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Journal articles on the topic 'Guerre au Kosovo (1998- )'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 January 2023

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1

Tambarin, Marcel. "La paix au prix de la guerre ? L'Allemagne et l'intervention de l'OTAN au Kosovo (1998-1999)." Études Germaniques 254, no. 2 (2009): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eger.254.0471.

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2

Lafontaine, Annie. "Réfugié ou « Local Staff »?" Anthropologie et Sociétés 26, no. 1 (March 27, 2003): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/000704ar.

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Résumé Cet article porte sur les implications individuelles et collectives du passage du statut de réfugié à celui de « local staff ». En effet, certains Albanais du Kosovo sont passés d’un statut à l’autre durant la guerre, après celle-ci et lors de l’exode massif du Kosovo au printemps 1999. En prenant l’exemple d’une femme en particulier, l’article étudie d’abord les relations entre les dimensions normatives et subjectives des statuts de réfugié et de local staff pour montrer ensuite comment ce transfert de statut entraîne deux phénomènes. D’une part, il permet l’acquisition de pouvoirs socio-économique, politique et familial qui avaient été, dans l’expérience de l’exil et du refuge, réduits au minimum. D’autre part, il provoque, surtout chez les femmes dans la vingtaine, des remises en question des mentalités et des valeurs qui ont largement contribué à la constitution d’une résistance des Albanais du Kosovo au régime yougoslave pendant les décennies 1980 et 1990. Finalement, ce statut, quoique temporaire, étant donné qu’il est lié à la présence éphémère des organisations étrangères au Kosovo, est un facteur de changement social qui ébranle certaines bases identitaires telles que l’organisation familiale albanaise.

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3

O’Meara, Dan, and Valeisha Sobhee. "Grande-Bretagne." Études internationales 35, no. 1 (June 8, 2004): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/008449ar.

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Résumé Cet article étudie les termes dans lesquels l’État britannique a construit, à partir de l’entrée en fonction du gouvernement travailliste de Tony Blair en 1997, les valeurs profondes de l’« identité nationale britannique » dans un contexte global en évolution. Les auteurs tracent les façons dont le gouvernement Blair, de la guerre au Kosovo à l’invasion de l’Irak, s’est servi de ces valeurs profondes afin d’élaborer et de mettre en vigueur une nouvelle doctrine de sécurité nationale. L’article apporte une réponse partielle à la question de savoir comment un gouvernement engagé par sa rhétorique dans un programme privilégiant la solution pacifique des conflits internationaux, le multilatéralisme, l’ordre, la justice et le respect du droit international, a pu recourir à la guerre trois fois au cours d’une période de quatre ans, avec une fréquence et un empressement dépassant ceux de tous les gouvernements britanniques depuis 1945.

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4

Fontanieu, Pierre, and Pierre Coste. "Guerre et paix au Kosovo et ailleurs ...." Autres Temps. Les cahiers du christianisme social 64, no. 1 (1999): 70–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/chris.1999.2167.

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5

Rufin, Jean-Christophe. "Les humanitaires et la guerre du Kosovo." Le Débat 106, no. 4 (1999): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/deba.106.0003.

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6

Ildefonse, Frédérique. "Kosovo : photographies d'Alain Keler, 1998, 1999." Vacarme 9, no. 3 (1999): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/vaca.009.0026.

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7

Troebst, Stefan. "The Kosovo War, Round One:1998." Comparative Southeast European Studies 48, no. 3-4 (March 1, 1999): 156–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-1999-483-403.

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8

Nahoum-Grappe, Véronique. "Kosovo 1998-1999 : le sinistre ballet." Chimères 36, no. 1 (1999): 117–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/chime.1999.2282.

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9

Heinrich, Michael. "Kosovo 1999." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 29, no. 115 (June 1, 1999): 186–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v29i115.811.

