados com desconfianças e conflitos. De modo geral, diversos fatores afetaram as relações sino-vietnamitas e destruíram a cooperação fraterna entre os dois países socialistas: a Conferência de Genebra de 1954; divergência sino-soviética; a Revolução Cultural chinesa; aproximação sino-americana; e apoio chinês ao Pol Pot e Khmer Rouge. Em 1975, as relações China-Vietnã começaram a deteriorar e, ao término da guerra do Vietnã, Beijing e Hanói acabaram se distanciando um do outro. Entre 1976 e 1978, surgiram conflitos nas fronteiras, culminando com o alinhamento do Vietnã ao campo soviético em novembro de 1978. Quando o Camboja foi invadido pelo Vietnã em janeiro de 1979, Beijing percebeu que perdera para a União Soviética sua influência sobre o Vietnã e sobre o resto da península indochinesa. Portanto, Deng Xiaoping resolveu ensinar ao Vietnã uma lição, lançando uma guerra de grande escala contra o regime de Hanói. Os conflitos duraram praticamente toda a década 1980 até que em 1990, depois do colapso do bloco soviético, os dois países fizeram as pazes e normalizaram as relações. Toda a história das relações sino-vietnamitas no período 1949-1990 pode ser contextualizada e compreendida à luz de dois jogos estratégicos triangulares, um entre China-Vietnã-União Soviética e outro, entre União Soviética-China-Estados Unidos. O artigo procura embasar parte das narrativas nessa complexidade histórica e geopolítica durante a Guerra Fria.

Esse artigo é uma proposta de estudo. Propõe-se a existência de um correlato entre Guerra Fria, Regimes políticos e Usos do Passado como forma de compreensão do processo de constituição do sujeito (no nível macro) durante processos de modernização. O correlato, nesse sentido, ligaria, no seu desenvolvimento processual, as políticas culturais da Guerra Fria e o processo de modernização e institucionalização das disciplinas antropológica, historiográfica e arqueológica; o processo gira ao redor da ideologia do “progresso” na América Latina. Considera-se esse processo como constitutivo do nosso universo presente. No caso local colombiano, esse processo se deu entre 1946 e 1966: fundar-se-ia o Instituto Colombiano de Antropologia em 1954, durante a ditadura de Gustavo Rojas Pinilla. O universo rural se tornou espaço privilegiado simultaneamente da guerra contrainsurgente, das políticas desenvolvimentistas e, assim, espaço privilegiado da antropologia, da arqueologia e da sociologia. Nesse marco, os pesquisadores descobririam “indígenas”, “afro-colombianos” e “camponeses”, ademais do “patrimônio nacional”, “tradições”, “folclore” e “cultura material” antiquíssima. Institucionalmente, privilegiou-se o esquema evolucionista e do progresso sociocultural, o ecologismo, assim como o enfoque racial tripartite. Explicar-se-ia, por meio desses conceitos a gênese da cultura e o passado colombiano. Contudo, uma ruptura, própria da Guerra Fria, geraria um fenômeno notável: só uma parte dessa pesquisa alcançaria diretamente o público geral, não só pelas novas Mídias, mas pela educação concebida por três regimes conservadores consecutivos, católicos, tradicionalistas e anticomunistas moldados pela nova política e ordem global: um regime autocrático, um regime ditatorial e um pseudodemocrático denominado Frente Nacional.

