Academic literature on the topic 'Guerre de Gaza (2008-2009)'

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Journal articles on the topic "Guerre de Gaza (2008-2009)"

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Vieira, José Rodolfo. "OPERAÇÃO CAST LEAD." Fênix - Revista de História e Estudos Culturais 18, no. 1 (June 28, 2021): 325–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.35355/revistafenix.v18i1.1064.

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O objetivo desse artigo consiste em observar o trabalho do jornalista e quadrinista estadunidense Joe Sacco, intitulado Notas sobre Gaza. Nesse trabalho, o autor, por meio de várias entrevistas tenta rememorar os acontecimentos nas aldeias de Khan Younis e Rafah, ambas na Faixa de Gaza, acerca do massacre de novembro de 1956, diante dos litígios que darão início à Guerra de Suez de 1956. No entanto, além de representar a memória dos palestinos que vivenciaram os acontecimentos de 1956, o trabalho de Sacco entrecruza com os acontecimentos que condizem com o período de produção de seu trabalho (2002-2009). Nesse artigo, nossa atenção estará voltada para a Operação Cast Lead, que aconteceu entre o final de 2008 e início de 2009. Para isso, utilizaremos como base teórica o conceito de representações do historiador francês Roger Chartier a fim de analisarmos os sistemas de representações que estavam sendo produzidos concomitante ao período de produção de Notas sobre Gaza.
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Chaufan, Claudia, and Khaleel Isa. "Heal thyself: Dealing with trauma work - Gaza 2008/2009." Health: An Interdisciplinary Journal for the Social Study of Health, Illness and Medicine 15, no. 1 (January 2011): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363459309360799.

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Mansour, Camille. "Reflections on the War on Gaza." Journal of Palestine Studies 38, no. 4 (2009): 91–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2009.38.4.91.

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This essay looks at the Gaza war of winter 2008––2009 within its broader politico-military context. At the political level, Israel's post-2005 disengagement policies and initiatives with regard to Gaza (and Egypt) and their implications relative to the future of the West Bank are emphasized. Militarily, in examining the background and objectives of the war, the author gives particular importance to the testing of lessons drawn from the past, especially the summer 2006 war on Lebanon, in the aim of regaining a kind of ““Dahiya”” deterrence based on reprisals against civilians rather than on battlefield victory.
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Tams, Christian J. "Der Goldstone-Bericht zum Gaza-Krieg 2008/2009 aus Sicht des Völkerrechts." Vereinte Nationen 58, no. 6 (2010): 243–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0042-384x-2010-6-243.

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Ponte, Ludivine. "Commémorer la Grande Guerre dans un département de l’arrière : 14-18 dans l’Eure, à la lumière des archives publiques et de parcours individuels." La Gazette des archives 258, no. 2 (2020): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/gazar.2020.5981.

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Dans l’Eure, les commémorations de la Première Guerre mondiale se sont concrétisées, en 2014, par une exposition itinérante. Si la forme du projet n’avait en soi rien de particulièrement original, il fallait que le discours porté le soit : en effet, d’une part le contexte se prêtait à la multiplication des expositions, émissions de télévision, ouvrages sur le sujet et, d’autre part, une exposition avait déjà eu lieu en 2008. Plus prosaïquement, la question se posait de savoir ce que l’on pouvait dire d’un département de l’arrière pendant la guerre. Le dépouillement quasi systématique des séries d’archives publiques ainsi que, dans un second temps, des archives privées nous a fourni suffisamment de matière pour produire un discours enrichi par rapport à celui de 2008 et montrer que la vie à l’arrière avait pu être fortement touchée par les événements du front. Il nous a également permis d’approfondir notre connaissance des fonds et, à travers la mise en lumière de personnages ayant réellement existé, de mettre en avant la notion d’enquête, inhérente aux archives. Enfin, le projet s’est révélé être un important levier de cohésion de l’équipe.
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Ben-Israel, Galit Margalit. "The Impact of Web 2.0 on Public Engagement in the Israeli Home Front (From the 2006 Lebanon War to the 2014 Israel-Gaza Conflict)." International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age 5, no. 2 (April 2018): 52–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpada.2018040105.