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"54 Jahre nach dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs befindet sich Deutschland wieder im Krieg; und dieser Krieg wird nicht von einer national-konservativen, sondern von einer rot-grünen Regierung geführt, die die konservative Vorherrschaft im September 1998 durch einen fast erdrutschartigen Wahlsieg beendete. Auch in anderen NATO-Ländern wie England, Frankreich, Italien oder den Niederlanden, sind es sogenannte Mitte-Links-Regierungen, die ihre Zustimmung zum Krieg gegeben haben..."

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10

Dufour, Pierre. "La non-violence et la guerre au Kosovo." Autres Temps. Les cahiers du christianisme social 67, no. 1 (2000): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/chris.2000.2210.

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11

Hassner, Pierre. "Guerre sans morts ou morts sans guerre ? [Les paradoxes de l'intervention au Kosovo]." Critique internationale 4, no. 1 (1999): 6–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/criti.1999.1513.

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12

Cazzamatta, Regina. "Sobre o papel das agências de Relações Públicas durante guerras e conflitos internacionais." Estudos em Jornalismo e Mídia 14, no. 1 (October 10, 2017): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1984-6924.2017v14n1p25.

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Este artigo de caráter exploratório aborda o trabalho de agências de Relações Públicas (RP) para Estados-nação durante períodos de guerras e conflitos. Por meio de estratégias como a construção da imagem do inimigo, desinformação, eufemismos, veiculação de notícias encenadas ou muitas vezes falsas, trava-se uma guerra discursiva com o objetivo de ganhar a opinião pública e legitimar um conflito. Como exemplo, o texto reúne estudos de casos, presentes na literatura alemã, que mostram o envolvimento de empresas de RP nas Guerras dos Balcãs e Kosovo (1999), do Cáucaso (2008) e do Golfo (1991).

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13

Perič, Tatjana, and Martin Demirovski. "Unwanted:the exodus of Kosovo Roma (1998 ‐ 2000)." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 13, no. 2 (March 2000): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557570008400300.

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14

D�rens, Jean-Arnault, and Laurent Geslin. "Kosovo, les fant�mes d�une ��guerre de gauche��." Revue du Crieur N�12, no. 1 (2019): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/crieu.012.0132.

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15

Larose, Martin, and Paul Létourneau. "L’Allemagne et le Kosovo : entre l'éthique et la raison d'État ?" Études internationales 33, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 275–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/704408ar.

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Au printemps 1999, la participation de la RFA aux bombardements de VOTAN sur la RFY a constitué une étape clef de la « normalisation » de la politique étrangère et de sécurité allemande. Le premier objectif de cet article consiste à analyser les réactions de l'Allemagne durant toute la crise. Cet examen permet de voir que non seulement le gouvernement a participé aux « frappes aériennes » mais qu'il a largement contribué aux mesures d'aide humanitaire et à la solution diplomatique ayant mis un terme au conflit. En second lieu, nous analysons ces actions en relation avec la rhétorique du gouvernement pendant la crise. Notre but consiste ici à identifier la part des intérêts nationaux et celle de la morale dans les motivations allemandes. Pour ce faire, la théorie de la guerre juste est utilisée. Nous concluons que si le gouvernement allemand et I'OTAN pouvaient moralement recourir à la coercition dans le cas du Kosovo, la conduite de cette guerre ne correspondait pas aux critères de l'éthique de la guerre juste. Bien que la raison d'État n'exclût pas les considérations morales, la première primait probablement sur les secondes dans l'esprit des décideurs allemand

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16

Seim, Øyvind Hvenekilde. "What happened in Kosovo? 1998–1999. A documentation." Nordisk Østforum 25, no. 03 (October 26, 2011): 303–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1891-1773-2011-03-13.

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17

Lukic, Renéo. "L’antiaméricanisme des opposants à la participation française à la guerre contre la République fédérale yougoslave." Études internationales 31, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 135–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/704130ar.