O presente artigo irá abordar um tema ainda pouco explorado pela historiografia: o pensamento político da grande imprensa brasileira no “período democrático” do pós-guerra (1946 a 1964). Análises acerca do posicionamento político dos principais jornais do país são bastante frequentes. Todavia, tais trabalhos dedicam-se majoritariamente a procurar identificar a filiação político-partidária dos períodos e as possíveis estratégias de “manipulação de informações”. Em alguns casos, encontramos pesquisas que se dedicam às preferências ideológicas dos impressos, mas, mesmo aqui, prepondera o princípio segundo o qual os jornais seriam apenas reprodutores dos interesses dos grupos e/ou classes sociais que os controlariam. Contrariando esta tendência geral, nosso artigo pretende explorar a visão do jornal Correio da Manhã sobre a democracia política brasileira durante o Segundo Governo Vargas (1951-1954). Nossa intenção não está em identificar o posicionamento do referido periódico sobre a gestão de Getúlio, já bastante explorada pela historiografia. Pretendemos, ao contrário, a partir dos argumentos empregados para avaliar o regime democrático, apresentar o diagnóstico negativo que este importante impresso carioca faz deste regime, indicando, ainda nos anos 50, seu frágil comprometimento com as instituições democráticas vigentes. Como chave de leitura sobre este posicionamento, iremos relacionar a visão do jornal em seus espaços de opinião com as ideias do pensador Azevedo Amaral sobre a política brasileira nos anos 20-30. Recorde-se que Amaral foi importante articulista e editor do Correio e teve grande influência sobre seus principais jornalistas, notadamente Pedro Costa Rêgo, editor do jornal no período estudado.

O artigo estuda as posições políticas de Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980) relacionadas ao Terceiro Mundo entre 1947 e 1979. Além disso, e a partir delas, enseja reflexões e/ou debates sobre o papel do intelectual na sociedade à luz do conhecimento histórico. As posições políticas de Sartre sobre o Terceiro Mundo constituem, portanto, o objeto deste trabalho cujo problema é a liberdade. Sob o “impacto da História”, isto é, no curso dos acontecimentos do Terceiro Mundo – da Guerra da Argélia (1954-1962), da Revolução Cubana (1959-1961) e da Revolução Vietnamita (1946-1976) – Sartre elabora uma nova concepção de liberdade que contradiz sua concepção existencialista anterior. Se a liberdade na concepção existencialista tem uma base teórico-filosófica, situada no plano da ontologia, ou seja, abstrata e individual, sua nova concepção de liberdade tem uma base político-econômica, situada no plano da história, logo, concreta e coletiva. Em outras palavras, Sartre redefine a sua concepção de liberdade à luz de determinados problemas colocados pela emergência do Terceiro Mundo no cenário político mundial. Sob a ótica do marxismo e do método dialético, Sartre procura redefini-la em seus aspectos econômico (como independência), social (como justiça e igualdade), político (como soberania) e cultural (como humanização, em oposição à tortura e ao racismo). O referencial teórico-metodológico provém do marxismo, particularmente, suas contribuições acerca das relações entre indivíduo, sociedade e história. Os principais textos utilizados são os de Michael Löwy, Jean Chesneaux, István Mészáros, Eric Hobsbawm, Gérard Chaliand e Perry Anderson. Esse referencial nos permite pensar a trajetória de Sartre como uma unidade contraditória e as suas posições políticas sobre o Terceiro Mundo tendo em vista o seu fundamento histórico-social. Sartre radicaliza suas ideias e passa a defender o socialismo; intervém contra as guerras coloniais com a assinatura de manifestos, petições, passeatas e comícios populares; divulga as conquistas revolucionárias argelina, cubana e vietnamita ao público mundial, sobretudo, por meio da revista Les Temps Modernes; propõe a criação de um tribunal internacional para julgar os crimes de guerra norte-americanos contra a população vietnamita. Nessa esteira, devemos entender a afirmação de Sartre o “homem é possível” que contradiz a sua máxima ontológica o “homem é uma paixão inútil”. Enfim, para Sartre, o “problema humano” – a liberdade – somente pode ser resolvido em termos de produção e de relações sociais de produção de tipo socialista. The article studies the political positions of Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980) related to the Third World between 1947 and 1979. In addition, and based on them, it encourages reflections and/or debates about the role of the intellectual in society in the light of historical knowledge. Sartre's political positions on the Third World constitute, therefore, the object of this work whose problem is freedom. Under the "impact of history," that is, in the course of Third World events - from the Algerian War (1954-1962), the Cuban Revolution (1959-1961), and the Vietnamese Revolution (1946-1976) - Sartre elaborates a new conception of freedom that contradicts his previous existentialist conception. If freedom in the existentialist conception has a theoretical-philosophical basis, situated on the level of ontology, that is, abstract and individual, his new conception of freedom has a political-economic basis, situated on the level of history, therefore, concrete and collective. In other words, Sartre redefines his conception of freedom in light of certain problems posed by the emergence of the Third World on the world political scene. From the standpoint of Marxism and the dialectical method, Sartre seeks to redefine freedom in its economic (as independence), social (as justice and equality), political (as sovereignty), and cultural (as humanization, in opposition to torture and racism) aspects. The theoretical and methodological framework comes from Marxism, particularly its contributions on the relationship between the individual, society, and history. The main texts used are those by Michael Löwy, Jean Chesneaux, István Mészáros, Eric Hobsbawm, Gérard Chaliand, and Perry Anderson. This reference allows us to think of Sartre's trajectory as a contradictory unit and his political positions on the Third World in view of its social-historical foundation. Sartre radicalizes his ideas and starts to defend socialism; he intervenes against colonial wars by signing manifestos, petitions, marches, and popular rallies; he publicizes the Algerian, Cuban, and Vietnamese revolutionary conquests to the world public, especially through the magazine Les Temps Modernes; he proposes the creation of an international tribunal to judge American war crimes against the Vietnamese population. In this vein, we must understand Sartre's statement that "man is possible" which contradicts his ontological maxim that "man is a useless passion. Finally, for Sartre, the "human problem" - freedom - can only be solved in terms of production and social relations of production of a socialist type.