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This article deals with citizen engagement and public participation being in crisis on the Israeli home front, in the era of Web 2.0. Since 2004, Web 2.0 characterizes changes that allow users to interact and collaborate with each other in a social media dialogue as creators of user-generated content in social networking sites: Facebook, Twitter, blogs, wikis, YouTube, hosted services, applications, WhatsApp, etc. Since 2006, Israel is involved in asymmetric conflicts. The research defines the impact of Web 2.0 on public engagement in the Israeli home front. The case studies examined in the research are: 1) The 2006 Lebanon War (July-August 2006); 2) The Gaza War (27 December 2008 and ended on 18 January 2009); 3) Operation Pillar of Defense (November 2012); and 4) The 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict.
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Venturini, Gabriella. "L'operazione militare di Israele contro Gaza e il diritto internazionale umanitario." DIRITTI UMANI E DIRITTO INTERNAZIONALE, no. 2 (July 2009): 309–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/dudi2009-002004.

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- The Israeli armed action in the Gaza Strip between December 27, 2008 and January 18, 2009 has prompted vehement protests of the public, especially in the Arab Countries and in Europe. The reaction of international institutions has varied. While the UN Human Rights Council strongly censured Israel, placing light blame on the rocket attacks made from Gaza against Israeli towns, the UN Security Council was much more measured in itsresponde. Generally speaking, ius in bello (or International Humanitarian Law, IHL) was not extensively addressed by the international institutions, which instead focused their debates on the legitimacy of the use of force. For different reasons, neither Israel nor Hamas is bound by the most relevant IHL Conventions on the conduct of hostilities during armed conflict. The broad rules of customary international law prove barely adequate to restrain the use of means and methods of combat in asymmetrical conflicts. Although the victims may have recourse to domestic (Israeli) jurisdiction to redress their losses, the military action in Gaza will have long lasting negative consequences in the troubled area of Palestine.
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Klein, Alberto Carlos Augusto, and Regina Krauss. "Fotografia, imaginário e os lugares do Outro: um passeio por imagens do ataque israelense à Faixa de Gaza." Comunicação Mídia e Consumo 9, no. 25 (September 26, 2012): 179–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18568/cmc.v9i25.316.

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Este trabalho apresenta a análise da cobertura imagética do maior ataque israelense à faixa de Gaza nas capas da Folha de S. Paulo entre dezembro de 2008 e fevereiro de 2009. A partir dos esquemas de representação escolhidos na edição fotográfica do jornal, atenta para a caracterização dos lados envolvidos utilizando como subsídio os conceitos de teóricos da imagem, além das noções de estereótipo e arquétipo, para compreender de que modo se elabora a construção da Alteridade na oposição Ocidente versus Oriente.
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Naem, Fadel, Hashem Mansour, and Khamis Elessi. "Comparison between the Incidence of Congenital Abnormalities amongst Newborns in Gaza Strip One Year before the 2008 - 2009 War on Gaza and One Year after the 2008 - 2009 War on Gaza = مقارنة حدوث تشوه خلقي بين حديثي الولادة في قطاع غزة سنة قبل و سنة بعد الحرب على غزة عامي 2008 و 2009." Jordan Medical Journal 49, no. 3 (September 2015): 167–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0024908.

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Sandrup, Therese. "When the Outrage Becomes Personal, and the Urge to Act Unbearable." Conflict and Society 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2018.040106.

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In this article, I draw on ethnographic data from previous fieldworks among Turkish immigrant families in a Norwegian suburb (2008–2009) and, more recently, on preventative actions against radicalization (2015–2016). As point of departure, I outline two events considered morally outrageous by many of my interlocutors: the Gaza War (2008–2009) and the repression of the Syrian civil uprising in 2011. By contextualizing moral outrage and analyzing certain incidents as “triggers” among people who are already outraged, I aim at providing a better understanding of that emotion’s generic power. I will also give an example of how a “trigger” incident can provide an emotional outlet. In seeing moral outrage as a kind of “prism” through which people negotiate values around right and wrong, good and bad, I will argue that these negotiations might as well result in generating emotional relief and to restored integrity.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Guerre de Gaza (2008-2009)"

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Fardjaoui, Boualem. "La guerre à gaza 2008/2009 ou l'opération " Plomb durci " dans la presse quotidienne : un discours français ?" Thesis, Lille 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LIL30052.