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Cet article examine la polémique qu'ont provoquée en France les bombardements de VOTAN contre la République fédérale de Yougoslavie (RFY) au début de 1999. Plusieurs politiciens et intellectuels, de la gauche à la droite, ont dénoncé l'intervention de VOTAN comme étant illégale et illégitime. Toutefois, selon l'auteur, la plupart des critiques dirigées contre VOTAN étaient imprégnées d'un virulent antiaméricanisme. Les élites politiques françaises opposées aux bombardements contre la RFY ont perçu le conflit comme une nouvelle manifestation de la volonté des États-Unis d'imposer leur volonté à l'Europe. En fait, les critiques de VOTAN semblaient peu intéressés par les souffrances du million de Kosovars déportés par les Serbes. Leur principale préoccupation était plutôt de savoir comment cette guerre affecterait le statut international de la France. En adoptant cette attitude, les opposants à la guerre au Kosovo se sont faits les alliés objectifs de la politique « génocidaire » de Milosevic au Kosovo.

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18

REICHL, Thomas, Wolfgang ETSCHMANN, and Claudia HAM. "4.2 LA GUERRE DU KOSOVO UNE BREVE ANALYSE DU CONFLIT MILITAIRE." International Bibliography of Military History 23, no. 1 (2002): 210–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221157502x00050.

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19

Lipsius, Stephan. "Untergrundorganisationen im Kosovo Ein Überblick." Comparative Southeast European Studies 47, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1998): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-1998-471-206.

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20

Walker, William G. "OSCE verification experiences in Kosovo: November 1998‐June 1999." International Journal of Human Rights 4, no. 3-4 (September 2000): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642980008406896.

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21

Gajić, Aleksandar. "The nature and the status of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and Specialist Prosecutor's Office: The European Union project implemented through "Kosovo legislation"." Crimen 13, no. 3 (2022): 231–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/crimen2203231g.

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In this article, the Author considers various issues concerning the nature and the status of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and Specialist Prosecutor's Office whose establishment was projected by the European Union (in the field of foreign and security policy) and implemented through legal instruments of the so-called "Republic of Kosovo", with the full logistical and financial support of the European Union. Those judicial institutions deal with key events from 1998 to 2000 and also with the legal qualifications and status under international law of the main actors in the conflict on the territory of Kosovo and Metohija. The institutional and Legal framework established by the creation of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers and Specialist Prosecutor's Office enables implementation of the prosecutorial policy that goes in the direction of the "legalization" of the Kosovo Liberation Army and strengthening the claim of certain political actors for Kosovo independence.

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22

Henriksen, Dag. "Inflexible Response: Diplomacy, Airpower and the Kosovo Crisis, 1998–1999." Journal of Strategic Studies 31, no. 6 (December 2008): 825–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390802373131.

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23

Spiegel, Paul B., and Peter Salama. "War and mortality in Kosovo, 1998–99: an epidemiological testimony." Lancet 355, no. 9222 (June 2000): 2204–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(00)02404-1.

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24

Ristić, Katarina, and Elisa Satjukow. "The 1999 NATO Intervention from a Comparative Perspective: An Introduction." Comparative Southeast European Studies 70, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 189–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2022-0026.

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Abstract The special issue revisits the NATO intervention in the 1998–1999 Kosovo War by bringing together comparative perspectives from the war-affected states of the former Yugoslavia, on the one hand, and countries that supported or opposed NATO, on the other. The authors in this special issue look at the mediatization of the NATO intervention and its ambivalent legacies in and beyond the Yugoslav region. They provide insights into contested processes of mobilization for or against a military intervention in the Kosovo War, focusing on the case studies of Greece, Germany, and China. Moreover, they analyze the political legacies and mnemonic practices in the aftermath of this military intervention by highlighting the opposing narratives of memory politics in Kosovo and Serbia.

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25

Beham, Mira. "Der Informationskrieg um das Kosovo." MedienJournal 29, no. 2 (April 25, 2017): 56–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/medienjournal.v29i2.334.