Trata-se de traçar as bases gerais por meio das quais as políticas exteriores dos governos de Getúlio Vargas (1951-1954) e Juan D. Perón (1946-1955) definiram-se em suas relações com os Estados Unidos durante o imediato pós-guerra. Nesse sentido, os governos argentino e brasileiro definiram suas políticas exteriores a partir da implementação de uma estratégia de barganha nacionalista-pragmática que abarcou todo o período correspondente aos seus mandatos. Em tal perspectiva, o conflito e a aproximação com a potência hegemônica prevaleceram como forma de negociação do alinhamento na Guerra Fria em troca de aportes externos ao desenvolvimento nacional. Entretanto, apesar de Argentina e Brasil almejarem interesses semelhantes frente ao governo de Washington, perseguiram-nos diferentemente: em Perón, transcorreu de uma relação conflituosa a uma transigência necessária; em Vargas, a barganha trilhou percurso inverso. Segue-se, portanto, uma interpretação pela qual o posicionamento varguista e peronista assume feições específicas e historicamente determinadas.

A la fin de l’année 1946, la Marine française franchit une étape importante dans la reconstruction débutée avant la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale, avec la réapparition d’une aviation navale embarquée. En même temps, le Viêt-minh, mouvement nationaliste vietnamien, se soulève à Hanoï marquant le début d’un conflit qui va se poursuivre jusqu’en 1954. C’est dans ce contexte que la Marine française engage en Indochine peu après, son aviation embarquée renaissante par des campagnes se succédant pendant les deux tiers du conflit. La première série de campagnes ayant lieu entre 1947 et 1948 se révèle modeste mais riche de promesses pour l’avenir. La seconde série ayant lieu entre 1951 et 1954 se traduit par un engagement beaucoup plus important de l’aviation embarquée grâce à l’aide américaine reçue dans le cadre du Traité de l’Atlantique Nord et montre les capacités d’intervention de l’aviation embarquée à l’intérieur des terres. L’engagement de l’aviation embarquée en Indochine ne modifie pas l’issue du conflit, mais se révèle avoir un impact positif important sur la renaissance de la Marine française. Elle l’aide après dix années d’efforts infructueux, à obtenir le lancement de la construction en France non seulement de deux porte-avions modernes mais aussi celle des avions d’assaut et de reconnaissance embarqués à réaction qui leur sont indispensables
At the end of 1946, the French Navy revival achieves a significant step with the rebirth of a carrier-borne aviation. In the same time, the Viet Minh revolts in Hanoi, which marks the beginning of a ten years conflict. In such a context, the French Navy engages shortly after, her just reborn carrier-borne aviation during the two thirds of the first Indochina war. The first series of campaigns between 1947 and 1949 appears modest but full of promises for the future. The second series between 1951 and 1954, shows a bigger involvement of the carrier-borne aviation with the assistance of the military assistance program from United States within the North Atlantic Treaty and reveals a power projection capability of carrier-borne aviation. The involvement of the carrier-borne aviation does not change the outcome of the conflict, but had a very positive impact on the French Navy revival in process. It helped her, after ten years of unsuccessful attempts to obtain the building of two carrier vessels as well as the production of carrier-borne strike and recon jet aircraft

L'histoire de la marine francaise en indochine durant la guerre 1945-1954 ressemble a l'histoire du silence. Peu d'ouvrages traitant de la guerre dans sa globalite evoquent cette question de la participation des marins a un conflit qui se deroule dans une region ou l'eau est omnipresente. Fleuves, rivieres et rizieres sont les centres de vie de l'indochine ou durant neuf ans les marins, professionnels et volontaires, vont se battre avec des moyens rudimentaires au depart. Remplissant des taches ingrates, peu spectaculaires, les marins se revelent des partenaires precieux ; sans bateau et autre landing craft, il est impossible de circuler dans beaucoup de secteurs ou le viet minh trouve refuge. L'armee va devoir faire appel aux marins. Suite a l'experience de la b. M. E. O. Placee sous les ordres du general leclerc, de veritables unites, les dinassauts, sont mises sur pied marquant la naissance d'une marine des fleuves. Celle-ci fait preuve d'une reelle capacite d'adaptation en transformant son materiel et en reflechissant a nouvelles tactiques pour contrer un ennemi mobile, fuyant les combats. Cette these aborde l'essentiel des aspects de la guerre navale et fluviale en indochine et se consacre principalement a l'etude des relations et des rapports de force existant entre la royale soucieuse de son independance et l'armee de terre au travers des operations amphibies et combinees, des problemes de commandement dans le cadre de telles operations. Des cartes et des schemas completent cette etude.