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Le conflit à Gaza de l’hiver 2008-2009 paraît au premier abord comme un conflit entre Israël et le Hamas palestinien. Mais la presse en a fait un conflit à dimension régionale et internationale. La presse s’est plus orientée vers les sujets de géopolitique et des relations internationales. Les journaux étudiés explorent pratiquement les mêmes thèmes, mais ne partagent pas toujours les mêmes conclusions. L’une des caractéristiques de la couverture faite par la presse est l’intervention des points de vue dans l’information.Les journalistes mettent souvent en évidence leurs prises de position. Du point de vue de la théorie des Relations internationales, l'action européenne, égyptienne et parfois même iranienne est dictée par une approche réaliste des relations internationales favorisant le dialogue et le partage des intérêts. Alors que l'action des États-Unis de l'époque de George BUSH fils à une approche idéaliste, idéologique et rigide qui exclut tous les acteurs étatiques ou non étatiques de la résolution de ce conflit. Le conflit s’est déroulé dans un contexte international privé d'autorité suprême qui impose l'ordre, l'ONU n'ayant qu'un rôle humanitaire lors de ce conflit. Le conflit prend une dimension autre que politique, une partie des intervenants soulignent une dimension religieuse, voire l’enjeu de civilisation.La presse manque de recul et d’analyse historique. Elle ne contextualise pas les évènements. C’est une constatation sur le conflit israélo-palestinien en général. En fin, la presse accorde une part importante au conflit à Gaza malgré la désaffection d’un nombre de plus en plus élevé de Français. Ce constat pousse la presse à donner de moins en moins de visibilité à ce conflit
The conflict in Gaza in the winter of 2008-2009 seems at first primarily as a conflict between Israel and the Palestinian Hamas. But the press has given it regional and international dimensions. The press is more oriented towards the subjects of geopolitics and international relations. The newspapers studied generally explore the same subjects, but do not always share the same conclusions. One of the characteristics by the press is the intervention of the viewpoints in information. Journalists frequently expose their positions. From the point of view of International Relations theory, European, Egyptian and even Iranian action isdictated by a realistic approach to international relations for dialogue and distribution of interests. While the action of the United States (from the time of George BUSH son) is an idealistic approach, ideological and rigid which excludes all actors (state and non-state) from the resolution of this conflict. The conflict took place in an international context deprived from supreme authority that imposes order. UN has an only humanitarian role in that conflict. The conflict takes on a dimension other than political. Part of the authors gives it a religious dimension, even the issue of civilization. Press has an deficiency of perspective and historical analysis. It does not contextualize the events. This is a situation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in general. At the end, the press gives an interest in the conflict in Gaza despite the disaffection of a highly increasing number among the French. This observation leads to the release of less visibility to this conflict
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Mansour, Dana. "Pour une culture de la participation des publics : les stratégies médiatiques d’Al Jazeera. Étude sémiotique des vidéos promotionnelles et du site web participatif Sharek : Al Jazeera face à la guerre de Gaza (2009) et aux révolutions arabes (2011)." Thesis, Paris 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA020028/document.

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Dans le monde arabe comme partout dans le monde, le numéro d’utilisateurs des réseaux sociaux ne cesse de croître reléguant ainsi le vieux media au second plan. Ce nouveau media par son accessibilité, est devenu le nouveau lieu de pèlerinage où se rencontre tout chercheur de la vérité. Or, malgré l’absence d’une vraie crédibilité des institutions médiatiques arabes, Al-jazeera était la seule chaîne qui a su gagner la confiance des spectateurs et qui a réussi à regrouper autour d’elle des millions de fidèles arabophones. Durant les révolutions arabes, le quêteur de la vérité a été témoin d’une concurrence de taille entre ces deux sacrées plates-formes, imposés comme alternatif susceptible de satisfaire la soif de l’homme pour la liberté longuement absente dans le media tout comme en société. Cette étude a donc pour ambition d’étudier la rivalité et puis la réconciliation entre « vieux media » en l’occurrence la chaîne satellitaire et les nouveaux medias (les réseaux sociaux) durant le printemps arabe. Il s’agit également d’analyser l’analogie entre la révolution en terre arabe et celle en ligne et d’examiner le potentiel de chacun à provoquer un changement sociopolitique commun
The co-production of information with the Arab viewer has always been the directive editorial line that distinguished the Qatari channel Al Jazeera since its creation in 1996. Over the years, the recipe has paid off, making Al Jazeera the most watched international news channel in the Arab world. The strategic choice of the channel to make the Arab spectator, long marginalized in the media, an ally is explained by a desire for legitimacy by the emir Hamad ben Khalifa al-Thani especially after the coup against his father in 1995. Nevertheless, cutting off from the old regime imposes substantial changes. With the first political debates on Al Jazeera, the status of the Arab viewer changes dramatically. They become actors and participate with their questions and comments at the cost of a simple phone call. But at the same time, Al Jazeera becomes the enemy of the Arab regimes. Over the years, the Qatari channel won the trust of many viewers, especially during its coverage of major crises in the Arab world, like the second Intifada in 2000 and the American invasion of Iraq in 2003. Through its media coverage from the ground in hot zones, it differentiates itself from other news channels. The year of 2011 was a major turning point in the history of the channel. From day one, Al Jazeera covered the rising demonstrations in the Arab countries. The declared war of autocratic regimes against Al Jazeera does not prevent it from covering stories. Aware of the contributions of digital media, the channel gives spectators the means to participate in the creation and circulation of information. The promotional videos of Al Jazeera are a concrete example. Throuh their short form which enables them to travel from one medium to another; they become an object of media activism. As for the digital platform Sharek, it shows how the channel involves the Arab spectator in the process of spreading and archiving information
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Amer, Mohammedwesam [Verfasser], and Jannis [Akademischer Betreuer] Androutsopoulos. "War Reporting in the International Press : a Critical Discourse Analysis of the Gaza War of 2008-2009 / Mohammedwesam Amer. Betreuer: Jannis Androutsopoulos." Hamburg : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1103233386/34.