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Im Zeitalter simultan ablaufender Prozesse der Globalisierung auf der einen sowie der Renationalisierung auf der anderen Seite und anarchisch wachsender Kommunikationstechnologien und -strukturen beginnt sich das Phänomen des „Information Warfare" oder „Infowar" (IW), der Informationskriegsführung, als fester Bestandteil militärischer Strategien zu etablieren. Der Begriff IW umfasst dabei ein ganzes Spektrum von Vorgängen, angefangen von der klassischen Propaganda und ihren Mitteln über psychologische Operationen (Psyops), nachrichtendienstliche Kriegsführung und militärische Angriffe auf Kommunikationseinrichtungen bis hin zum elektronischen Krieg im Cyberspace (vgl. Schöfbänker 1998, l J lff).1' Die im Jahr 2000 veröffentlichte neue Militärdoktrin der USA „Joint Vision 2020" trägt den Veränderungen in der lnformationstechnologie Rechnung und erklärt die absolute Dominanz (,,full-spectrum dominance") über diesen Bereich zum vorrangigen Ziel der US-Streitkräfte (vgl. Shelton 2000). An der Zeitenwende zu einer „Revolution in Military Affairs", die sich den technologischen, politischen und sozialen Umwälzungen in der Ära der globalen High-lechund Informationsgesellschaft anpassen muss (oder diese teilweise auch bedingt), steht der Kosovo-Krieg als der erste Internet-Krieg bzw. umfassender noch: als der erste IW, der alle Elemente der Informationskriegsführung aufweist, wenn auch in noch nicht ausgereifter Form ( vgl. Minkwitz/Schöfbänker 2000).

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26

Egorov, Sergey Alexeyevich. "The Kosovo crisis and the law of armed conflicts." International Review of the Red Cross 82, no. 837 (March 2000): 183–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1560775500075465.

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L'auteur rappelle que l'ensemble du droit international humanitaire relatif aux conflits armés internationaux était applicable an récent conflit des Balkans, suite à l'intervention armée de l'OTAN contre la République fédérale de Yougoslavie. Ce droit n'aurait pas été respecté par les forces de l'OTAN dans plusieurs contextes, notamment en ce qui concerne le choix des objectifs susceptibles d'être attaqués. Un trop grand nombre de civils aurait péri sous les bombes et toutes sortes d'installations auraient été attaquées et détruites illégalement. Par ailleurs, au cours de ce conflit, l'expérience a montré que l'emploi de munition contenant de l'uranium appauvri devrait être interdite par le droit international. Toutefois, même après cette guerre, le droit international humanitaire n'est pas remis en question. Mais il faut en renforcer les procédures, afin d'aboutir à une meilleure mise en œuvre des obligations humanitaires.

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27

Yoshiharu, Tsuboï. "La diplomatie japonaise et le Vietnam (1973-1998)." Études internationales 30, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703994ar.

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Dès février 1972, Tokyo renoue en secret avec Hanoi pour préparer 'l'après-guerre du Vietnam', en se démarquant des États-Unis. Cette démarche répond aux voeux d'une opinion selon laquelle une « solidarité asiatique » nourrit la sympathie pour le petit peuple vietnamien. Elle est facilitée par l'existence d'éléments antiaméricains parmi les élites conservatrices. Après une « lune de miel » jusqu'en 1979, l'invasion du Cambodge gèle les relations entre les deux pays. Avec la fin de la guerre froide, le Japon est redevenu un partenaire majeur pour le Vietnam. Sa politique est fondée sur une aide au développement multiforme, avec le concours des ONG. Elle s'accompagne dans l'opinion d'un véritable « boom vietnamien ». Mais derrière cet exercice de puissance soft se profile, depuis l'origine, une motivation très « réaliste » : l'importance du Vietnam pour Tokyo se mesure à sa capacité à faire barrage à la Chine en Asie du Sud-Est.

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28

Hasani, Enver, and Getoar Mjeku. "International(ized) Constitutional Court: Kosovo’s Transfer of Judicial Sovereignty." ICL Journal 13, no. 4 (March 26, 2020): 373–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icl-2019-0016.