Cette thèse est une biographie de l’amiral Georges Thierry d’Argenlieu (1889-1964), en religion le père Louis de la Trinité de l’ordre des Carmes déchaux.Entré à l’Ecole navale en 1906, il sert d’abord au Maroc où il rencontre Lyautey, puis en Méditerranée pendant la Grande Guerre. À l’issue du conflit, il quitte la Marine pour entrer au Carmel, aboutissement d’un cheminement débuté avant le conflit. Provincial de son ordre en 1932, ce catholique intransigeant, un temps séduit par les thèses de l’Action française, est l’un des principaux artisans du renouveau connu par l’ordre dans l’entre-deux-guerres. Mobilisé en 1939, il est fait prisonnier lors de la reddition de Cherbourg. Il s’évade et rallie le Royaume-Uni dès la fin juin 1940. De Londres à Dakar et du Gabon à la Nouvelle-Calédonie, il est aux avant-postes de la France Libre. Premier chancelier de l’Ordre de la Libération, ce très proche du général de Gaulle devient un amiral incontournable dans la Marine. En août 1945, il est nommé haut-commissaire de France en Indochine. Son mandat est marqué par l’impossibilité de parvenir à un accord avec Hô Chi Minh et par le déclenchement du conflit. Rappelé en 1947, il renouvelle ses vœux, puis reprend une existence monastique.Fondée entre autres sur les papiers inédits de Georges d’Argenlieu, cette thèse à la croisée de l’histoire navale, religieuse, politique et coloniale, ambitionne de retrouver l’unité d’un homme et l’intransigeance d’une vie. Elle permet d’interroger les rapports politico-militaires, l’acculturation des officiers à la République, la place des chrétiens dans la Cité, mais aussi la vision et les pratiques coloniales de la France de la Libération
This dissertation is a biography of French Admiral Georges Thierry d’Argenlieu (1889-1964), whose religious name was Father Louis de la Trinité, of the Order of Discalced Carmelites.After joining the École Navale in 1906, he took part in the campaign in Morocco and served in the Mediterranean during the First World War. After the conflict, he left the Navy and entered the order of the Discalced Carmelite Friars; this was the consequence of a personal evolution that had started before the war. In 1932, he was elected Provincial Superior of the Order. He was one of the main contributors to the renewal of the Order between the wars. He was mobilised in 1939 and captured during the defence of Cherbourg, but he escaped shortly after and joined De Gaulle in London. From London to Dakar and from Gabon to New Caledonia, he held major positions in the Free French Forces. As the first Chancellor of the Order of the Liberation and a close friend of Général De Gaulle, he had a prominent status in the Navy. In August 1945, he was appointed High Commissioner in Indochina. His mandate was marked by the impossibility to reach an agreement with Hô Chi Minh and the beginning of the First Indochina War. He was recalled to France in 1947 and resumed religious life.This dissertation is notably based on Georges d’Argenlieu’s unpublished personal papers; it aims to provide consistency to the itinerary of a complex man who led an uncompromising life. It explores politico-military relations, the role of Christians in secular society, the relations between senior officers and the French Republic as well as the colonial vision and mores of France at the time of the Liberation