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Amer, Mohammedwesam Verfasser], and Jannis K. [Akademischer Betreuer] [Androutsopoulos. "War Reporting in the International Press : a Critical Discourse Analysis of the Gaza War of 2008-2009 / Mohammedwesam Amer. Betreuer: Jannis Androutsopoulos." Hamburg : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:gbv:18-78997.

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Rosário, João Carlos do. "A Construção da notícia alinhada: Estudo de caso da Rádio ONU a partir da cobertura dos atentados em Bombaim (2008) e a ofensiva do exército israelita na Faixa de Gaza (2009)." Master's thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/1992.

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Este trabalho é o resultado da análise da mediatização pela Rádio ONU em português dos atentados em Bombaim (Novembro de 2008) e da ofensiva do exército israelita na Faixa de Gaza (Janeiro 2009) e da comparação com a cobertura mediática da agência Reuters aos mesmos acontecimentos. Os dados demonstram que cobertura mediática da Rádio ONU em português é determinada não pelo acontecimento mas pelo envolvimento da Organização das Nações Unidas nos mesmos. Demonstram ainda que o protagonista do acontecimento é quase sempre a própria ONU, através das suas múltiplas agências e representantes. O presente estudo define o conceito de notícia na Rádio ONU em português como um conteúdo informativo que mediatiza as iniciativas da Organização das Nações Unidas e cujas fontes são primordialmente elementos da Organização. Por outro lado, têm valornotícia nesta estação as informações susceptíveis de promover o quadro ideológico que está na base da criação da Organização das Nações Unidas ou que promovam a sua acção como actor político e diplomático global.
This essay is the result of (several) studies of news coverage made by the Portuguese Unit of the United Nations Radio on the Mumbai bombings (NOV2008) and the war in Gaza (JAN2009). The results were compared with the news coverage of Reuters for the same events. The data shows that UN Radio news coverage is mostly related to the presence of the Organization at the event and not by the event itself and that the main actor of the event is a member or an official body of the UN. The present study defines the concept of news at the Portuguese unit of UN Radio with informative content that promotes the United Nations Organization’s iniciatives. UN Radio’s main sources of information are the organization's members and official bodies. The data defines news-value in UN Radio as information capable of promoting the ideological framework in which the United Nations has its roots and information to help the recognition of the United Nations Organization as a global political and diplomatic player.
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Munger, Sylvain. "De l'inadaptation à la réadaptation à l'ère des conflits polycentriques : le corps des fusiliers marins en Irak (2003-2008)." Mémoire, 2010. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/2674/1/M11276.pdf.