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AbstractThis paper discusses the transfer of judicial sovereignty in Kosovo from a comparative perspective. In particular, it addresses the transfer of constitutional jurisdiction to the Special Court of Kosovo. This court was formed as a result of Kosovo’s commitment to address allegations made by the Council of Europe in a document known as the Dick Marty report. The report alleges that war crimes and crimes against humanity and international law were committed during and in the aftermath of the Kosovo war (1998–1999). It took several years for the Court to be formed as constitutional amendments, legal infrastructure, and other practical steps were needed to make the Court operational. These preparatory measures have been taken, but practical results are missing, and there is fear that the Court might end up like previous UN- and EU-led justice systems, which did too little and were too late to address the culture of impunity in Kosovo.

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29

Zeidler, Kathleen. "The End of Silencing? Dealing with Sexualized Violence in the Context of the Kosovo Conflict (1998/99–2019)." Comparative Southeast European Studies 70, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 310–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2022-0015.

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Abstract This study deals with sexual violence in the Kosovo conflict. Adopting a broad timeframe from 1998/99 to 2019 it analyses the discourse about sexual violence and considers the actors involved, focussing on practices of silencing and “un-silencing”. In 1998/99 international actors, particularly NATO member states, brought sexual violence into their narrative to justify military intervention. It was not until 2012, after more than a decade of silence, that conflict-related sexual violence began to be integrated into the narrative of heroism and victory in Kosovo itself. The author highlights particular turning points of the breaking of silence about wartime sexual violence when for the sake of certain political interests it came to be presented as a threat to the nation. Finally, she shows that aspects of gender hierarchization were hidden, which contributed once again to the reimposition of silence on individual survivors of sexual violence.

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30

CHIFFLET, PASCALE. "The First Trial of Former Members of the Kosovo Liberation Army: Prosecutor v. Fatmir Limaj, Haradin Bala, and Isak Musliu." Leiden Journal of International Law 19, no. 2 (June 2006): 459–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156506003384.

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In its Judgement issued on 30 November 2005 in Prosecutor v. Limaj et al., Trial Chamber II of the ICTY found that an armed conflict existed in Kosovo between the Kosovo Liberation Army and the Serbian forces as of the end of May 1998. It held, however, that the evidence did not establish that there was a widespread or systematic attack by the KLA directed against a civilian population at the relevant time. The first trial of former members of the Kosovo Liberation Army also gave rise to a number of significant developments in the ICTY's jurisprudence relating to issues of international criminal law and procedure, such as the treatment of hostile witnesses and of eyewitness identification evidence, as well as the proof of the existence of a joint criminal enterprise.

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31

Reuter, Jens. "Die internationale Gemeinschaft und der Krieg in Kosovo." Comparative Southeast European Studies 47, no. 7-8 (July 1, 1998): 281–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-1998-477-801.

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32

Head, Naomi. "Critical Theory and its Practices: Habermas, Kosovo and International Relations." Politics 28, no. 3 (October 2008): 150–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2008.00324.x.

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Developing the ‘applied turn’ in critical theory and Habermasian discourse ethics, this article explores whether a communicative ethics approach enables us to examine the justifications for and legitimacy of actions taken by states during NATO's intervention in Kosovo. By focusing on the deliberations which took place in the UN Security Council over Kosovo from March 1998 to June 1999 and the negotiations at Rambouillet in 1999, it will be shown that there are patterns of exclusion, coercion and illegitimacy which not only challenge the claims to legitimacy of the intervention and of the interveners, but indicate the critical power of a communicative framework.

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33

MESSIANT, Christine. "Les Eglises et la dernière guerre en Angola (1998-2002)." Le Fait Missionnaire 13, no. 1 (2003): 75–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221185203x00042.

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34

Valtchinova, Galia. "Guerre et paix - et construction de la démocratie en pays de l’Est. Leçons bulgares en marge de la guerre du Kosovo." Études Balkaniques-Cahiers Pierre Belon N° 8, no. 1 (2001): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/balka.008.0115.