L'emploi de la legion etrangere en indochine 1945-1955 presente, apres une introduction rappelant d'une part la creation et l'historique de la legion, et d'autre part, le contexte international, quatre parties s'articulant autour de la notion d'emploi de cette troupe. La premiere partie etudie de maniere chronologique l'envoie des differentes unites en indochine : 2eme r. E. I. , 13eme d. B. L. E, 3eme r. E. I. , 1er r. E. C. , 1er b. E. P. , 2eme b. E. P. . Elle comporte ensuite l'analyse du fractionnement des regiments et les imperatifs lies aux transports, c'est-a-dire la liaison metropole - afrique du nord et metropole - indochine. Enfin, elle aborde les rotations de personnels a partir du recrutement du passage oblige par sidi-bel-abbes et des rotations en indochine. La deuxieme partie s'attache a la place de la legion etrangere au sein du corps expeditionnaire francais d'extreme-orient, et a l'utilisation de ses unites, distinguant les unites classiques d'infanterie (2eme r. E. I. , 13eme d. B. L. E. , 5eme r. E. I. ) l'appel aux troupes specialisees (arme blindee cavalerie, parachutistes) et les petites unites (train, genie, materiel, formations diverses). La troisieme partie traite des difficultes provoquant l'usure des troupes, et aborde par le biais de quelques portraits de legionnaires un aspect plus individuel mais fragmentaire. La quatrieme partie est consacree a l'exploitation d'un cas illustrant les engagements de la legion : celui du 3eme regiment etranger d'infanterie, c'est-a-dire une application du systeme basee sur la chronologie des implantations et des operations, sur le traitement des types d'emplois, et sur les effectifs et les pertes enregistrees par le regiment. La conclusion tend a realiser un bilan de l'utilisation de la legion etrangere en indochine et a ouvrir sur le devenir de cette institution apres la periode de l'extreme-orient
The utilization of the french foreign legion in indochina 1945-1955, shows, after an introduction that recalls, on one side the creation and history of the legion, and on the other side the international context, four parts hinging around the use of those troops. The first part studies chronogically the sending of the different units in indochina : 2 r. E. L, 13th d. B. L. E. , 3rd r. E. L, 1st r. E. C. , 1st b. E. P. , 2nd b. E. P. . It also, includes the analysis of the different divisions in the regiments, and the must, concerning the transportation that is the connection metropole north africa, and metropole indochina. Lastly, it mentions, the rotations of the personels from the recruitment of the obligatory stage at sidi-bel-abbes, and the rotations in indochina. The second part relates the place of the french foreign legion in the heart of the french expeditionary forces in the far east, and the utilization of its units distinguishing the classic infantery units (2nd r. E. I. , 13th d. B. L. E. , 5th r. E. I. ) the call to the specialized troops (armored division cavalry, parachutists) and the smaller units (train, ingeneers, supplies and different formations). The third part, deals with the difficulties causing the wearing of the troops and also mentions, by describing the characteristics of some "legionnaires", an aspect more individual, but fragmentary. The fourth part is consecrated at the exploitation of one case illustrating the engagement of the 3rd foreign infantry regiment in the legion, meaning an application of the system based on the chronological implantations and operations on the usages of the typical employement and on the effectiviness and losses recorded by the regiment. The conclusion tend to achieve an assessiment of the use of the french foreign legion in indochina, and to open a future for that institution after the far east crisis

Parmi les raisons évoquées pour expliquer la défaite française en Indochine, la déficience des services de renseignement à été avancée. Nous voulons démontrer que cela n’a pas été le cas. Lorsque les troupes françaises reviennent en Indochine en 1945 tout doit être reconstruit, c’est en particulier le cas des services de renseignement. Peu à peu, toute la gamme des sources d’informations se met en place, mais a des rythmes différents. Si les services de la sûreté sont rétablis dès 1946, il faut attendre 1949 pour que le renseignement aérien devienne autonome. Il y a un accroissement des moyens à partir de 1951, lors du commandement du général de Lattre. Son successeur, le général Salan, poursuit son œuvre mais en suivant une orientation très technique qui entraîne une perte d’efficacité des services. Le général Navarre va tenter de remédier à cette situation en remettant le renseignement sur ses deux jambes (humain et technique) et tente d’insuffler une « mystique du renseignement ». En définitive, les services fonctionnent et alimentent le commandement en informations qui lui permettent d’éviter une surprise stratégique. Les organes de contre-espionnage de la RDVN, ne peuvent l’empêcher, malgré une couverture totalitaire de la population. La guerre d’Indochine s’internationalise et dès les premières années, de fructueux échanges de renseignements existent entre la France et ses alliés (GB, EU et Siam). Nous étudions le fonctionnement des services au quotidien, aussi bien dans le fonctionnement des réseaux d’agents de renseignements dirigés par les OR territoriaux, que dans les relations parfois difficiles entre les différents services