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En Irak et en Afghanistan, les Américains croyaient pouvoir appliquer le modèle du stand off (tir de sécurité à distance), une « culture du ciblage » conçu contre un ennemi perçu comme un ensemble de cibles dépourvues d'intelligence à détruire. Suite à ces demi-résultats de succès tactique et d'échecs stratégiques, l'Amérique se retrouve piégée, incapable d'engendrer un ordre nouveau fidèle à ses ambitions de départ: l'Irak est occupé sans être contrôlé. Le fantasme de conduire une guerre sans s'y engager se voit donc lourdement ébranlé, on doit se rendre à l'évidence: l'autre aussi est intelligent. Cette nouvelle réalité amène son flot de re-conceptualisation des définitions classiques de termes comme Guerre, Champ de Bataille, Puissance, Victoire et Ennemis. L'objectif de ce mémoire est d'expliquer les mauvaises décisions stratégiques qui ont été prises au tout début de l'occupation irakienne tout en essayant de comprendre pourquoi il y a eu un changement de cap en cours de route. Pour ce faire, nous allons examiner comment les stratégies (et les organisations) militaires employées sur le terrain pouvaient « construire » des comportements aux effets négatifs ou positifs à l'égard de la population irakienne. En outre, le succès ou l'échec d'une armée d'occupation dépendra en grande partie de sa capacité à se légitimer auprès des populations locales et à isoler les groupes armés résistants, rebelles ou insurgés. Cette capacité, nous allons soutenir que les Fusiliers Marins des États-Unis (USMC-US Marine Corp's) la possèdent. Ceux-ci donnent un exemple d'adaptation organisationnelle et de versatilité tactique à l'ère des conflits décentralisés. En effet, d'une bande désorganisée s'apparentant presque à des bandits de grand chemin qu'ils étaient à l'origine, les Marines, forgés par leur indépendance face au danger, par leur obsession de demeurer les meilleurs et leur paranoïa face à la possibilité omniprésente de perdre ce prestigieux titre, sont devenus la force d'élite de la plus puissante des armées. Ceci fait qu'ils sont arrivés en Irak en ayant une philosophie différente de celle partagée par leurs confrères des autres services. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : États-Unis, Irak, Organisations militaires, Culture stratégique, Culture organisationnelle.
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Books on the topic "Guerre de Gaza (2008-2009)"

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La nouvelle guerre médiatique israélienne. Paris: Découverte, 2009.

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Sophie, Wintgens, and Stans David, eds. La guerre a Gaza, de l'analyse du discours médiatique a l'analyse politologique: L'etat et les relations internaitonales en question. Bruxelles: P.I.E. Peter Lang, 2010.

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I shall not hate: A Gaza doctor's sacrifice on the road to peace. New York: Walker & Co., 2011.

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Palestinian Centre for Human Rights, ed. Gaza photo album. Stockholm: Journal, 2009.

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Soazig, Dollet, and Reporters sans frontières (Association), eds. Gaza, le livre noir: Documents. Paris: Découverte, 2009.

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Eyes in Gaza. London: Quartet, 2010.

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Goede, P. M. de. Operatie Cast Lead: Herhaling van zetten of geslaagd herexamen? Breda: Nederlandse Defensie Academie, Faculteit Militaire Wetenschappen, 2011.

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Amnesty International. Gaza: Hamas' deadly campaign in the shadow of the war in Gaza. London: Amnesty International, 2009.

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Benbassa, Esther. Être juif après Gaza. Paris: CNRS, 2009.

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Lebhour, Karim. Jours tranquilles à Gaza. Constantine: Média-Plus, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Guerre de Gaza (2008-2009)"

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Merriman, Rima Najjar. "Covering Gaza, 2008–2009: A Palestinian View." In Al Jazeera English, 121–42. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137015747_8.

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Gilboa, Eytan. "Covering Gaza, 2008–2009: An Israeli View." In Al Jazeera English, 143–62. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137015747_9.

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"Operation “Cast Lead”, 2008–2009." In The Gaza Strip, 182–85. Liverpool University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jj.4116412.33.

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Jones, Craig. "Targeting Gaza." In The War Lawyers, 157–96. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842927.003.0005.

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This chapter examines how Israel Defense Force (IDF) lawyers came to play a crucial role in aerial targeting operations in Gaza and how they helped to develop a targeted killing policy in the post-2000 Second Intifada period. It outlines the historical roots of the Military Advocate General Corps (MAG Corps) in the creation and administration of the occupied Palestinian Territories. It then shows how in the early 2000s Israeli military lawyers became instrumental in devising new legal concepts and categories to expand the definition of what (and who, under what circumstances) constitutes a lawful target. It further argues that Israeli military lawyers have been pivotal in calibrating military violence in all of the recent major aerial assaults on Gaza, including ‘Operation Cast lead’ (2008–2009), ‘Operation Pillar of Defense’ (2012), and ‘Operation Protective Edge’ (2014). The mutual influence of US and Israeli targeting policies is also examined.
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"The mainstream nexus of radicalisation: The 2008–2009 Gaza conflict." In Radicalisation and Media, 92–111. Routledge, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203829677-10.