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35

Istrefi, Remzije, and Arben Hajrullahu. "Conflict-Related Sexual Violence in Kosovo and Lessons to be Learned from the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 12, no. 2 (November 29, 2021): 198–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-bja10038.

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Abstract This article examines challenges in seeking justice for Conflict-Related Sexual Violence (crsv) survivors in Kosovo. It analyses the roles and responsibilities of international missions and how deficiencies impact the prosecution and adjudication of crsv by Kosovo’s justice system. A key question is why two decades after the 1998–1999 war in Kosovo survivors of crsv cannot find justice? The end of the international mandates, the large number of war crime cases transferred, unfinished files, and the necessity for specific expertise in handling the gender-based violence are some of the existing challenges which undermine the prosecution and adjudication of crsv in Kosovo. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (icty) established accountability for sexual violence in armed conflicts. This article seeks to scaffold the icty experience by developing an accurate and comprehensive understanding of the nature of crsv and by examining its impact on survivors and victims’ alike. This paper then explores how a contexualist interpretation of international and domestic criminal law provisions can prioritise the prosecution of crsv amid other pressing needs in Kosovo.

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36

Monova-Galtier, Miladina. "Euro-atlantisme ou bon voisinage ; l’opinion publique bulgare face à la guerre du Kosovo." Études Balkaniques-Cahiers Pierre Belon N° 8, no. 1 (2001): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/balka.008.0135.

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37

Earl, Arville, and Sheila Earl. "Committed to the Ministry of Reconciliation: Moving beyond Conflict in the Balkans." Review & Expositor 104, no. 3 (August 2007): 603–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463730710400309.

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When Arville and Sheila Earl moved to Macedonia in 1998, they did not expect to become involved in a ministry of reconciliation. But when refugees from Kosovo began pouring into Macedonia as tensions in the neighboring Serbian province of Kosovo exploded into a major crisis, the Earls were ushered into a new arena of life and relationship that they say has forever changed the course of their ministries. In this article, the Earls give a brief history of how they began their reconciliation ministry and recount their progress to date. They also include their philosophy of reconciliation as well as stories of people whose lives have been touched by the ministry.

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38

Duclos, Nathalie. "Joining the Kosovo Liberation Army: A continuist, process-based analysis." Violence: An International Journal 1, no. 1 (April 2020): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2633002420904263.

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Drawing on semi-directed interviews with ex-combatants from the Kosovo Liberation Army (UÇK) and the archives of the international organization responsible for disarming and demobilizing the combatants, this article examines the process by which individuals joined the armed resistance movement in Kosovo in the 1980s and 1990s. Based on a “ground-level” approach, we emphasize the incremental nature of this mobilization and challenge the widespread understanding that Albanians in Kosovo turned suddenly to armed resistance. We also challenge strategic-political accounts of the origins of the armed struggle, instead of highlighting the importance of chance events. From a relational perspective, we demonstrate the significance of the repression that those involved in armed violence had experienced, either personally or collectively. Individual decisions to join the armed conflict of 1998–1999 took place in a continuum, following on from earlier periods that had been marked by excessive state violence.

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39

Lipsius, Stephan. "Kommunistische Parteien in Albanien und Kosovo - Vorbild Enver Hoxha?" Comparative Southeast European Studies 47, no. 10-11 (October 1, 1998): 536–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-1998-4710-1104.

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40

Reuter, Jens. "Die innere Situation Serbiens 1998 - Politische Säuberungen im Windschatten der Kosovo-Krise." Comparative Southeast European Studies 48, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1999): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-1999-481-202.

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Clayer, Nathalie. "Islam et identité nationale dans l’espace albanais (Albanie, Macédoine, Kosovo) 1989-1998." Archives de sciences sociales des religions, no. 115 (October 1, 2001): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.18443.

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Pawłowski, Konrad Łukasz. "Strategies and Goals of Russian Diplomacy During the Kosovo Conflict (1998-1999)." Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia 24, no. 1 (June 7, 2018): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/k.2017.24.1.41.