Among reasons whose explain the French defeat in Indochina, insufficiency of intelligence services has been put forward. We want to show that it was not case. When the French expeditionary corps landed in Saigon, in October of 1945, the new commander in chief had to rebuild the French military structure. It was particularly the case of intelligence services. Little by little, all range of the sources of information was put in place. If the security service was restored from 1946, it was only in 1949 that the air-force intelligence service became autonomous. The means were increased in 1951, during the command of the general of Lattre. His successor, the general Salan, followed a very technical orientation which caused a loss of effectiveness of the services. The general Navarre tried to redress this situation. He developed the human sources and attempted to instil an «intelligence mystic ». The intelligence services were operated and gave information to the different commander in chief, which allowed them to avoid a strategical surprise. The organs of the DRV’s counterespionage could not prevent it, in spite of a totalitarian coverage of the population. From the first years, the Indochina war became international. A productive exchange of information existed between France and his allies (GB, United States and Siam). We study the functioning of services in the daily, as well in the functioning of intelligence agent networks directed by the territorial intelligence officers, that in the relations between the different services

Durant la guerre dite « d’Indochine » (1945-1954), plus de 20 000 combattants français, légionnaires et africains, sont portés « prisonniers et disparus ». Pour la majorité prisonniers de guerre (PG) de la République démocratique du Vietnam (RDV), ils sont soumis à un régime alimentaire et sanitaire qui, s’il est proche de celui des Vietnamiens, fait des ravages dans leurs rangs. Mais le rythme terrible des morts n’est pas le seul choc qui les attend en captivité, où ils se voient imposer une éducation politique visant à leur ouvrir les yeux sur la condition du prolétariat militaire qu’ils forment ainsi que sur celle du peuple vietnamien exploité par le colonialisme français. Désorientés par ces conditions de captivité, les PG voient leurs repères sociaux et moraux singulièrement mis à l’épreuve. Les PG se voient en effet contraints, pour survivre, de « jouer le jeu » de la propagande de leurs geôliers, enfreignant de ce fait leur devoir de soldat. Dans chaque camp, des microsociétés de captifs s’agrègent et se désagrègent, occasionnant entre eux d’importants clivages – encore sensibles aujourd’hui. Tous ensemble, ces éléments contribuent à assoir dès les années 1950 une analyse à charge de la captivité : les PG auraient été « exterminés » par leurs geôliers, fortement « soupçonnés » par leur hiérarchie après leur libération, et immédiatement « oubliés » de leurs compatriotes. Cette triple lecture – ici sensiblement nuancée – forge ainsi, pour les décennies à venir, les conditions de possibilité pour les anciens PG de la RDV de s’ériger en victimes.Mais l’expérience n’est pas également douloureuse chez tous les PG : au contact des Vietnamiens, ils deviennent également les sujets d’une expérience inter-nationale hors normes ; certains estiment même avoir retiré de cette expérience « une certaine vision enrichissante », à tout le moins font-ils part de leur soif de comprendre l’extraordinaire expérience qu’ils viennent de vivre. Pour les cadres militaires notamment, cette expérience est porteuse d’un premier « devoir de mémoire ». Plus jamais pareille défaite réclament ainsi nombre d’« anciens d’Indochine » basculant dans la « Guerre d’Algérie », modélisant « l’action psychologique » subie en captivité dans la perspective d’une « contre-insurrection » à la française. « Plus jamais ça ! » clament également nombre d’anciens PG, munis de la légitimité d’un anticommunisme empirique, pour condamner en France le mouvement de mai 1968, l’Union de la Gauche, ou les massacres commis au nom du marxisme ailleurs dans le monde. Pour