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Roy, Sara. "Postscript." In Hamas and Civil Society in Gaza. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159676.003.0008.

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This concluding chapter offers a brief commentary on the implications and repercussions from Israel's 2008–2009 attack on Gaza, and on Gaza's current situation. The devastating assault on Gaza was not only about destroying Hamas as a political force. This was an attack against the Palestinian people and their continued resistance, as well as their continued refusal to accede to Israeli demands and conditions. The Israeli government argued that since all Palestinians in Gaza supported Hamas, there were no true civilians in Gaza and all attacks against them were therefore justified, including the reduction and denial of humanitarian supplies, military incursions and invasions, and the continued assassination of the Hamas leadership.
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"Some Gaza Impressions, Over Two Decades after Oslo." In The Oslo Accords, edited by Mohammed Omer. American University in Cairo Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5743/cairo/9789774167706.003.0013.

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This chapter examines the impact of the Oslo Accords as it enters its third decade. It describes how negotiations were doomed to absolute failure by Israeli conditions, caveats, and loopholes; after Israel's latest wars in 2014, 2012, and 2008–2009, which left more Palestinians believing in armed resistance against Israel's occupation and illegal intimidation. The majority of Palestinians in Gaza blame the failure of negotiations not only on Israel but also on Palestinian leaders. Blame also lies with the United States government, which blocks every possibility of mutual peace through its bias toward Israel. In addition, it lies with pressure, and criticism, from Israeli lobbyists every time the US tries to take a step toward mutual peace based on international laws.
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Bitar, Maher Anawati. "Internal Displacement in the Occupied Palestinian Territories: Politics and the Loss of Livelihood." In Dispossession and Displacement. British Academy, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264591.003.0004.

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Between December 2008 to January 2009, the Israel militaries assaulted the Gaza Strip displacing over 50,000 people. This assault accentuated the already long history of Palestinian forced migration. It created ‘internally stuck persons’ (ISPs) who were no longer able to flee conflict areas to safer grounds. For the ISPs, the Gaza Strip has become a prison which is controlled by outside force. Within the context of open-air prison, the ISPs have become ‘internally displaced persons’ because they are compelled to remain within this circumscribed boundary. IDPs receive less assistance and protection than refugees. This chapter discusses the scope, extent and repercussions of the involuntary migratory movements within the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) of the West Bank and East Jerusalem. It focuses on the physical barrier created by the Government of Israel (GoI) within the oPt. Although the displacement in Gaza, the East Jerusalem, and the West Bank is often triggered by similar and indirect factors, the latter two areas face a distinct set of triggers. A review of the preliminary displacement patterns have shown that forced displacement is both a result of and a means by which the GoI has expanded its hold of East Jerusalem and the prime areas of the West Bank. This review thus asserts that displacement cannot be simply viewed as a humanitarian crisis or a consequence of conflict or Israel’s security needs.
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"Criminalizing Dissent in the ‘War on Terror’: The British State’s Reaction to the Gaza War Protests of 2008-2009." In Global Islamophobia, 211–28. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315584874-18.

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10

Cohen, Samy. "The Eclipse." In Doves Among Hawks, 107–30. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190947903.003.0006.

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2006-2010: during these four decisive years in the history of the peace movement, the movement experienced a dramatic eclipse. Within an Israeli society that had grown increasingly nationalist, more attached to symbols of Jewish identity and the memory of the Holocaust, more concerned than ever about security, and less interested in making peace with the Palestinians, the movement was incapable both of promoting a message of peace and taking a stance on the subject of human rights. It seemed apathetic, paralyzed, almost non-existent in the face of the terrible events that marked the period. This chapter shows how and why this eclipse occurred. These years were punctuated by two large-scale military operations, the war in Lebanon in July 2006 and Operation Cast Lead in the Gaza Strip from late 2008 to early 2009. These hostilities caused turmoil in the Israeli collective psychology and the perception of war and peace.
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