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Hajdari, Azem. "Several Characteristics Of The Special International Court For Kosovo." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 19 (July 29, 2016): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n19p147.

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The Special International Court for Kosovo (hereinafter the Special Court) has been established for adjudication of cross-border and international crimes alleged to have been committed in Kosovo during the period of time January 1, 1998-December 31, 2000. This court consists of Specialized Chambers and the Office of Specialized Prosecutor and they shall be able to conduct investigations, criminal prosecutions and trials of persons alleged to have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity. The Special Court shall perform its activities in Kosovo and in The Kingdom of Netherlands. This court has in its focus the adjudication of crimes included in the Report of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe DOK 12462 dated January 7, 2011, crimes reported by Swiss Senator Dick Marty. The Special Court is expected to solve the sustainability of charges on organ trafficking and other serious crimes committed by influential individuals within former KLA, charges which shall be considered a great obstacle in developing and integrating Kosovo processes. In this short scientific paper shall be discussed about the meaning of The Special Court, its jurisdiction, punishments, their execution, the cooperation of this court with national and international institutions etc.

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Todorović, Zoran D. "The Role of the Ministry of the Interior of the Republic of Serbia in the Conduct of Ethnic Cleansing of the Albanian Population in Kosovo and Metohija From 1998 to 1999." Kriminalističke teme 22, no. 1 (November 29, 2022): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.51235/kt.2022.22.1.73.

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The paper presents a short chronology of the political conflict in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija (Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo, until the constitutional changes of 1989), which in the 1990s turned into an armed conflict in which the security forces of the Republic of Serbia from October 1998 to June 1999, carried out a planned action of ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians. In the action, several thousand Albanian civilians were executed extrajudicially and between 800,000 and 850,000 Albanians were forcefully expelled to Macedonia, Montenegro, Albania and Bosnia and Herzegovina. This paper is based on the final judgments of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) by which the highest state officials and military and police generals in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia were convicted of joint criminal enterprise aimed at altering the ethnic structure in at least 13 Kosovo municipalities, especially in the period of the NATO alliance campaign from March 24 to June 12, 1999. The role of the Ministry of Interior in the joint criminal enterprise (JCE), as established by the ICTY judgments to the then Ministry of Interior leaders: Vlastimir Đordđević, head of the Public Security Department, Sreten Lukić, head of the Ministry of Interior Staff for Kosovo, (Vlajko Stojiljković, the Minister of Interior, was also accused, but he committed suicide in 2002) - is undoubted. Therefore, it calls for a public analysis and presentation of the role of this part of the repressive apparatus of the state of Serbia in the ethnic cleansing of Kosovo Albanians, as well as its role in the planned and systematic concealment of crimes. The concealment of the crime was conducted from March to June 1999 by the Ministry of Interior forces through secret operations of transfer of bodies of Kosovo Albanians from primary graves in Kosovo and their burial in mass graves at secret locations in Serbia. Three graves were discovered in 2001 and one in 2013, with the assumption that there are more because they are looking for another 1,086 Albanian victims and 562 victims of Serbs, Roma, Bosniaks, Egyptians, Ashkali and others.

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Kajtazi-Testa, Laura, and Christopher J. Hewer. "Ambiguous loss and incomplete abduction narratives in Kosovo." Clinical Child Psychology and Psychiatry 23, no. 2 (February 7, 2018): 333–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1359104518755221.

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Ten mothers of men and boys who were abducted and listed as missing during the war in Kosovo in 1998/1999 were interviewed in Kosovo in the spring of 2012. Although the missing are presumed dead by the authorities, the mothers continue to live in a state of emotional ambiguity where a presumption of death is balanced with the hope of being reunited. In the absence of absolute proof, finding the remains of their loved ones becomes a major preoccupation. Using a social phenomenological approach, this study explored the social and political complexities existing within the life-world of these women. The findings suggest that they live in a continual state of psychological distress, and even when remains are returned, the unknown elements of the narrative of their abduction and murder only add to their distress and force many into self-imposed emotional exile away from community and close family.