certains, l’expérience de la captivité est même sublimée en une forme d’éthique pratique qui contribuera à conduire certains d’entre eux jusqu’aux plus hautes sphères, d’où ils participeront à initier le combat qui prendra son essor à partir des années 1980 pour la reconnaissance et la réparation des traumatismes subis par les PG de la RDV.Dans l’air du temps de la fin du XXe siècle, les témoins vont en effet mobiliser le traumatisme comme ressource pour la mobilisation initiée au nom de la mémoire de leur expérience. Le témoignage devient alors, tout à la fois, un matériau d’expertise historique avec la thèse de l’ancien PG R. Bonnafous en 1985, d’expertise médicolégale après l’adoption en 1989 du « statut de prisonnier du Viet-Minh », et d’expertise judiciaire lors de l’« affaire Boudarel ». La chute du bloc soviétique, l’affaissement du tiers-mondisme et de l’anticolonialisme et l’avènement de « l’ère de la victime », autorisent en effet les anciens PG de la RDV, dont le collectif s’institutionnalise et s’élargit avec la création en 1985 de l’ANAPI, à se reconnaître en tant que victimes et à travailler à être reconnus comme tels. Cette lecture victimaire de la captivité de guerre en Indochine offre au final la clé d’une patrimonialisation relative de leur expérience sur le mode paradigmatique de la mémoire des crimes et génocides nazis… le tout sur fond de réhabilitation de la colonisation française
During the Indochina war (1945-1954), more than 20,000 French combatants, legionnaires and Africans, are listed "prisoners and missing". Prisoners of war (POW) of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRVN) for the majority, they are subjected to a food and health regime that, if it is close to that of the Vietnamese, wreaks havoc in their ranks. But the terrible rhythm of the dead is not the only shock awaiting them in captivity, where they are forced to undergo a political education aimed at opening their eyes to the condition of the military proletariat they form, as well as to that of the Vietnamese people exploited by the French colonialism. Disorientated by these conditions of captivity, the POWs find their social and moral landmarks singularly put to the test. In order to survive, the POWs are forced to "play the game" of their jailers' propaganda, thereby violating their duty as soldiers. In each camp, captive micro-groups aggregate and disintegrate, causing important cleavages, still sensitive today, between them. This triple reading - here considered with nuance - thus forges, for decades to come, the conditions for the possibility of the former POWs of the DRVN becoming victims.But the experience is not as painful for all the POWs: when they come into contact with the Vietnamese, they also become subjects of an extraordinary international experience; some feel that they have even gained "a certain enriching vision" from this experience, at least they express their wish to understand the extraordinary experience they have just had. For officers in particular, this experience take the form of a first "duty to remember". Never again such defeats claim many Indochina veterans who fall into the "Algerian War", modeling "psychological action" suffered in captivity with the prospect of a French-style "counter-insurgency". "Never again!", claim many former POWs with the legitimacy of an empirical anti-communism, condemning, in France, the May 1968 movement, the "Union de la Gauche", or the massacres committed in the name of Marxism elsewhere in the world. For some, the experience of captivity is even sublimated into a form of practical ethics that will help to lead some of them to the highest political level, from where they will participate in initiating the fight that will take off from the 1980s onwards for the recognition and repair of the traumatisms suffered by the DRVN's POWs.In the spirit of the late twentieth century, witnesses mobilize trauma as a resource for mobilization initiated in the name of the memory of their experience. The testimony then becomes, at the same time, a material of historical expertise with the thesis of the former POW R. Bonnafous in 1985, of medico-legal expertise after the adoption in 1989 of the "prisoner of Viet Minh" status, and of judicial expertise during the "Boudarel affair". The fall of the Soviet Union, the collapse of the Third World and the anti-colonialism, and the advent of the "era of the victim", indeed, allow the former POWs of the DRVN, whose collective is institutionalised with the creation of the ANAPI in 1985, to recognize themselves as victims and to work to be recognized as such. This victimized reading of the war captivity in Indochina ultimately offers the key to a relative patrimonialization of their experience on the paradigmatic mode of memory of Nazi crimes and genocides... all against a background of the rehabilitation of the French colonization

La dimension sociale de guerres irrégulières exige une stratégie globale permettant à la fois de combattre les rebelles dans des conditions tactiques difficiles tout en protégeant les populations civiles pour gagner leur soutien. La prise en considération de cette dimension sociale implique le déploiement d’effectifs nombreux, pour contrôler le terrain et pour toucher et s’attacher la population locale. Les troupes supplétives dont l’armée française a toujours usé, se révèlent bien rapidement indispensables. Leur utilité est économique, militaire et sociale. Economiquement, un supplétif coûte jusqu'à dix fois moins qu’un soldat régulier. Les supplétifs permettent de pallier à moindre coût les insuffisances d'effectifs du Corps expéditionnaires en Indochine et des forces armées en Algérie. Militairement, ils sont essentiels dans deux domaines : le renseignement et le soutien des populations civiles. Tirant les leçons de l’expérience indochinoise, les chefs militaires français décident en Algérie de recruter des combattants parmi les populations autochtones. Socialement, les supplétifs sont essentiels pour la préparation de la paix. Les guerres irrégulières ne peuvent plus viser l'écrasement de l’adversaire. Elles doivent surtout garder pour objectif d’éliminer les causes de la guerre. Sans les supplétifs, on ne peut gagner le cœur et l’esprit des populations locales
The social dimension of irregular wars demands an overall strategy allowing not only to fight the rebels in difficult tactical conditions but also to protect the civil populations to gain their support. Taking into account this social dimension implicates the deployment of numerous soldiers in order to control the ground and to gain the support of native populations. The native auxiliaries who were employed by the French army have quickly turned out to be very necessary. Their advantages are economic,military and social. Native auxiliaries cost ten times less than regular soldiers. They allowed to face lack of friendly forces in Indochina and in Algeria. Tactically, they were essential for gathering intelligence and to conquer the support of native populations. Learning from the Indochina war, French military leaders in Algeria decided to recruit among the native populations. Socially, native auxiliaries are essential for preparing peace. Irregular wars cannot any longer aim at the destruction of the adversary. Military leaders must keep in mind that the objective is to eliminate the reasons for war. Without native soldiers the confidence of the local populations cannot be won

In his chapter on guerrilla film-making and exhibition in colonised Vietnam, Thong Win explores how underground documentary film practices informed Vietnamese communist ideology and established support for the revolutionary cause in rural areas of the Mekong Delta in South Vietnam during the First Indochina War against France (1946-1954), and, after 1948. Win unravels the ways in which these alternative film practices dictated by the Viet Minh in Hanoi established a counter-model to French colonial film-making and policy in Vietnam, and how they were also aimed at unifying the diversified regions of the country into an idealised coherent pro-revolutionary entity.

Dean Wilson continues the investigation of colonial Vietnam by focusing on the film Ho Chi Minh in France (dir. Mai Thu, Tan Viet, 1946). This documentary was produced by two Vietnamese émigrés living in France and combined three short newsreels about nationalist political leader Ho Chi Minh’s visit to France on the eve of the First Indochina War, a war which eventually led to the withdrawal of French colonisers from Vietnam in 1954. By presenting the social and film historical context in which the film was produced, Wilson demonstrates how this first indigenous attempt in documentary film-making created a strong visual and ideological connection between political leader Ho and the Vietnamese, projected the possibility of an independent Vietnam to the Vietnamese audience, and thus served the project of decolonisation and independence.