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Nikolic-Ristanovic, Vesna, Una Radovanovic, and Milica Popovic. "The Kosovo memory book as an example of the recording of war victimisation: Methodology and importance for establishing the facts about the past, collective memory and reconciliation." Temida 16, no. 3-4 (2013): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem1304117n.

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The aim of this paper is the presentation and analysis of the data collection methodology and content of the first volume of the Kosovo Memory Book 1998-2000, as an example of collecting and displaying data of war victimisation from the territory of the former Yugoslavia. Analysis of the Kosovo Memory Book is done in the context of so far development of methodology of data collection about war casualities, with examination of effects that data presented in the book may have on both victims and restoring of broken relationships among people. First, it provides an overview of the methodology used and data obtained, and then the methodology and data, as well as images of conflicts that established data provide and their consequences are discussed and analyzed.

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Ker-Lindsay, James. "From autonomy to independence: the evolution of international thinking on Kosovo, 1998–2005." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 11, no. 2 (June 2009): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448950902920780.

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Sula-Raxhimi, Enkelejda. "Reading the Present Through the Past: The Roma in Postwar Kosovo." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 2 (March 2019): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.23.

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AbstractThis article explores the relationship between memory, political violence, and identity among the Roma minorities in Kosovo. In the aftermath of the 1998–1999 conflict in Kosovo, countless Roma were forced to escape Albanian retaliation, accused of being Serb collaborators. Many had to resettle in enclaves near Fushë Kosovë on the outskirts of Kosovo’s capital Prishtina, others left for Serbian-controlled northern Kosovo or to neighboring countries or to Western Europe. Through an ethnographic investigation with displaced Roma families around Prishtina and in Prizren, the article examines how the communities mobilize collective memories of the violent past to adapt to a new political situation, find their place, and navigate their present within Kosovo’s social, economic, and political landscape. It shows that the past is a constant reminder of compromised loyalties toward the majority group, which in turn dictates their (non)relations. Roma voices and narratives about the violent past are not part of the dominant and official discourse; they are counter-memories, telling a story that is silenced and unrecognized by the majority.

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Nielsen, Christian Axboe. "Serbian Historiography after 1991." Contemporary European History 29, no. 1 (November 12, 2019): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731900033x.

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Few countries in Europe have witnessed as much turbulence during the past quarter century as the seven states which emerged from socialist Yugoslavia after it dissolved amidst a catastrophic series of wars of succession. Although actual armed conflict only took place in Serbia (then still including Kosovo in the rump state Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) in 1998 and 1999, Serbia directly participated in the wars of Yugoslav succession beginning in 1991 in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and then finally in Kosovo. For nearly a decade from 1992 until 2001 Serbia's economy languished under the combination of a kleptocratic regime, expensive and protracted military engagements and international sanctions. The long Serbian transition entered a new phase in October 2000, when Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević was ousted by a very heterogeneous political coalition whose leaders shared only an intense antipathy for Milošević. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was transformed into the short-lived state union of Serbia and Montenegro, which disappeared when Montenegro declared its independence in 2006, followed by Kosovo in 2008.

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Wood, Steve. "German Foreign and Security Policy after Kohl and Kosovo." Government and Opposition 37, no. 2 (April 2002): 250–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00097.

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What Does A Government New To Office Do When The Idealistic principles that guided its members in opposition face the hard realities of power? Recent German experience in the realm of foreign policy provides an instructive case study – not least because Germany's history in the first half of the twentieth century has created tremendous sensitivities in this sphere. Following a history of opposition to German military participation in actions beyond the NATO area, the parties of Germany's political left were immediately confronted with the need to make decisions on foreign and security policy when they were elected to govern in 1998. Pacifist principles or aspirations proved unsustainable in practice, and a policy consistent with that pursued by the outgoing conservative-liberal coalition was adopted. The new government developed a pragmatic foreign policy, incorporating the use of military means, notwithstanding the existence of a domestic political culture suspicious of the employment of military force.

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